The IVP
Bible Background
COMMENTARY
Old Testament
JOHN H. WALTON,
VICTOR H. MATTHEWS
& MARK W. CHAVAL AS
InterVarsity Press
P.O. Box 1400, Downers Grove, IL 60515-1426
World Wide Web: www.ivpress.com
E-mail: email@ivpress.com
©2000 by John H. Walton, Victor H. Matthews and Mark W. Chavalas
The IVP Bible Background Commentary Genesis—Deuteronomy
©1997 by John H. Walton and Victor H.
Matthews
All rights reserved. No part of this book may be reproduced in any form without written permission from
InterVarsity Press.
InterVarsity Press® is the book-publishing division of InterVarsity Christian Fellowship/USA®, a movement of
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<www.intervarsity.org>.
All Scripture quotations, unless otherwise indicated, are taken from the
Holy Bible, New International Version®.
NIV
®. Copyright ©1973, 1978, 1984 by International Bible Society. Used by permission of Zondervan Publishing
House. All rights reserved.
Charts on pages 821-22 taken from
Chronological & Background Charts of the Old Testament
by John H.
Walton. Copyright ©1978 by The Zondervan Corporation. Used by permission of Zondervan Publishing House.
Cover image: ©hanoded/iStockphoto
ISBN 978-0-8308-6608-3 (diital)
ISBN 978-0-8308-1419-0 (print)
C
O N T E N T S
Preface ______________________________________________________
7
Other Resources ______________________________________________
10
Pentateuch: Introduction
______________________________________
21
Genesis ______________________________________________________
28
Ancient Near Eastern Mythology and the Old Testament
Ancient Near Eastern Flood Accounts
The Religion of Abraham
Major Trade Routes in the Ancient Near East
Exodus ______________________________________________________
77
The Date of the Exodus
Leviticus
_____________________________________________________ 119
Numbers
____________________________________________________ 143
Deuteronomy
________________________________________________ 170
The Covenant and Ancient Near Eastern Treaties
Historical Literature: Introduction
______________________________ 209
Joshua
_______________________________________________________ 213
Egyptian Information About Canaan and Israel
Judges
_______________________________________________________ 241
The Political Climate in the Early Iron Age
Ruth
________________________________________________________ 277
1 Samuel
_____________________________________________________ 281
2 Samuel
_____________________________________________________ 322
1 Kings
______________________________________________________ 355
2 Kings
______________________________________________________ 385
The Western Campaigns of Tiglath-Pileser III, 734-732
1 Chronicles
__________________________________________________ 413
Significance of Genealogies to Postexilic Audience
2 Chronicles
__________________________________________________ 420
Sennacherib’s Inscriptions
Lachish
Ezra
_________________________________________________________ 459
Nehemiah
___________________________________________________ 472
Esther
_______________________________________________________ 483
Herodotus
Wisdom and Poetic Literature: Introduction
_____________________ 491
Job
__________________________________________________________ 495
Retribution Principle
Psalms
______________________________________________________ 511
Common Concepts
Common Metaphors for God
Musical Terms
Proverbs
_____________________________________________________ 560
Proverbs Echoed in Ancient Near East
How Proverbs Were Used
Proverbs as Generalized Truth
Ecclesiastes
__________________________________________________ 570
Song of Songs
________________________________________________ 576
Sexual Metapho
r
Prophetic Literature: Introduction
______________________________ 581
Isaiah
_______________________________________________________ 584
Afterlife Beliefs in Israel and the Ancient Near East
Jeremiah
_____________________________________________________ 642
Seals and Bullae
Lamentations
_________________________________________________ 686
Laments over Fallen Cities in the Ancient World
Ezekiel
______________________________________________________ 689
Daniel
_______________________________________________________ 729
Akkadian Apocalypses
Hosea
_______________________________________________________ 751
Joel
_________________________________________________________ 760
Day of Yahweh
Amos
_______________________________________________________ 764
Economic Changes and Social Classes in Eighth-Century Israel
Obadiah
_____________________________________________________ 775
Jonah
________________________________________________________ 777
Micah
_______________________________________________________ 780
Nahum
______________________________________________________ 787
Habakkuk
___________________________________________________ 791
Zephaniah
___________________________________________________ 794
Haggai
______________________________________________________ 796
Zechariah
____________________________________________________ 798
Apocalyptic Literature
Summary of the Temple-Building Connections to Zechariah’s Visions
Malachi
______________________________________________________ 810
Glossary
_____________________________________________________ 812
Charts and Maps
_____________________________________________ 817
Topical Index
_________________________________________________ 830
PREFACE
Preface
This book is an attempt to fill a particular niche in the vast field of one volume
commentaries on the Bible. Rather than addressing all the varied elements of theology,
literary structure, word meanings, history of scholarship, and so on, we
have focused on the task of providing background information to the text.
Some might wonder what significance background information has for the
interpretation of the text. What is it that we might expect to gain from knowing
what this commentary seeks to make available? It has been rightly observed that
the theological message of the Bible is not dependent on knowing where the
places are or what the cultural background was. It is also correct to observe that
one could gather all the proof from history and archaeology that, for instance,
there actually was an Israelite exodus from Egypt, but that would still not prove
that God orchestrated it—and it is God’s involvement that is the most important
point of the biblical author. So why should we spend so much time and effort trying
to understand the background of Israelite culture, history, geography and
archaeology?
The purpose of this book is not apologetics, though certainly some of the information
we present could find use in apologetic discussions. Nevertheless, it was
not an apologetic agenda that dictated our selection or presentation of the data.
Instead, we are trying to shed light on the Israelite culture and worldview. Why?
When we read the Bible as a community of faith, we want to draw as much theological
content out of the text as possible. As a result people tend to read theological
significance into the details. There is an inclination to read our own cultural
biases and our own perspectives and worldview into the text as a basis for understanding
theological significance if we are not alerted to the differences that
existed in the Israelite way of thinking. The larger ancient Near Eastern world
becomes significant in that many times it can serve as a window to the Israelite
culture. In many cases, by offering insight into the Israelite or ancient Near Eastern
way of thinking, this book can help the interpreter avoid erroneous conclusions.
So, for instance, the theological significance of the pillar of fire, the
scapegoat or the Urim and Thummim can be understood in new ways once we
make connections to the general culture of the ancient Near East.
We have not limited our identification of similarities to precisely delineated
time periods. We fully recognize that the occurrence of some cultural element in
the town of Ugarit in the mid-second millennium may not have any relationship
to the way Israelites of the mid-first millennium thought. Nevertheless, often our
interest has been in merely indicating that certain ideas or concepts existed in the
ancient Near Eastern cultures. It is not impossible that such ideas could have represented
aspects of the general cultural matrix of the ancient world. We bring
them up merely as examples of the kind of thinking that existed in the ancient
THE IVP BIBLE BACKGROUND COMMENTARY: OLD TESTAMENT
8
world. Such information must be used with caution, however, because we cannot
assume a flat homogeneity across the eras, regions or ethnic groups of the ancient
Near East. In our own day, for instance, it would be foolhardy to speak of “European
culture” given our awareness of the significant differences between, for
example, the Italians and the Swiss. We have attempted to show some sensitivity
to these issues but have not imposed strict limitations on the information we offer.
The issue at hand is not a question of whether the Israelites “borrowed” from
their neighbors or not. We are not seeking to discover a literary path and feel no
need to establish that Israelites would have been familiar with this or that piece of
literature in order to employ similar motifs. We have avoided terms like “influence”
or “impact” to describe how information was shared. That is because we
are trying to look at those elements that may simply be part of the cultural heritage
of the ancient Near East. That heritage may be reflected in various pieces of
literature, but the Israelites need not have had knowledge of, or been influenced
by, those pieces of literature. They simply are a part of the common cultural
matrix. God’s process of revelation required that he condescend to us, that he
accommodate our humanity, that he express himself in familiar language and
metaphors. It should be no surprise then that many of the common elements of
the culture of the day were adopted, at times adapted, at times totally converted
or transformed, but nevertheless used to accomplish God’s purposes. Indeed, we
would be surprised if this were not the case. Communication requires a shared
circle of common conventions and understandings. When we speak of “daylightsaving
time” we assume the person we are speaking to understands this strictly
cultural convention, and we do not explain it. Someone from a different era or culture
that had no such practice of adjusting clocks would be absolutely clueless as
to what was meant by the phrase. They would have to become familiar with our
culture in order to understand. The same holds true as we try to penetrate Israelite
literature. Therefore, if circumcision is to be understood in Israel’s context, it is
helpful to understand its ancient Near Eastern form. If sacrifice is to be appreciated
for what it represented in Israel, it is helpful to compare and contrast what it
represented in the ancient world. While sometimes this search for knowledge can
result in problems that are difficult to resolve, maintaining ignorance of those
problems would not mean they did not exist. And more often than not, our new
knowledge has positive results.
Sometimes the information we provide is simply to satisfy curiosity. As teachers,
however, we have found that much of our task is taken up with developing in
our students a curiosity about the text and then attempting to satisfy, in some
degree, that curiosity. In the process it is often possible to bring the biblical world
to life—to help us become alert and informed readers. When information is presented
in an entry, it is not necessarily being offered to help interpret the passage
but perhaps only to provide data that may be pertinent to interpreting the passage.
So information in Job 38 about mythological images of creation in the
ancient Near East does not serve as a suggestion that the thinking in Job should be
thought of in the same terms. The data are simply being provided for comparison.
This book is intended to serve a nonprofessional market rather than the academic
and scholarly communities. If we were to footnote every piece of informa-
9
PREFACE
tion here so that our colleagues could find the resources and check out the
original publications, we would end up with a multivolume work too detailed to
be of any use to the lay people for whom we are seeking to provide a service.
Though we often found it excruciating to omit references to journals and books,
we here acknowledge our debt to our colleagues and hopefully the few bibliographic
references we provide can lead the interested reader to them. We have
additionally tried to be very careful with proprietary information and ideas so
that a standard of integrity could be maintained. Another consequence of targeting
the nonprofessional market is that our references to the primary literature
have of necessity been somewhat vague. Rather than citing text reference and
publication resource, we have had to be content to say, “Babylonian laws contain
. . .” or “Hittite regulations include . . .” or “Egyptian reliefs show . . .” Knowing
that the typical layperson would not have the opportunity or the inclination to go
look up the text and that many of the citations would be obscure and inaccessible
to nonspecialists, we concentrated our efforts on giving the pertinent information
rather than on offering a research trail. We recognize that this will create some
frustrations for those who would like to track the reference for further information.
We can only recommend going back to some of the bibliography we have
listed and tracing the information from there. As an aid to readers unfamiliar with
certain terms that arise repeatedly, we have provided a glossary at the back of the
book. Asterisks (*) in the text point readers to terms that can be found there.
For the lay reader, it is possible that the information will occasion some confusion.
It was our objective to provide information, not to go into detail to show
how that information should be used or what it proves or does not prove. The
reader may well often ask, What am I to do with that information? In many cases
there may not be anything that can be done with the information, but having that
information may prevent one from doing something with the text that should not
be done. For instance, information given concerning the “circle of the earth” in
Isaiah 40:22 may not solve the readers quandaries concerning how to account
theologically for Scripture’s use of old-world ideas about the shape of the earth,
but it will give the reader sufficient information to avoid the misconception that
the text incorporated modern scientific ideas between its lines. More generally, it
is hoped that even when the specific information may not be usable in one’s context,
there will be a greater appreciation developed for the many ways in which
Israel and the Old Testament reflect the cultural heritage of the ancient Near East.
OTHER RESOURCES
Other Resources for the Cultural Context of the Old Testament
This list provides the reader with some of the significant sources we found useful
in developing the information we present. It is not a “beginning bibliography” in
that some of the sources listed are fairly technical or advanced in nature. Neither
is it a comprehensive bibliography—many fine works, even standard works, have
been omitted. However, these would be the key works to refer to if the reader
wants to find more information or discussion on the topics presented.
General Reference
Biblical Archaeologist
. Now
Near Eastern Archaeology.
Biblical Archaeology Review.
Boardman, John, et al., eds.
The Cambridge Ancient History
. Cambridge: Cambridge
University Press, 1970.
Botterweck, G. Johannes, and
Helmer
Ringgren, eds.
Theological Dictionary of the
Old Testament
. Grand Rapids: Eerdmans, 1975-.
Bromiley, Geoffrey, ed.
The International Standard Bible Encyclopedia
. Grand Rapids:
Eerdmans, 1988.
Douglas, J. D., ed.
The Illustrated Bible Dictionary
. Wheaton: Tyndale House, 1980.
Freedman, D. N., ed.
The Anchor Bible Dictionary
. New York: Doubleday, 1992.
Hallo, W. W., and K. L. Younger, eds.
Context of Scripture
. Leiden: Brill, 1997.
Mazar, Benjamin, ed.
Views of the Biblical World
. Jerusalem: International Publications,
1959.
———, ed.
World History of the Jewish People
. Jerusalem: Masada, 1963-1979.
Meyers, Eric, ed.
The Oxford Encyclopedia of Archaeology in the Near East
. New York:
Oxford University Press, 1997.
Pritchard, James, ed.
Ancient Near East in Pictures
. Princeton, N.J.: Princeton University
Press, 1954.
———
. Ancient Near Eastern Texts
. Princeton, N.J.: Princeton University
Press,1969.
Reiner, Erica, et al., eds.
Chicago Assyrian Dictionary
. Chicago: University of Chicago
Press, 1956-.
Ryken, Leland, et al., eds.
Dictionary of Biblical Imagery
. Downers Grove, Ill.: Inter-
Varsity Press, 1998.
Sasson, Jack.
Civilizations of the Ancient Near East
. New York: Scribner’s, 1995.
Stern, Ephraim, ed.
The New Encyclopedia of Archaeological Excavations in the Holy
Land
. New York: Simon & Schuster, 1993.
Van der Toorn, Karel, et al., eds.
Dictionary of Deities and Demons in the Bible
.
Leiden: Brill, 1995.
VanGemeren, Willem, ed.
New International Dictionary of Old Testament Theology
and Exegesis
. Grand Rapids: Zondervan, 1997.
11
OTHER RESOURCES
Books on Particular Aspects of Bible Background
Aberbach, Moshe
.
Labor, Crafts and Commerce in Ancient Israel.
Jerusalem: Magnes,
1994.
Ackerman, Susan.
Under Every Green Tree: Popular Religion in Sixth-Century Judah.
Harvard Semitic Monographs 46. Atlanta: Scholars, 1992.
Aharoni, Yohanan.
The Land of the Bible.
Philadelphia: Westminster Press, 1979.
Amiet, Pierre.
Art of the Ancient Near East.
New York: Abrams, 1980.
Anderson, B. W.
Gemstones for Everyman.
New York: Van Nostrand Reinhold, 1976.
Baines, John, and Jaromír Málek.
Atlas of Ancient Egypt.
New York: Facts on File,
1980.
Beckman, Gary.
Hittite Diplomatic Texts.
Atlanta: Scholars, 1996.
Beitzel, Barry.
The Moody Atlas of Bible Lands.
Chicago: Moody Press, 1985.
Berquist, Jon.
Judaism in Persia’s Shadow.
Minneapolis: Fortress, 1995.
Borowski, Oded.
Agriculture in Iron Age Israel.
Winona Lake, Ind.: Eisenbrauns,
1987.
———.
Every Living Thing.
Walnut Creek, Calif.: Alta Mira, 1998.
Bottéro, Jean.
Mesopotamia.
Chicago: University of Chicago Press, 1992.
Cansdale, George.
All the Animals of the Bible Lands.
Grand Rapids: Zondervan,
1970.
Chirichigno, Gregory.
Debt-Slavery in Israel and the Ancient Near East.
Sheffield,
U.K.: JSOT, 1993.
Clifford, R. J.
Creation Accounts in the Ancient Near East and the Bible.
Washington,
D.C.: Catholic Biblical Association, 1994.
Cook, J. M.
The Persian Empire.
New York: Schocken, 1983.
Crenshaw, James C.
Education in Ancient Israel.
New York: Doubleday, 1998.
Cross, F. M.
Canaanite Myth and Hebrew Epic.
Cambridge, Mass.: Harvard University
Press, 1971.
Cryer, Frederick H.
Divination in Ancient Israel and Its Near Eastern Environment.
Sheffield, U.K.: JSOT, 1994.
Currid, John.
Ancient Egypt and the Old Testament.
Grand Rapids: Baker, 1997.
Dalley, Stephanie.
Myths of Mesopotamia.
New York: Oxford University Press,
1991.
Davies, W. D., et al.
The Cambridge History of Judaism.
Vol. 1,
The Persian Period.
Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1984.
Dearman, Andrew.
Religion and Culture in Ancient Israel.
Peabody, Mass.: Hendrickson,
1992.
Eshkenazi, Tamara, and Kent Richards, eds.
Second Temple Studies.
Sheffield, U.K.:
Sheffield Academic Press, 1994.
Fisher, Loren R., ed.
Ras Shamra Parallels 2. Rome: Pontifical Biblical Institute,
1975.
Forbes, R. J. Studies in Ancient Technology. 9 vols. Leiden: Brill, 1964-.
Foster, Benjamin. From Distant Days. Bethesda, Md.: CDL, 1995.
Frankfort, Henri. Before Philosophy. Baltimore: Penguin, 1946.
Fritz, Volkmar. The City in Ancient Israel. Sheffield, U.K.: Sheffield Academic Press,
1995.
Gammie, John, and L. G. Perdue, eds. The Sage in Israel and the Ancient Near East.
THE IVP BIBLE BACKGROUND COMMENTARY: OLD TESTAMENT 12
Winona Lake, Ind.: Eisenbrauns, 1990.
Gershevitch, Ilya, ed. The Cambridge History of Iran. Vol. 2, The Median and Achaemenid
Periods Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1985.
Gower, Ralph. The New Manners and Customs of Bible Times. Chicago: Moody Press,
1987.
Grabbe, Lester. Judaism from Cyrus to Hadrian. Minneapolis: Fortress, 1992.
Haran, Menahem. Temples and Temple Service in Ancient Israel. Winona Lake, Ind.:
Eisenbrauns, 1985.
Hepper, F. Nigel. Baker Encyclopedia of Bible Plants. Grand Rapids: Baker, 1992.
Hill, Andrew. Enter His Courts with Praise. Grand Rapids: Baker, 1993.
Hillers, D. R. Covenant: The History of a Biblical Idea. Baltimore: Johns Hopkins University
Press, 1969.
Hoerth, Alfred. Archaeology and the Old Testament. Grand Rapids: Baker, 1998.
Hoerth, Alfred, Gerald Mattingly, and Edwin Yamauchi. Peoples of the Old Testament
World. Grand Rapids: Baker, 1994.
Horowitz, Wayne. Mesopotamian Cosmic Geography. Winona Lake, Ind.: Eisenbrauns,
1998.
Jacobsen, Thorkild. The Harps That Once . . . New Haven, Conn.: Yale University
Press, 1987.
———. Treasures of Darkness. New Haven, Conn.: Yale University Press, 1976.
Keel, Othmar. The Symbolism of the Biblical World. New York: Seabury Press, 1978.
Keel, Othmar, and Christoph Uehlinger. Gods, Goddesses and Images of God in
Ancient Israel. Minneapolis: Fortress, 1998.
King, Philip. Hosea, Amos, Hosea, Micah: An Archaeological Commentary. Philadelphia:
Westminster Press, 1988.
Kitchen, Kenneth A. The Third Intermediate Period in Egypt. Warminster, U.K.: Aris
& Phillips, 1986.
Kloos, Carola. Yhwh’s Combat with the Sea. Leiden: Brill, 1986.
Kuhrt, Amélie. The Ancient Near East: 3000-330 B.C. London: Routledge, 1997.
Lambert, W. G. Babylonian Wisdom Literature. Oxford: Clarendon Press, 1960.
Lichtheim, Miriam. Ancient Egyptian Literature. Berkeley: University of California
Press, 1980.
Matthews, Victor. Manners and Customs in the Bible. Peabody, Mass.: Hendrickson,
1988.
Matthews, Victor, and Donald Benjamin. The Social World of Ancient Israel, 1250-
587 B.C.E. Peabody, Mass.: Hendrickson, 1993.
———. Old Testament Parallels: Laws and Stories from the Ancient Near East, 2d ed.
New York: Paulist, 1997.
Mazar, Amihai. Archaeology of the Land of the Bible. New York: Doubleday, 1990.
McNutt, P. M. The Forging of Israel: Iron Technology, Symbolism and Tradition in
Ancient Society. Sheffield, U.K.: Almond, 1990.
Millard, Alan. Treasures from Bible Times. Tring, U.K.: Lion, 1985.
Miller, J. Maxwell, and John Hayes. A History of Ancient Israel and Judah. Philadelphia:
Westminster Press, 1986.
Miller, Patrick D. They Cried to the Lord. Louisville: Fortress, 1994.
Moore, Carey. Studies in the Book of Esther. New York: Ktav, 1982.
13 OTHER RESOURCES
Moran, William L. The Amarna Letters. Baltimore: Johns Hopkins University Press,
1992.
Morenz, Siegfried. Egyptian Religion. Ithaca, N.Y.: Cornell University Press, 1973.
Nemet-Nejat, Karen Rhea. Daily Life in Ancient Mesopotamia. Westport, Conn.:
Greenwood, 1998.
Oppenheim, A. L. Ancient Mesopotamia: Portrait of a Dead Civilization. Chicago:
University of Chicago Press, 1964.
———. Interpretation of Dreams in the Ancient Near East. TAPS 46, no. 3. Philadelphia:
American Philosophical Society, 1956.
Parker, Simon. Ugaritic Narrative Poetry. Atlanta: Scholars, 1997.
Paul, Shalom, and William Dever. Biblical Archaeology. Jerusalem: Keter, 1973.
Perdue, Leo G., et al., eds. Families in Ancient Israel. Louisville: Westminster John
Knox, 1997.
Pitard, Wayne. Ancient Damascus. Winona Lake, Ind.: Eisenbrauns, 1987.
Rasmussen, Carl. NIV Atlas of the Bible. Grand Rapids: Zondervan, 1989.
Redford, D. B. Egypt, Canaan, and Israel in Ancient Times. Princeton, N.J.: Princeton
University Press, 1992.
Reiner, Erica. Astral Magic in Babylonia. Philadelphia: American Philosophical
Society, 1995.
Reviv, Hanoch. The Elders in Ancient Israel. Jerusalem: Magnes, 1989.
Roaf, Michael. Cultural Atlas of Mesopotamia and the Ancient Near East. New York:
Facts on File, 1990.
Rogerson, John. Atlas of the Bible. New York: Facts on File, 1985.
Roth, Martha. Law Collections from Mesopotamia and Asia Minor. Atlanta: Scholars,
1995.
Saggs, H. W. F. Encounter with the Divine in Mesopotamia and Israel. London: Athlone,
1978.
———. The Greatness That Was Babylon. New York: Mentor, 1962.
———. The Might That Was Assyria. London: Sidgwick & Jackson, 1984.
Selms, Adrianus van. Marriage and Family Life in Ugaritic Literature. London:
Luzac, 1954.
Shafer, Byron E., ed. Religion in Ancient Egypt. Ithaca, N.Y.: Cornell University
Press, 1991.
Snell, Daniel. Life in the Ancient Near East. New Haven, Conn.: Yale University
Press, 1997.
Stadelmann, Luis. The Hebrew Conception of the World. Rome: Biblical Institute,
1970.
Stillman, Nigel, and Nigel Tallis. Armies of the Ancient Near East. Sussex, U.K.: War
Games Research, 1984.
Thiele, Edwin. The Mysterious Numbers of the Hebrew Kings. Grand Rapids: Zondervan,
1983.
Thompson, J. A. Handbook of Life in Bible Times. Downers Grove, Ill.: InterVarsity
Press, 1986.
Tromp, Nicholas. Primitive Conceptions of Death and the Nether World in the Old Testament.
Rome: Pontifical Biblical Institute, 1969.
Van der Toorn, Karel. From Her Cradle to Her Grave. Sheffield, U.K.: JSOT, 1994.
THE IVP BIBLE BACKGROUND COMMENTARY: OLD TESTAMENT 14
———. Sin and Sanction in Israel and Mesopotamia. Assen, Neth.: Van Gorcum,
1985.
Vaux, Roland de. Ancient Israel. New York: McGraw-Hill, 1961.
Walton, John H. Ancient Israelite Literature in Its Cultural Context. Grand Rapids:
Zondervan, 1989.
Weinfeld, Moshe. Social Justice in Ancient Israel. Minneapolis: Fortress, 1995.
Wiseman, D. J. Nebuchadrezzar and Babylon. New York: Oxford University Press,
1985.
Wright, Christopher J. H. God’s People in God’s Land. Grand Rapids: Eerdmans,
1990.
Wright, David. The Disposal of Impurity. Atlanta: Scholars, 1987.
Yadin, Yigael. The Art of Warfare in Biblical Lands. London: Weidenfeld & Nicolson,
1963.
Yamauchi, Edwin. Persia and the Bible. Grand Rapids: Baker, 1990.
Younger, Lawson. Ancient Conquest Accounts. Sheffield, U.K.: JSOT, 1990.
Zohary, Michael. Plants of the Bible. Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1982.
Commentaries and Other References
Genesis
Hamilton, Victor. The Book of Genesis. 2 vols. New International Commentary on
the Old Testament. Grand Rapids: Eerdmans, 1990, 1995.
Sarna, Nahum. JPS Torah Commentary: Genesis. Philadelphia: Jewish Publication
Society, 1989.
Wenham, Gordon. Genesis. 2 vols. Word Biblical Commentary. Dallas: Word, 1987,
1994.
Exodus
Beegle, Dewey. Moses: The Servant of Yahweh. Grand Rapids: Eerdmans, 1972.
Davis, John. Moses and the Gods of Egypt. Grand Rapids: Baker, 1971.
Durham, John. Exodus. Word Biblical Commentary. Dallas: Word, 1987.
Kelm, George. Escape to Conflict. Ft. Worth, Tex.: IAR, 1991.
Sarna, Nahum. Exploring Exodus. New York: Schocken, 1986.
———. JPS Torah Commentary: Exodus. Philadelphia: Jewish Publication Society,
1991.
Leviticus
Grabbe, Lester. Leviticus. Old Testament Guides. Sheffield, U.K.: JSOT, 1993.
Hartley, John. Leviticus. Word Biblical Commentaries. Dallas: Word, 1992.
Levine, Baruch. JPS Torah Commentary: Leviticus. Jewish Publication Society, 1989.
Milgrom, Jacob. Leviticus 1—16. Anchor Bible. New York: Doubleday, 1991.
Wenham, Gordon. The Book of Leviticus. New International Commentary on the
Old Testament. Grand Rapids: Eerdmans, 1979.
Numbers
Ashley, Timothy. The Book of Numbers. New International Commentary on the Old
Testament. Grand Rapids: Eerdmans, 1993.
15 OTHER RESOURCES
Levine, Baruch. Numbers 1—20. Anchor Bible. New York: Doubleday, 1993.
Milgrom, Jacob. JPS Torah Commentary: Numbers. Philadelphia: Jewish Publication
Society, 1990.
Wenham, Gordon. Numbers. Tyndale Old Testament Commentaries. Downers
Grove, Ill.: InterVarsity Press, 1981.
Deuteronomy
Tigay, Jeffrey. JPS Torah Commentary: Deuteronomy. Philadelphia: Jewish Publication
Society, 1996.
Weinfeld, Moshe. Deuteronomy 1—11. Anchor Bible. New York: Doubleday, 1991.
Joshua
Boling, Robert G. Joshua. Anchor Bible. New York: Doubleday, 1982.
Hess, Richard. Joshua. Tyndale Old Testament Commentaries. Downers Grove, Ill.:
InterVarsity Press, 1996.
Judges
Block, Daniel I. Judges/Ruth. New American Commentary. Nashville: Broadman &
Holman, 1999.
Boling, Robert G. Judges. New York: Doubleday, 1975.
Ruth
Bush, Frederic. Ruth/Esther. Word Biblical Commentary. Dallas: Word, 1996.
Campbell, Edward F. Ruth. Anchor Bible. New York: Doubleday, 1975.
Hubbard, Robert. The Book of Ruth. New International Commentary on the Old
Testament. Grand Rapids: Eerdmans, 1988.
1-2 Samuel
Bergen, Robert. 1 & 2 Samuel. New American Commentary. Nashville: Broadman
& Holman, 1996.
McCarter, P. Kyle. Samuel. 2 vols. Anchor Bible. New York: Doubleday, 1980, 1984.
1-2 Kings
Cogan, Mordecai, and Hayim Tadmor. 2 Kings. Anchor Bible. New York: Doubleday,
1988.
Gray, John. 1 & 2 Kings. Old Testament Library. Louisville: Westminster John
Knox, 1970.
Jones, G. H. 1 & 2 Kings. New Century Bible. Grand Rapids: Eerdmans, 1984.
Wiseman, D. J. 1 & 2 Kings. Tyndale Old Testament Commentaries. Downers
Grove, Ill.: InterVarsity Press, 1993.
1-2 Chronicles
Braun, Roddy. 1 Chronicles. Word Biblical Commentary. Dallas: Word, 1986.
Dillard, Raymond. 2 Chronicles. Word Biblical Commentary. Dallas: Word, 1986.
Japhet, Sara. 1 & 2 Chronicles. Old Testament Library. Louisville: Westminster John
Knox, 1993.
THE IVP BIBLE BACKGROUND COMMENTARY: OLD TESTAMENT 16
Selman, M. J. 1 & 2 Chronicles. 2 vols. Tyndale Old Testament Commentaries.
Downers Grove, Ill.: InterVarsity Press, 1994.
Williamson, H. G. M. 1 & 2 Chronicles. New Century Bible. Grand Rapids: Eerdmans,
1982.
Ezra, Nehemiah, Esther
Bush, Frederic. Ruth/Esther. Word Biblical Commentary. Dallas: Word, 1996.
Clines, D. J. A. Ezra, Nehemiah, Esther. New Century Bible. Grand Rapids: Eerdmans,
1984.
Fensham, Charles. The Books of Ezra and Nehemiah. New International Commentary
on the Old Testament. Grand Rapids: Eerdmans, 1982.
Fox, Michael V. Character and Ideology in the Book of Esther. Columbia: University of
South Carolina Press, 1991.
Williamson, H. G. M. Ezra and Nehemiah. Word Biblical Commentary. Dallas:
Word, 1985.
Yamauchi, Edwin. Ezra and Nehemiah. Expositors Bible Commentary 4. Edited by
F. Gaebelein. Grand Rapids: Zondervan, 1988.
Job
Clines, D. J. A. Job 1—20. Word Biblical Commentary. Dallas: Word, 1989.
Habel, Norman. Job. Old Testament Library. Louisville: Westminster John Knox,
1985.
Hartley, John. The Book of Job. New International Commentary on the Old Testament.
Grand Rapids: Eerdmans, 1988.
Pope, Marvin. Job. Anchor Bible. New York: Doubleday, 1965.
Psalms
Allen, Leslie. Psalms 101—150. Word Biblical Commentary. Dallas: Word, 1983.
Anderson, A. A. Psalms. 2 vols. New Century Bible. Grand Rapids: Eerdmans,
1972.
Avishur, Yitzhak. Studies in Hebrew and Ugaritic Psalms. Jerusalem: Magnes, 1994.
Craigie, Peter C. Psalms 1—50. Word Biblical Commentary. Dallas: Word, 1983.
Dalglish, E. R. Psalm 51 in the Light of Ancient Near Eastern Patternism. Leiden: Brill,
1962.
Goulder, M. D. The Psalms of the Sons of Korah. Sheffield, U.K.: JSOT, 1982.
Kraus, H.-J. Psalms 1—59. Continental Commentaries. Minneapolis: Augsburg,
1988.
Sarna, Nahum. “Psalms, Book of.” In Encyclopaedia Judaica. Edited by Cecil Roth,
cols. 1316-22. Jerusalem: Keter, 1973.
Tate, Marvin. Psalms 51—100. Word Biblical Commentary. Dallas: Word, 1990.
Weiser, Artur. The Psalms. Old Testament Library. Louisville: Westminster John
Knox, 1962.
Proverbs
Clifford, R. J. Proverbs. Old Testament Library. Louisville: Westminster John Knox,
1999.
17 OTHER RESOURCES
McKane, William. Proverbs: A New Approach. Louisville: Westminster John Knox,
1970.
Murphy, R. E. Proverbs. Word Biblical Commentary. Dallas: Word, 1998.
Whybray, Norman. Proverbs. New Century Bible. Grand Rapids: Eerdmans, 1994.
Ecclesiastes
Crenshaw, James. Ecclesiastes. Old Testament Library. Louisville: Westminster
John Knox, 1987.
Longman, Tremper. The Book of Ecclesiastes. New International Commentary on
the Old Testament. Grand Rapids: Eerdmans, 1997.
Murphy, R. E. Ecclesiastes. Word Biblical Commentary. Dallas: Word, 1992.
Seow, C. L. Ecclesiastes. Anchor Bible. New York: Doubleday, 1997.
Whybray, Norman. Ecclesiastes. New Century Bible. Grand Rapids: Eerdmans, 1989.
Song of Songs
Carr, G. Lloyd. The Song of Solomon. Tyndale Old Testament Commentaries.
Downers Grove, Ill.: InterVarsity Press, 1984.
Fox, M. V. The Song of Songs and the Ancient Egyptian Love Songs. Madison: University
of Wisconsin Press, 1985.
Keel, Othmar. The Song of Songs. Continental Commentaries. Minneapolis: Fortress,
1994.
Murphy, R. E. The Song of Songs. Hermeneia. Minneapolis: Fortress, 1990.
Pope, M. H. Song of Songs. Anchor Bible. New York: Doubleday, 1977.
Isaiah
Oswalt, John. The Book of Isaiah. 2 vols. New International Commentary on the Old
Testament. Grand Rapids: Eerdmans, 1986, 1997.
Wildberger, Hans. Isaiah 1—12. Continental Commentaries. Minneapolis: Fortress,
1991.
———. Isaiah 13—27. Continental Commentaries. Minneapolis: Fortress, 1998.
Jeremiah
Holladay, William. Jeremiah. 2 vols. Hermeneia. Minneapolis: Fortress, 1986, 1989.
Thompson, J. A. The Book of Jeremiah. New International Commentary on the Old
Testament. Grand Rapids: Eerdmans, 1980.
Lamentations
Provan, Iain. Lamentations. New Century Bible. Grand Rapids: Eerdmans, 1991.
Ezekiel
Allen, Leslie. Ezekiel. 2 vols. Dallas: Word, 1990, 1994.
Block, Daniel I. The Book of Ezekiel. 2 vols. New International Commentary on the
Old Testament. Grand Rapids: Eerdmans, 1997, 1998.
Bodi, Daniel. The Book of Ezekiel and the Poem of Erra. Freiburg, Switz.: Vandenhoeck
& Ruprecht, 1991.
Garfinkel, Stephen. Studies in Akkadian Influences in the Book of Ezekiel. Ann Arbor:
THE IVP BIBLE BACKGROUND COMMENTARY: OLD TESTAMENT 18
University of Michigan Microfilms, 1983.
Greenberg, Moshe. Ezekiel 1—20. Anchor Bible. New York: Doubleday, 1983.
———. Ezekiel 21—37. Anchor Bible. New York: Doubleday, 1997.
Zimmerli, Walther. Ezekiel. Vol. 1. Hermeneia. Minneapolis: Fortress, 1979, 1983.
Daniel
Baldwin, Joyce. Daniel. Tyndale Old Testament Commentaries. Downers Grove,
Ill.: InterVarsity Press, 1978.
Collins, John J. Daniel. Hermeneia. Minneapolis: Fortress, 1993.
Goldingay, John. Daniel. Word Biblical Commentary. Dallas: Word, 1989.
Hosea
Andersen, F. I., and D. N. Freedman. Hosea. Anchor Bible. New York: Doubleday,
1980.
MacIntosh, A. A. A Critical and Exegetical Commentary on Hosea. International Critical
Commentary. Edinburgh: T & T Clark, 1997.
Stuart, Douglas. Hosea—Jonah. Word Biblical Commentary. Dallas: Word, 1987.
Wolff, H. W. A Commentary on the Book of the Prophet Hosea. Hermeneia. Minneapolis:
Fortress, 1974.
Joel
Allen, Leslie. The Books of Joel, Obadiah, Jonah and Micah. New International Commentary
on the Old Testament. Grand Rapids: Eerdmans, 1976.
Crenshaw, James. Joel. Anchor Bible. New York: Doubleday, 1995.
Dillard, Raymond. “Joel.” In The Minor Prophets 1. Edited by T. E. McComiskey,
pp. 239-313. Grand Rapids: Baker, 1990.
Finley, Thomas. Joel, Amos, Obadiah. Chicago, Moody Press, 1990.
Hubbard, David. Joel, Amos. Tyndale Old Testament Commentaries. Downers
Grove, Ill.: InterVarsity Press, 1989.
Stuart, Douglas. Hosea—Jonah. Word Biblical Commentary. Dallas: Word, 1987.
Wolff, Hans Walter. Joel and Amos. Hermeneia. Minneapolis: Fortress, 1977.
Amos
Andersen, F. I., and D. N. Freedman. Amos. Anchor Bible. New York: Doubleday,
1989.
Paul, Shalom. A Commentary on the Book of Amos. Hermeneia. Minneapolis: Fortress,
1991.
Wolff, Hans Walter. A Commentary on the Books of the Prophets Joel and Amos.
Hermeneia. Minneapolis: Fortress, 1977.
Obadiah
Raabe, Paul R. Obadiah. Anchor Bible. New York: Doubleday, 1996.
Wolff, Hans Walter. Obadiah and Jonah. Continental Commentaries. Minneapolis:
Fortress, 1986.
19 OTHER RESOURCES
Jonah
Sasson, Jack. Jonah. Anchor Bible. New York: Doubleday, 1990.
Walton, John. Jonah. Grand Rapids: Zondervan, 1982.
Wolff, Hans Walter. Obadiah and Jonah. Continental Commentaries. Minneapolis:
Fortress, 1986.
Micah
Hillers, Delbert. Micah. Hermeneia. Minneapolis: Fortress, 1983.
Waltke, Bruce. “Micah.” In The Minor Prophets 2. Edited by T. E. McComiskey, pp.
591-764. Grand Rapids: Baker, 1993.
Nahum
Baker, David. Nahum, Habakkuk, Zephaniah. Tyndale Old Testament Commentaries.
Downers Grove: InterVarsity Press, 1988.
Longman, Tremper. “Nahum.” In The Minor Prophets 2. Edited by T. E. McComiskey,
pp. 765-829. Grand Rapids: Baker, 1993.
Roberts, J. J. M. Nahum, Habakkuk and Zephaniah: A Commentary. Old Testament
Library. Louisville: Westminster John Knox, 1991.
Habakkuk
Roberts, J. J. M. Nahum, Habakkuk and Zephaniah: A Commentary. Old Testament
Library. Louisville: Westminster John Knox, 1991.
Smith, R. L. Micah—Malachi. Word Biblical Commentary. Dallas: Word, 1984.
Zephaniah
Berlin, Adele. Zephaniah. Anchor Bible. New York: Doubleday, 1994.
Roberts, J. J. M. Nahum, Habakkuk and Zephaniah: A Commentary. Old Testament
Library. Louisville: Westminster John Knox, 1991.
Smith, R. L. Micah—Malachi. Word Biblical Commentary. Dallas: Word, 1984.
Haggai
Meyers, Eric, and Carol Meyers. Haggai and Zechariah 1—8. Anchor Bible. New
York: Doubleday, 1987.
Verhoef, Peter A. The Books of Haggai and Malachi. New International Commentary
on the Old Testament. Grand Rapids: Eerdmans, 1986.
Wolff, Hans Walter. Haggai. Continental Commentaries. Minneapolis: Fortress,
1988.
Zechariah
Ellis, Richard S. Foundation Deposits in Ancient Mesopotamia. New Haven, Conn.:
Yale University Press, 1968.
Halpern, Baruch. “The Ritual Background of Zechariah’s Temple Song,” Catholic
Biblical Quarterly 40 (1978): 167-90.
Meyers, Eric, and Carol Meyers. Zechariah 9—14. Anchor Bible. New York: Doubleday,
1993.
THE IVP BIBLE BACKGROUND COMMENTARY: OLD TESTAMENT 20
Malachi
Glazier-McDonald, Beth. The Divine Messenger. Atlanta: Scholars, 1987.
Hill, Andrew. Malachi. Anchor Bible. New York: Doubleday, 1998.
P E N T A T E U C H
I n t r o d u c t i o n
Pentateuch
Though there are many reasons to consider the Pentateuch as a single, unitary
piece of literature, the background materials pertinent to the study of each book
are vastly different. As a result, we offer here an introduction to each of the five
books individually.
Genesis
Genesis is typically divided into two main sections (1—11, 12—50). The background
material most helpful for understanding the first section is the mythological
literature of the ancient Near East. Both Mesopotamian and Egyptian
mythology provide a wealth of materials concerning contemporary perspectives
on the creation of the world and of human beings. These works include the Enuma
Elish and the Atrahasis Epic, as well as a number of *Sumerian myths from the
region of Mesopotamia. From Egypt there are three main creation texts, one each
from Memphis, Heliopolis (in the Pyramid Texts) and Hermopolis (in the Coffin
Texts). Additionally, there are several flood stories available from the region of
Mesopotamia, found in the Gilgamesh Epic and in the Atrahasis Epic. Examination
of this literature helps us to observe many similarities and differences
between ancient Near Eastern and Israelite concepts. Similarities will make us
aware of the common ground that existed between Israel and her neighbors.
Sometimes the similarity will be in the details of the narrative (such as sending
out birds from the ark) or in aspects of the text we might not have noticed before
(such as the naming of things in conjunction with their creation). Some similarities
might lead us to question whether we have read too much theological signifi-
THE IVP BIBLE BACKGROUND COMMENTARY: OLD TESTAMENT 22
cance into certain elements in the text (e.g., the creation of woman from a rib),
while in other cases we might find that we have not seen enough of the theological
significance (e.g., God’s coming to the garden in the “cool of the day”). In general
such similarities help us to understand the biblical accounts in broader
perspective.
The differences between the ancient Near Eastern and biblical literatures will
help us to appreciate some of the distinctives of both the Israelite culture and the
biblical faith. These will again include specific details (shape of the ark, length of
the flood) as well as foundational concepts (the contrast between the biblical view
of creation by the spoken word of God and the Mesopotamian view that the creation
of the world was associated with the birth of the cosmic deities). In many
cases the differences are related (either directly or indirectly) to the unique monotheistic
faith of Israel.
It is not unusual for the similarities and the differences to come together in a
single element. The concepts of humankind’s being created (1) from clay and (2)
in the image of deity are both familiar in the ancient Near East, but Israel puts a
unique twist on the idea that moves it into an altogether different sphere.
We cannot always account for the similarities and the differences as clearly or
as conclusively as we might wish. Different scholars will have varying opinions of
the implications based on some of their own presuppositions. The issues are often
complex, and any individual scholar’s conclusions may be highly interpretive.
For this reason it is easier to offer information than it is to offer satisfying answers.
Finally, the comparative literature not only provides parallel accounts to some
of those found in Genesis 1—11 but also provides a parallel to the overall structure
of this section. The Mesopotamian Atrahasis Epic, like Genesis 1—11, contains
a summary of creation, three threats and a resolution. Such observations can
help us to understand the literary aspects to how this portion of the Bible is
pieced together. Additionally, if this parallel is legitimate, it can help us see the
genealogies in a different light, because when the biblical text has genealogies it
reflects the Genesis blessing of being fruitful and multiplying, while in the comparable
sections of Atrahasis the gods are distressed by the growth of human population
and try to curb it.
Finding literary parallels to Genesis 12—50 presents more of a challenge.
Though scholars have attempted to attach various descriptive terms to the patriarchal
narratives (such as “sagas” or “legends”), any modern terminology is inadequate
to encompass the nature of the ancient literature and is bound to mislead
as much as it helps. There is nothing in the literature of the ancient Near East to
parallels the stories about the patriarchs. The closest material is found in Egypt in
works such as the Story of *Sinuhe, but that account covers only the lifetime of one
man, rather than following several generations, and has nothing to do with resettlement
or relationship with God. Even the Joseph story, considered on its own, is
difficult to classify and compare. Again comparisons could be made to the stories
of Sinuhe, *Wenamon or *Ahiqar (all dealing with the life and times of royal
courtiers), but the similarities are quite superficial.
The background information for understanding these narratives comes from a
different set of materials. These chapters concern the lives of the patriarchs and
23 PENTATEUCH
their families as they move from Mesopotamia to Canaan to Egypt in the process
of the formation of the covenant. A number of archives (*Nuzi, *Mari, *Emar,
*Alalakh) that have been discovered in Syria and Mesopotamia have provided
information about the history, culture and customs of the ancient Near East in the
second millennium. Often these materials can shed light on the political events or
settlement history of the region. They can also help us to see how families lived
and why they did some of the things that appear odd to us. In the process we gain
important information that can help us process the biblical materials. For
instance, we commonly seek ethical guidance in the behavior of biblical characters
(though this is not always a productive procedure). In order to understand
why people do what they do and to understand the decisions they make, it is
important to become familiar with the norms of culture. We may find, then, that
some of the behavior of the patriarchs is driven by norms that we have misunderstood
or that we could easily misconstrue. Corrective information can often be
provided by the archives.
One of the interesting conclusions that can be drawn from this kind of analysis
is the understanding that there was not much in the worldview of the patriarchs
and their families that differentiated them from the common ancient Near Eastern
culture of the day. Again, then, an understanding of the general culture may help
us to sort out what elements in the text have theological significance and what elements
do not. For instance, an understanding of the practice of *circumcision in
the ancient Near East may provide helpful guidelines to our assessment of it in
the Bible. Observations about the use of the torch and censer in ancient Near Eastern
*rituals may open up the meaning of Genesis 15. Even Abraham’s understanding
of God can be illuminated by information from the ancient Near Eastern
documents.
As we encounter all of this information, we must be impressed with how
often God uses the familiar to build bridges to his people. As what was familiar
to them becomes more familiar to us, we can understand more of the text. On
the other hand it is important to realize that the purposes of the book of Genesis
go far beyond any of the literature available in the ancient Near East. The presence
of similarities does not suggest in any way that the Bible is simply a secondhand,
second-class repackaging of ancient Near Eastern literature. Rather,
the background material helps us understand Genesis as a unique theological
product linked to people and events embedded in a specific cultural and historical
context.
Exodus
The book of Exodus contains a virtual cornucopia of types of literature, from narrative
to law to architectural instructions. All are skillfully woven together to narrate
the sequence of events that led a people from feeling that God had
abandoned them to understanding themselves to be God’s elect people with his
presence in their midst. As a result there are many different primary sources that
may offer assistance.
As might be expected, Exodus has more connections to Egyptian sources than
any other book. Unfortunately the uncertainty concerning the date of the events
THE IVP BIBLE BACKGROUND COMMENTARY: OLD TESTAMENT 24
and the sparsity of materials from some of the related periods of Egyptian history
leave many questions unanswered. As a result it is not so much the historical literature
of Egypt that we depend on but all the sources that give information about
geography or culture. Locating the cities and places mentioned in the biblical text
is very difficult and many uncertainties remain, yet one by one some of the gaps
are being closed as archaeology continues to investigate significant sites.
The legal passages of Exodus are comparable to a wide range of law collections
from Mesopotamia. These include *Sumerian legal texts such as the reform of
Uruinimgina (or Urukagina), the laws of *Ur-Nammu and the laws of *Lipit-Ishtar.
These are fragmentary texts that date from the late third millennium and early
second millennium B.C. The more extensive texts are the laws of *Eshnunna and
*Hammurabi (from the *Old Babylonian period, eighteenth century B.C.), the *Hittite
laws from the seventeenth century and the Middle Assyrian laws from the
twelfth century. These law collections, as indicated by the paragraphs that surround
them, are intended to testify to the gods how successful the king has been
at establishing and maintaining justice in his kingdom. As such, the laws are
designed to reflect the wisest and fairest decisions the king could imagine. Like
the candidate making a campaign speech who seeks to find every possible piece
of legislation that he can claim responsibility for, the king wanted to show himself
in the best possible light.
These laws help us to see that the actual legislation that determined the shape
of Israelite society was not all that different on the surface from the laws that
would have characterized Assyrian or Babylonian society. What was different was
that for Israel the law was part of God’s revelation of what he was like. The Babylonians
had just as strong prohibitions of murder as the Israelites had. But the
Babylonians would have refrained from murder because murder was disruptive
to the smooth ordering of society and the principles of civilization. Israelites
would have refrained from murder because of who God was. The laws may look
the same, but the foundation of the legal system was remarkably different. For the
Israelites, *Yahweh their God was the source of all law and the foundation of all
societal norms. In Mesopotamia the king was entrusted with the authority to perceive
what the law ought to be and to establish the law. The gods were not moral,
nor did they require moral behavior, but they did expect humans to preserve the
values of civilization and therefore to act in orderly and civilized ways.
The point is, then, that the law given at Sinai does not necessarily prescribe
new laws. Its actual legislation may be very much like the laws that Israel had
been living under in Egypt and is clearly similar to the laws that governed other
societies of the ancient Near East. What is new is the revelation of God that is
accomplished through the institutionalization of the law as part of the *covenant
between God and Israel. Comparing the law of the Bible to the ancient Near Eastern
law collections can help us to understand both the concept of law and order as
well as the philosophical and theological underpinnings of the law.
When we get to the section of Exodus that has to do with the construction of
the tabernacle, we may be well served by understanding the use and construction
of shrines (portable and otherwise) in the ancient Near East. The detailed description
of the materials that were used in the construction of the tabernacle, can be
25 PENTATEUCH
understood as we become aware of the value that culture attached to those materials.
For example, consider the value that our society places on a mink coat, an
oak desk, a leather chair or a stone house. Alongside of materials, we also attach
value to positioning, as in the penthouse apartment, the corner office or the house
at the top of the hill. So as we become acquainted with the materials and positions
that the ancient Israelites attached value to, we can appreciate the rationale
behind certain details. Again, we will often find that the rationale is cultural
rather than theological. Once we understand the cultural elements, we can avoid
attaching a foreign theological significance to some of the features.
Leviticus
The book of Leviticus is filled with instructions concerning how to maintain the
holy space that was set apart for God’s presence. This includes details of the sacrificial
system, instructions for the priests and laws concerning *purity. In the
ancient world *impurity was believed to create an environment for the demonic,
so *purity needed to be maintained. This generally involved *rituals as well as
incantations. For Israel *purity was a positive value that included rules of ethical
behavior as well as issues of etiquette.
The ancient Near Eastern material that is most helpful for understanding the
book of Leviticus is that which gives information about sacrifices, rituals and
instructions for priests and dealing with *impurity. This information usually must
be gleaned in bits and pieces from many different sources. There are, however, a
few major ritual texts available that serve as significant sources of information.
While *Hittite literature contains many sorts of ritual texts, among the most helpful
is the Instructions for the Temple Officials from the mid-second millennium. This
text details the means that should be used to protect the sanctuary from sacrilege
and trespass. Mesopotamian sources are also plentiful.
The maqlu texts contain eight tablets of incantations as well as one tablet of rituals
connected to the incantations. Most of these incantations are attempts to
counter the powers of witchcraft. Other important series would include the
shurpu texts, which concerned purification, the bit rimki texts concerning royal
ablutions and the namburbu rituals of undoing.
Most of these texts assume a background of magic and divination where
witchcraft, demonic forces and incantations represented powerful threats in society.
Israelite beliefs ideally did not accept this worldview, and their concepts of
*purity and *impurity had noticeable differences. Nevertheless, studying this
material can expose many facets of the ancient worldview that the Israelites
shared. Even though the biblical literature purged the rituals of the magical element,
the institutionalized practices and the terminology describing them at times
still contained the trappings or vestiges of the broader culture.
Certainly Israelite beliefs and practices were closer to the ancient Near East
than they are to our own concepts of ritual, magic and *purity. Since we understand
so little concerning these aspects of their worldview, we are often inclined
to read very foreign theological concepts or symbolism into some of the practices
and rules. This often creates an erroneous view of the nature and teaching of the
book. By acquainting ourselves with the ancient Near Eastern worldview, we can
THE IVP BIBLE BACKGROUND COMMENTARY: OLD TESTAMENT 26
avoid this type of error and understand the text a little more in the way that the
Israelites would have understood it.
Numbers
The book of Numbers contains instructions for travel and setting up the camp, as
well as records of the events that took place during the nearly forty years the Israelites
spent in the wilderness. It also includes a number of ritual and legal passages.
Many of the sources that contribute to an understanding of the books of
Exodus and Leviticus also provide background for the book of Numbers. In addition,
itineraries from Egyptian sources can help in locating various places listed in
the Israelites’ travels. These itineraries come from a number of different sources,
including the *Execration Texts (where the names of certain cities were written on
bowls and then shattered in connection with cursing rituals; Twelfth Dynasty,
*Middle Bronze period) and the topographical lists carved on the walls of temples
such as those at Karnak and Medinet Habu (*Late Bronze period). They preserve
maps in a list form as they name each of the cities that would be encountered traveling
along certain routes. It is interesting that some biblical sites, which archaeologists
have considered suspect because no remains from a given period have been
found there, are attested in the Egyptian itineraries for the same period.
Numbers, like several of the other books of the Pentateuch, contains information
concerning Israel’s ritual calendar. Information about feast days and ritual
calendars is abundant in the ancient Near East because calendars were generally
regulated by the priesthood. Nevertheless, it is difficult to ferret out many of the
critical details of observances and especially to discover what is behind the formation
of the traditions that are institutionalized in these calendars. It is a treacherous
path that seeks to identify the links between the festivals of differing cultures
even though there may be evidence of many areas of cultural exchange or dependence.
Deuteronomy
The book of Deuteronomy follows the format of agreements between nations, as
described in the sidebar “The Covenant and Ancient Near Eastern Treaties.” In
these ancient covenants, the largest section was usually the stipulations section,
which detailed the obligations of the vassal. These would include general expectations,
such as loyalty, as well as specifics, such as paying tribute and housing
garrison troops. There would also be prohibitions against harboring fugitives and
making alliances with other nations. There were obligations to contribute to the
defense of the suzerain nation and to treat envoys with respect.
In Deuteronomy the stipulations are in the form of laws that detail expectations
and prohibitions. Some interpreters believe that the laws in chapters 6-26 (or
12-26) are arranged according to the Ten Commandments. Just as the ancient law
collections have a prologue and an epilogue to give them a literary framework
(see the introduction to Exodus), it is the covenant that provides the literary
framework for the law. The literary framework of *Hammurabi’s laws helps us to
understand that the collection of laws was not for framing legislation but for demonstrating
how just Hammurabi’s reign was. Likewise the literary framework of
27 PENTATEUCH
Deuteronomy gives us an idea of why these laws were collected. Deuteronomy is
framing these laws not as legislation but as *covenant.
When the people of the ancient Near East agreed to a treaty and its stipulations,
they were obliged to abide by the terms of the treaty. It is the same level of
obligation that would be connected to the laws of the land, but it operates differently,
not within a legal system. For example, in today’s world each country has
its own laws, enacted by its legislative bodies, that are binding on its citizens. But
there is also international law, which in part has been established by multinational
bodies, often by treaty-type agreements. This international law is binding
on all of the parties involved in the agreement. The binding nature of Deuteronomy
is tied to treaty rather than to law (that is, to the covenant rather than to legislation).
What that means is that Israel’s obligations were connected to sustaining
the relationship outlined in the covenant. If they were to be God’s people (covenant),
they were expected to conduct themselves in the described ways (stipulations).
We should therefore not look at the laws as laws of the land (though they
may well have been). The Israelites were not supposed to keep the law because it
was the law; they were to keep the law because it reflected something of the
nature of God and of what he wanted them to be like in order to remain in relationship
with him.
An additional characteristic of Deuteronomy is that it is presented as the
exhortations of Moses to the people. In this way Moses is seen as the mediator of
the covenant because as God’s messenger or envoy he is establishing the terms of
the treaty. The *Hittite treaties preserve only the treaties themselves and offer no
insight into the envoy who delivered the treaty. Other texts, however, allow us to
gain some insight into the role of the envoy. He often presented his message verbally
but had a written copy for the documentation and for the records. The
words of Moses admonishing the people to be loyal to the terms of the covenant
are very much in line with what any royal envoy would have been expected to
say. The vassal would have been reminded that it was a privilege to be brought
into this agreement and that it would be prudent to refrain from any action that
would jeopardize those privileges.
G E N E S I S
1:1—2:3
Creation
1:1. In the beginning. An Egyptian creation
text from Thebes speaks of the god Amun
who evolved in the beginning, or “on the first
occasion.” Egyptologists interpret this not as
an abstract idea but as a reference to a firsttime
event. In the same manner, the Hebrew
word translated “beginning” usually refers
not to a point in time but to an initial period.
This suggests that the beginning period is the
seven days of chapter one.
1:2. formless and empty. In Egyptian views of
origins there is the concept of the “nonexistent”
that may be very close to what is expressed
here in Genesis. It is viewed as that
which has not yet been differentiated and assigned
function. No boundaries or definitions
have been established. The Egyptian concept,
however, also carries with it the idea of potentiality
and a quality of being absolute.
1:2. Spirit of God. Some interpreters have
translated this as a supernatural or mighty
wind (the Hebrew word translated “Spirit” is
sometimes translated “wind” in other passages),
which has a parallel in the Babylonian
Enuma Elish. There the sky god, Anu, creates
the four winds that stir up the deep and its
goddess, Tiamat. There it is a disruptive wind
bringing unrest. The same phenomena can be
seen in Daniel’s vision of the four beasts
where “the four winds of heaven were churning
up the great sea” (7:2), a situation that disturbs
the beasts there. If this is correct, then the
wind would be part of the negative description
of verse 2, paralleled by the darkness.
1:1-5. evening and morning. The account of
creation does not intend to give a modern scientific
explanation of the origin of all natural
phenomena, but rather to address the more
practical aspects of creation that surround our
experiences of living and surviving. In the
course of this chapter the author relates how
God set up alternating periods of light and
darkness—the basis for time. The narrative
speaks of evening first because the first time
period of light is just coming to a close. The
author does not attempt an analysis of the
physical properties of light, nor is he concerned
about its source or generation. Light is
the regulator of time.
1:3-5. light. The people of the ancient world
did not believe that all light came from the
sun. There was no knowledge that the moon
simply reflected the light of the sun. Moreover,
there is no hint in the text that “daylight”
was caused by sunlight. The sun, moon
and stars were all seen as bearers of light, but
daylight was present even when the sun was
behind a cloud or eclipsed. It made its appearance
before the sun rose, and remained after
the sun set.
1:6-8. firmament. In a similar way the expanse
(sometimes called “the firmament”) set up in
day two is the regulator of climate. The ancient
Near Eastern cultures viewed the cosmos
as featuring a three-tiered structure
consisting of the heavens, the earth and the
underworld. Climate originated from the
heavens, and the expanse was seen as the
mechanism that regulated moisture and sunlight.
Though in the ancient world the expanse
was generally viewed as more solid
than we would understand it today, it is not
the physical composition that is important but
the function. In the Babylonian creation epic,
Enuma Elish, the goddess representing this
cosmic ocean, Tiamat, is divided in half by
Marduk to make the waters above and the
waters below.
1:9-19. function of the cosmos. Just as God is
the One who set time in motion and set up the
climate, he is likewise responsible for setting
up all the other aspects of human existence.
The availability of water and the ability of the
land to grow vegetation; the laws of agriculture
and the seasonal cycles; each of God’s
creatures, created with a role to play—all of
this was ordered by God and was good, not
tyrannical or threatening. This reflects the ancient
understanding that the gods were responsible
for setting up a system of operations.
The functioning of the cosmos was
much more important to the people of the ancient
world than was its physical makeup or
chemical composition. They described what
they saw and, more important, what they experienced
of the world as having been created
by God. That it was all “good” reflects God’s
wisdom and justice. At the same time the text
shows subtle ways of disagreeing with the
perspective of the ancient Near East. Most notable
is the fact that it avoids using names for
the sun and moon, which to the neighbors of
the Israelites were also the names of the corre-
29 GENESIS 1:14—2:1
sponding deities, and refers instead to the
greater light and the lesser light.
1:14. signs and seasons. In a prologue to a
Sumerian astrological treatise, the major gods,
An, Enlil and Enki, put the moon and stars in
place to regulate days, months and omens. In
the famous Babylonian Hymn to Shamash, the
sun god, reference is also made to his role in
regulating the seasons and the calendar in
general. It is intriguing that he is also the patron
of divination. The Hebrew word used for
“sign” has a cognate in Akkadian that is used
for omens. The Hebrew word, however, has a
more neutral sense, and again the author has
emptied the elements of the cosmos of their
more personal traits.
Genesis 1:14—2:1 1:20. great creatures of the sea. In the Babylonian
Hymn to Shamash, the sun god is
said to receive praise and reverence even
from the worst groups. Included in the list
are the fearsome monsters of the sea. The
hymn thus suggests that there is a total submission
of all creatures to Shamash, just as
the Genesis creation texts shows all creatures
created by, and therefore submitted to,
Yahweh. The Labbu Myth records the creation
of the sea viper, whose length was sixty
leagues.
1:20-25. zoological categories. The zoological
categories include various species of (1) sea
creatures, (2) birds, (3) land-based creatures,
which are divided into domestic and wild animals
and “creatures that move along the
ground” (perhaps the reptiles and/or amphibians),
and (4) humans. Insects and the microscopic
world of creatures are not mentioned,
but the categories are broad enough to
include them.
1:26-31. function of people. While the organizational
or functional focus of the account
may have similarities with the
ancient Near Eastern perspective, the reason
for it all is quite different. In the ancient
Near East, the gods created for themselves—
the world was their environment
for their enjoyment and existence. People
were created only as an afterthought, when
the gods needed slave labor to help provide
the conveniences of life (such as irrigation
trenches). In the Bible the cosmos was created
and organized to function on behalf of
the people that God planned as the centerpiece
of his creation.
Genesis 1:14-27 1:26-31. creation of people in ancient Near
Eastern myths. In creation accounts from Mesopotamia
an entire population of people is
created, already civilized, using a mixture of
clay and the blood of a slain rebel god. This
creation comes about as the result of conflict
among the gods, and the god organizing the
cosmos had to overcome the forces of chaos to
bring order to his created world. The Genesis
account portrays God’s creation not as part of
a conflict with opposing forces but as a serene
and controlled process.
1:26-27. image of God. When God created
people, he put them in charge of all of his
creation. He endowed them with his own
image. In the ancient world an image was
believed to carry the essence of that which it
represented. An idol image of deity, the
same terminology as used here, would be
used in the worship of that deity because it
contained the deity’s essence. This would
not suggest that the image could do what
the deity could do, nor that it looked the
same as the deity. Rather, the deity’s work
was thought to be accomplished through
the idol. In similar ways the governing work
of God was seen to be accomplished by people.
But that is not all there is to the image of
God. Genesis 5:1-3 likens the image of God
in Adam to the image of Adam in Seth. This
goes beyond the comment about plants and
animals reproducing after their own kind,
though certainly children share physical
characteristics and basic nature (genetically)
with their parents. What draws the idol imagery
and the child imagery together is the
concept that the image provides the capacity
not only to serve in the place of God (his representative
containing his essence) but also
to be and act like him. The tools he provided
so that we may accomplish that task include
conscience, self-awareness and spiritual discernment.
Mesopotamian traditions speak of
sons being in the image of their fathers
(*Enuma Elish) but do not speak of humans
created in the image of God; but the Egyptian
Instructions of Merikare identifies humankind
as the god’s images who came
from his body. In Mesopotamia a significance
of the image can be seen in the practice
of kings setting up images of themselves in
places where they want to establish their authority.
Other than that, it is only other gods
who are made in the image of gods. (See
comment on 5:3.)
2:1-3. seventh-day rest. In the Egyptian creation
account from Memphis, the creator
god Ptah rests after the completion of his
work. Likewise the creation of humans is
followed by rest for the Mesopotamian
gods. In Mesopotamia, however, the rest is
a result of the fact that people have been
created to do the work that the gods were
tired of doing. Nonetheless, the desire for
rest is one of the motivating elements driv-
GENESIS 2:1-8 30
ing these creation narratives. The containment
or destruction of chaotic cosmic forces
that is often a central part of ancient creation
narratives leads to rest, peace or repose
for the gods. Likewise it is the gods’
inability to find rest from the noise and disturbance
of humankind that leads to the
flood. In all it is clear that ancient ideologies
considered rest to be one of the principal
objectives of the gods. In Israelite
theology, God does not require rest from either
cosmic or human disturbances but
seeks rest in a dwelling place (see especially
Ps 132:7-8, 13-14.
2:1. sabbath divisions. Dividing time into
seven-day periods was a practice that is so far
unattested in the other cultures of the ancient
Near East, though there were particular days
of the month in Mesopotamia that were considered
unlucky, and they were often seven
days apart (that is, the seventh day of the
month, the fourteenth day of the month, etc.).
Israel’s sabbath was not celebrated on certain
days of the month and was not linked to the
cycles of the moon or to any other cycle of nature;
it was simply observed every seventh
day.
Genesis 2:1-8
2:4-25
Man and Woman in the Garden
2:5. botanical categories. Only the most general
descriptions of plants are found. Trees,
shrubs and plants are listed, but no specific
species. We know, however, that the principal
trees found in the Near East were acacia, cedar,
Cypress, fig, oak, olive, date palm, pomegranate,
tamarisk and willow. Shrubs included
the oleander and juniper. The principal
cultivated grains were wheat, barley and lentils.
The description in this verse differs from
day three in that it refers to domesticated or
cultivated plants. The reference then is not to
a time before day three but to the fact that agriculture
was not taking place.
2:5. description of condition. A creation text
from Nippur sets the scene for creation by
saying that waters did not yet flow through
the opening in the earth and that nothing was
growing and no furrow had been made.
2:6. watering system. The word used to describe
the watering system in verse 6 (NIV:
“streams”) is difficult to translate. It occurs
elsewhere only in Job 36:27. A similar word
occurs in *Babylonian vocabulary drawn from
early *Sumerian in reference to the system of
subterranean waters, the primordial underground
river. The Sumerian myth of *Enki
and Ninhursag likewise mentions such a watering
system.
2:7. man from dust. The creation of the first
man out of the dust of the earth is similar to
what is found in ancient Near Eastern mythology.
The Atrahasis Epic portrays the creation
of humankind out of the blood of a slain deity
mixed with clay. Just as dust in the Bible represents
what the body becomes at death (Gen
3:19), so clay was what the body returned to in
*Babylonian thinking. The blood of deity represented
the divine essence in mankind, a
similar concept to God’s bringing Adam into
being with the breath of life. In Egyptian
thinking it is the tears of the god that are
mixed with clay to form man, though the Instructions
of Merikare also speak of the god’s
making breath for their noses.
2:8-14. location of Eden. Based on the proximity
of the Tigris and Euphrates Rivers and the
*Sumerian legend of the mystical, utopian
land of *Dilmun, most scholars would identify
Eden as a place in or near the northern end
of the Persian Gulf. *Dilmun has been identified
with the island of Bahrain. The direction
that it is “in the east” merely points to the gen-
ANCIENT NEAR EASTERN MYTHOLOGY AND THE OLD TESTAMENT
Mythology in the ancient world was like science in our modern world—it was their explanation of how
the world came into being and how it worked. The mythological approach attempted to identify function
as a consequence of purpose. The gods had purposes, and their activities were the causes of what humans
experienced as effects. In contrast, our modern scientific approach identifies function as a consequence of
structure and attempts to understand cause and effect based on natural laws that are linked to the structure,
the composite parts, of a phenomenon. Because our scientific worldview is keenly interested in
structure, we often go to the biblical account looking for information on structure. In this area, however,
the biblical worldview is much more like its ancient Near Eastern counterparts in that it views function as
a consequence of purpose. That is what Genesis 1 is all about—it has very little interest in structures. This
is only one of many areas where understanding ancient Near Eastern culture, literature and worldview
can help us understand the Bible.
Many parallels can be identified between ancient Near Eastern mythology and Old Testament passages
and concepts. This is not to suggest that the Old Testament is to be considered simply as another
example of ancient mythology or as being dependent on that literature. Mythology is a window to culture.
It reflects the worldview and values of the culture that forged it. Many of the writings we find in
31 GENESIS 2:8—3:1
eral area of Mesopotamia and is fairly typical
of primordial narratives. This, plus the direction
of flow of the rivers (the location of the
Pishon and Gihon being uncertain), has
caused some to look in the Armenia region,
near the sources of the Tigris and Euphrates.
However, the characteristics of a well-watered
garden in which humans do little or no work
and in which life springs up without cultivation
fits the marshy areas at the base of the
Gulf and may even be an area now covered by
the waters of the region.
2:8. The “garden of Eden.” The word Eden refers
to a well-watered place, suggesting a luxuriant
park. The word translated “garden”
does not typically refer to vegetable plots but
to orchards or parks containing trees.
2:9. tree of life. The tree of life is portrayed
elsewhere in the Bible as offering extension of
life Prov 3:16-18, which sometimes can be
viewed as having rejuvenating qualities. Various
plants with such qualities are known from
the ancient Near East. In the *Gilgamesh Epic
there is a plant called “old man becomes
young” that grows at the bottom of the cosmic
river. Trees often figure prominently in ancient
Near Eastern art and on cylinder seals.
These have often been interpreted as depicting
a tree of life, but more support from the literature
would be necessary to confirm such an
interpretation.
2:11. Pishon. Analysis of sand patterns in Saudi
Arabia and satellite photography have
helped identify an old riverbed running
northeast through Saudi Arabia from the Hijaz
Mountains near Medina to the Persian
Gulf in Kuwait near the mouth of the Tigris
and Euphrates. This would be a good candidate
for the Pishon River.
2:11. Havilah. Perhaps because gold is mentioned
in relation to Havilah, it is named in
several other passages Gen 10:7; 25:18; 1 Sam
15:7; 1 Chron 1:9. It has most often been
placed in western Saudi Arabia near Medina
along the Red Sea, an area that does produce
gold, bdellium and onyx. Genesis 10:29 describes
Havilah as the “brother” of Ophir, a region
also known for its wealth in gold.
2:21-22. rib. The use of Adam’s rib for the creation
of Eve may find illumination in the
*Sumerian language. The Sumerian word for
rib is ti. Of interest is the fact that ti means
“life,” just as Eve does (3:20). Others have suggested
that a connection should be seen with
the Egyptian word imw, which can mean either
clay (out of which man was made) or rib.
2:24. man leaving father and mother. This
statement is a narrative aside, which provides a
comment on the social world of the people in
later times. It uses the story of Eve’s creation as
the basis for the legal principle of separate
households. When a marriage was contracted,
the wife left her parents’ home and joined the
household of her husband. New loyalties were
established in this way. Furthermore, the consummation
of the marriage is associated here
with the idea of the couple becoming one flesh
again, just as Adam and Eve come from one
body. The statement here that the man will
leave his family does not necessarily refer to a
particular sociology, but to the fact that in this
chapter it is the man who has been seeking a
companion. It also may reflect the fact that
wedding ceremonies, including the wedding
night, often took place in the house of the
bride’s parents.
Genesis 2:8—3:1
3:1-24
The Fall and the Pronouncement
3:1. significance of serpents in ancient world.
From the very earliest evidence in ancient
Near Eastern art and literature, the serpent is
presented as a significant character. Perhaps
the Old Testament performed the same function for ancient Israelite culture that mythology did for
other cultures—they provided a literary mechanism for preserving and transmitting their worldview
and values. Israel was part of a larger cultural complex that existed across the ancient Near East.
There are many aspects of that cultural complex that it shared with its neighbors, though each individual
culture had its distinguishing features. When we seek to understand the culture and literature
of Israel, we rightly expect to find help in the larger cultural arena, from mythology, wisdom writings,
legal documents and royal inscriptions.
The community of faith need not fear the use of such methods to inform us of the common cultural
heritage of the Near East. Neither the theological message of the text nor its status as God’s
Word is jeopardized by these comparative studies. In fact, since revelation involves effective communication,
we would expect that whenever possible God would use known and familiar elements to
communicate to his people. Identification of similarities as well as differences can provide important
background for a proper understanding of the text. This book has only the task of giving information
and cannot engage in detailed discussion of how each individual similarity or difference can be
explained. Some of that type of discussion can be found in John Walton, Ancient Israelite Literature in
Its Cultural Context (Grand Rapids: Zondervan, 1987).
GENESIS 3:2—16 32
because its poison was a threat to life and its
lidless eyes provided an enigmatic image, the
serpent has been associated with both death
and wisdom. The Genesis account evokes
both aspects in the wisdom dialogue between
the serpent and Eve and with the introduction
of death after the expulsion from Eden.
Similarly, *Gilgamesh is cheated out of perpetual
youth when a serpent consumes a
magical plant the hero had retrieved from the
sea bottom. The sinister image of the serpent
is graphically displayed by the intertwining
coils of a snake encompassing a *cult stand
found at Beth-Shean. Whether as a representative
of primeval chaos (*Tiamat or *Leviathan)
or a symbol of sexuality, the serpent
harbors mystery for humans. Of particular interest
is the *Sumerian god Ningishzida, who
was portrayed in serpent shape and whose
name means “Lord of the Productive/Steadfast
Tree.” He was considered a ruler in the
nether world and “throne-bearer of the
earth.” He was one of the deities that offered
the bread of life to *Adapa (see next comment).
Even when not related to a god, the
serpent represented wisdom (occult), *fertility,
health, chaos and immortality, and was often
worshiped.
3:2-5. temptation to be like God. Aspiration
to deity and lost opportunities to become like
the gods figure prominently in a few ancient
myths. In the tale of *Adapa an offer of the
“food of life” is inadvertently refused. Adapa,
the first of the seven sages before the
flood, is attempting to bring the arts of civilization
to the first city, Eridu. As a fisherman,
he had an unfortunate escapade with the
south wind one day that eventuated in an audience
with the chief god, Anu. Under the advice
of the god *Ea, when Anu offered him
food he refused it, only to discover that it was
food that would bring immortality. Eternal
life also eludes *Gilgamesh. In the famous
epic about him, the death of his friend Enkidu
leads him in a search for immortality,
which he discovers is unattainable. In both of
these accounts, being like the gods is viewed
in terms of achieving immortality, whereas in
the biblical account it is understood in terms
of wisdom.
3:7. fig leaf significance. Fig leaves are the
largest found in Canaan and could provide
limited covering for the shamed couple. The
significance of the fig’s use may lie in its symbolism
of fertility. By eating the forbidden
fruit, the couple have set in motion their future
role as parents and as cultivators of fruit
trees and grain.
3:8. cool of the day. *Akkadian terminology
has demonstrated that the word translated
“day” also has the meaning “storm.” This
meaning can be seen also for the Hebrew
word in Zephaniah 2:2. It is often connected to
the deity coming in a storm of judgment. If
this is the correct rendering of the word in this
passage, they heard the thunder (the word
translated “sound” is often connected to thunder)
of the Lord moving about in the garden
in the wind of the storm. In this case it is quite
understandable why they are hiding.
3:14. eating dust. The depiction of dust or dirt
for food is typical of descriptions of the netherworld
in ancient literature. In the Gilgamesh
Epic, Enkidu on his deathbed dreams of the
netherworld and describes it as a place with
no light and where “dust is their food, clay
their bread,” a description also known from
the Descent of Ishtar. These are most likely considered
characteristic of the netherworld because
they describe the grave. Dust fills the
mouth of the corpse, but dust will also fill the
mouth of the serpent as it crawls along the
ground.
Genesis 3:2—16 3:14-15. curses on serpents. The Egyptian Pyramid
Texts (second half of third millennium)
contain a number of spells against serpents,
but likewise include spells against other creatures
considered dangers or pests who threaten
the dead. Some of these spells enjoin the
serpent to crawl on its belly (keep its face on
the path). This is in contrast to raising its head
up to strike. The serpent on its belly is nonthreatening,
while the one reared up is protecting
or attacking. Treading on the serpent is
used in these texts as a means of overcoming
or defeating it.
3:14-15. all snakes poisonous. While it would
have been observable that not all snakes were
poisonous, the threat provided by some
would, in the haste to protect oneself, attach
itself to all. Of thirty-six species of snake
known to the area, the viper (Vipera palaestinae)
is the only poisonous snake in northern
and central Israel. Snakes are associated occasionally
with fertility and life (bronze serpent
in the wilderness). However, they most often
are tied to the struggle for life and the inevitability
of death. The poisonous snakes would
be the most aggressive, so an attack by a snake
would always be viewed as a potentially mortal
blow.
3:16. labor pains. Perhaps displaying the dual
character of life, the joy of motherhood can be
gained only through labor pain. Without
modern medicine, these pains are described
as the worst possible agony for humans (see Is
13:8; 21:3) and gods (note the *Babylonian
goddess *Ishtar’s cry in the *Gilgamesh flood
33 GENESIS 3:16—4:12
epic when she sees the horror of the flood unleashed).
*Babylonians associated demons
such as Lamashtu with the pain of childbirth
and the tenuous condition of life for both
mother and child in the birth process.
3:16. husband-wife relationship. Arranged
marriages downplayed the role of romantic
love in ancient Israelite society. However, in
this labor-poor society men and women had
to work together as a team. While pregnancy
and child care periodically restricted the
woman’s work in the fields or the shop, a couple’s
survival was largely based on shared labor
and the number of children they produced.
Domination of the wife by her husband,
while evident in some marriages, was
not the ideal in ancient relationships. Both had
their roles, although the legal rights with regard
to making contracts, owning property
and inheritance rights were primarily controlled
by males. It is also a fact that concern
over female chastity led to restrictions on associations
by females and male control of the
legal process.
3:17. toil. In Mesopotamian thinking people
were created to be slaves and to do the work
that the gods had tired of doing for themselves,
much of it concerned with the agricultural
process. In *Enuma Elish the entire
purpose for creating people was to relieve the
gods of their toil, unlike the biblical account,
in which people were created to rule and became
burdened with toil only as a result of the
Fall.
3:18. thorns and thistles. In the Gilgamesh
Epic, a paradiselike place is described as featuring
plants and trees that grow gems and
precious stones instead of thorns and thistles.
3:20. significance of naming. Adam earlier
had named the animals, which was a demonstration
of his authority over them. Here his
naming of Eve suggests Adam’s position of
rule, as referred to in verse 16. In the ancient
world when one king placed a vassal king on
the throne, a new name would often be given
to demonstrate the overlord’s dominion. Likewise,
when God enters *covenant relationships
with Abram and Jacob, he changes their
names. A final example occurs in the *Babylonian
account of creation, *Enuma Elish, which
opens with the situation before heaven and
earth were named. The account proceeds to
give names, just as God names the things he
creates in Genesis 1.
3:21. skin garments. The long outer tunic is
still the basic garment for many people in the
Middle East. This replaces the inadequate fig
leaf covering made by Adam and Eve. God
provides them with these garments as the
type of gift given by a patron to a client. Gifts
of clothing are among the most common presents
mentioned in the Bible (see Joseph in
Gen 41:42 and other ancient texts. It also prepares
them for the rigors of weather and work
which await them. In the Tale of Adapa (see
comment on 3:2-5), after *Adapa loses the opportunity
to eat from the bread and water of
life, he is given clothing by the god Anu before
being sent from his presence.
3:24. cherubim. The cherubim are supernatural
creatures referred to over ninety times in
the Old Testament, where they usually function
in the capacity of guardians of God’s
presence. From the guardian of the tree of life,
to the ornamental representation over the
mercy seat on the ark of the covenant, to the
accompaniment of the chariot/throne in Ezekiel’s
visions, the cherubim are always closely
associated with the person or property of deity.
Biblical descriptions Ezek 1, 10) agree with
archaeological finds that suggest they are
composite creatures (like griffins or sphinxes).
Representations of these creatures are often
found flanking the throne of the king. Here in
Genesis the cherubim guard the way to the
tree of life, now forbidden property of God.
An interesting Neo-Assyrian seal depicts
what appears to be a fruit tree flanked by two
such creatures with deities standing on their
backs supporting a winged sun disk.
Genesis 3:16—4:12
4:1-16
Cain and Abel
4:1-7. sacrifices of Cain and Abel. The sacrifices
of Cain and Abel are not depicted as addressing
sin or seeking atonement. The word
used designates them very generally as
“gifts”—a word that is most closely associated
with the grain offering later in Leviticus 2.
They appear to be intended to express gratitude
to God for his bounty. Therefore it is appropriate
that Cain should bring an offering
from the produce that he grew, for blood
would not be mandatory in such an offering.
It should be noted that Genesis does not preserve
any record of God requesting such offerings,
though he approved of it as a means of
expressing thanks. Gratitude is not expressed,
however, when the gift is grudgingly given, as
is likely the case with Cain.
4:11-12. nomadic lifestyle. The wandering nomadic
lifestyle to which Cain is doomed represents
one of the principal economic/social
divisions in ancient society. Once animals had
been domesticated, around 8000 B.C., herding
and pastoral nomadism became a major economic
pursuit for tribes and villages. General-
GENESIS 4:14-21 34
ly, herding was part of a mixed village
economy, including agriculture and trade.
However, some groups concentrated more of
their efforts on taking sheep and goats to new
pasture as the seasons changed. These seminomadic
herdsmen followed particular migration
routes which provided adequate
water for their animals as well as grazing.
Contracts were sometimes made with villages
along the route for grazing in harvested fields.
These herdsmen occasionally clashed with
settled communities over water rights or because
of raiding. Governments tried to control
nomadic groups within their area, but these
attempts were not usually successful over
long periods of time. The result is the composition
of stories which describe the conflict between
herders and farmers as they compete
for use of the land.
4:14-15. blood vengeance. In areas where the
central government had not gained full control,
blood feuds between families were common.
They were based on the simple principle
of “an eye for an eye,” which demanded the
death of a murderer or the death of a member
of his family as restitution. There was also an
assumption that kinship ties included the obligation
to defend the honor of the household.
No hurt could be ignored, or the household
would be considered too weak to defend itself
and other groups would take advantage of
them. Cain’s comment assumes that there is a
more extensive family in existence and that
some from Abel’s line would seek revenge.
4:15. mark of Cain. The Hebrew word used
here does not denote a tatoo or mutilation inflicted
on a felon or slave (referred to in the
Laws of *Eshnunna and the Code of *Hammurabi).
It best compares to the mark of divine
protection placed on the foreheads of the innocents
in Jerusalem in Ezekiel 9:4-6. It may
be an external marking that would cause others
to treat him with respect or caution. However,
it may represent a sign from God to Cain
that he would not be harmed and people
would not attack him.
Genesis 4:14-21
4:17-26
The Line of Cain
4:17. city building. Because the founding of a
city is tied so intimately to the founding of a
nation or people in the ancient world, stories
about the founder and the circumstances surrounding
its founding are a part of the basic
heritage of the inhabitants. These stories generally
include a description of the natural resources
which attracted the builder (water
supply, grazing and crop land, natural defenses),
the special attributes of the builder (unusual
strength and/or wisdom) and the
guidance of the patron god. Cities were constructed
along or near rivers or springs. They
served as focal points for trade, culture and religious
activity for a much larger region and
thus eventually became political centers or
city states. The organization required to build
them and then to keep their mud-brick and
stone walls in repair helped generate the development
of assemblies of elders and monarchies
to rule them.
4:19. polygamy. The practice of a man marrying
more than one wife is known as polygamy.
This custom was based on several factors:
(1) an imbalance in the number of males and
females, (2) the need to produce large numbers
of children to work herds and/or fields,
(3) the desire to increase the prestige and
wealth of a household through multiple marriage
contracts and (4) the high rate of death
of females in childbirth. Polygamy was most
common among pastoral nomadic groups and
in rural farming communities, where it was
important that every female be attached to a
household and be productive. Monarchs also
practiced polygamy, primarily as a means of
making alliances with powerful families or
other nations. In such situations the wives
might also end up as hostages if the political
relationship soured.
4:20. animal domestication. Raising livestock
is the first stage in animal domestication,
which involves human control of breeding,
food supply and territory. Sheep and goats
were the first livestock to be domesticated,
with the evidence extending back to the ninth
millennium B.C. Larger cattle came a bit later,
and evidence for pig domestication begins in
the seventh millennium.
4:21. musical instruments. Musical instruments
were among the first inventions of early
humans. In Egypt the earliest end-blown
flutes date to the fourth millennium B.C. A
number of harps and lyres as well as a pair of
silver flutes were found in the royal cemetery
at *Ur dating to the early part of the third millennium.
Flutes made of bone or pottery date
back at least to the fourth millennium. Musical
instruments provided entertainment as
well as background rhythm for dances and
*ritual performances, such as processions or
*cultic dramas. Other than simple percussion
instruments (drums and rattles), the most
common instruments used in the ancient Near
East were harps and lyres. Examples have
been found in excavated tombs and painted
on the walls of temples and palaces. They are
described in literature as a means of soothing
35 GENESIS 4:22—5:24
the spirit, invoking the gods to speak and providing
the cadence for a marching army. Musicians
had their own guilds and were highly
respected.
4:22. ancient metal technology. As part of the
account of the emergence of crafts and technology
in the genealogy of Cain, it is appropriate
that the origin of metalworking would
be mentioned. *Assyrian texts mention Tabal
and Musku as the early metalworking regions
in the Taurus Mountains (of eastern Turkey).
Copper tools, weapons and implements began
to be smelted and forged in the fourth
millennium B.C. Subsequently, alloys of copper,
principally bronze, were introduced in
the early third millennium as sources of tin
were discovered outside the Near East and
trade routes expanded to bring them to Egypt
and Mesopotamia. Iron, a metal which requires
much higher temperatures and skin
bellows (portrayed in the Egyptian Beni
Hasan tomb paintings) to refine and work,
was the last to be introduced, toward the end
of the second millennium B.C. *Hittite smiths
seem to have been the first to exploit it, and
then the technology spread east and south.
Meteorite iron was cold-forged for centuries
prior to its smelting. That would not represent
as large an industry as the forging of terrestrial
deposits, but it would explain some of the
early references to iron prior to the *Iron Age.
Genesis 4:22—5:24
5:1-32
The Line of Seth
5:1. the account of (toledoth). This chapter begins
by introducing “the written account of
Adam’s line”—just as 2:4 had referred to the
account of the heavens and earth. Genesis
uses this label eleven times throughout the
book. Earlier translations used the word “generations”
in place of “account.” In other places
in the Bible this word is most often associated
with genealogies. Some believe that in Genesis
they indicate written sources that the author
used in compiling the book. Alternatively,
they could simply be understood as
introducing the people and events that “eventuated”
from the named individual. In any
case they serve as convenient division markers
between the sections of the book.
5:1-32. importance of genealogies. Genealogies
represent continuity and relationship. Often
in the ancient Near East they are used for
purposes of power and prestige. Linear genealogies
start at point A (the creation of Adam
and Eve, for example) and end at point B
(Noah and the flood). Their intention is to
bridge a gap between major events. Alternatively
they can be vertical, tracing the descendants
of a single family (Esau in Gen 36:1-5, 9-
43). In the case of linear genealogies, the actual
amount of time represented by these successive
generations does not seem to be as
important as the sense of completion or adherence
to a purpose (such as the charge to be
fertile and fill the earth). Vertical genealogies
focus on establishing legitimacy for membership
in the family or tribe (as in the case of the
Levitical genealogies in Ezra 2. Mesopotamian
sources do not offer many genealogies, but
most of those that are known are linear in nature.
Most of these are either of royal or scribal
families, and most are only three generations,
with none more than twelve. Egyptian genealogies
are mostly of priestly families and are
likewise linear. They extend to as many as
seventeen generations but are not common
until the first millennium B.C. Genealogies are
often formatted to suit a literary purpose. So,
for instance, the genealogies between Adam
and Noah, and Noah and Abraham, are each
set up to contain ten members, with the last
having three sons. Comparing biblical genealogies
to one another shows that there are often
several generations skipped in any particular
presentation. This type of telescoping also occurs
in *Assyrian genealogical records. Thus
we need not think that the genealogy’s purpose
is to represent every generation, as our
modern family trees attempt to do.
5:3. Adam’s son in his likeness and image.
This same type of comparison is made in
*Enuma Elish between the generations of the
gods. Anshar begets Anu like himself, and
Anu begets Nudimmud (Enki) in his likeness.
5:3-32. long lives. Although there is no satisfactory
explanation of the long life spans before
the flood, there are *Sumerian lists of
kings who purportedly reigned before the
flood with reigns as long as 43,200 years. The
Sumerians used the sexagesimal number system
(a combination of base six and base ten),
and when the numbers of the Sumerian king
list are converted to decimal, they are very
much in the range of the age spans of the preflood
genealogies of Genesis. The Hebrews,
like most other Semitic peoples, used a baseten
decimal system as far back as writing extends.
5:21-24. God took Enoch. Seventh in the line,
Enoch was the most outstanding individual in
the line of Seth. As a result of walking with
God (a phrase expressing piety) he was “taken”—
an alternative to dying, the stated fate of
all the others in the genealogy. The text does
not say where he was taken, a possible indication
that the author did not profess to know.
GENESIS 5:29—6:14 36
We can properly assume that he was believed
to have been taken to a better place, for this
fate was seen as a reward for his close relationship
to God, but the text stops short of
saying he went to heaven or to be with God.
In the Mesopotamian lists of preflood sages,
the seventh in the list, Utuabzu, is said to have
ascended to heaven. In the Egyptian Pyramid
Texts, Shu, the god of the air, is instructed to
take the king to heaven so he does not die on
earth. This simply represents the transition
from mortality to immortality. Jewish writings
after the time of the Old Testament offer extensive
speculation about Enoch and portray
him as an ancient source of revelation and
apocalyptic visions (1, 2 and 3 Enoch).
5:29. comfort us. The name Noah means
“rest,” bringing out again the importance of
this motif in the ancient Near East (see comment
on 2:1-3). The Mesopotamian gods sent
the flood because the disturbances of the human
world were preventing them from getting
rest. So in that case, the flood provided
rest for the gods. Here Noah is rather associated
with bringing rest for people from the
curse of the gods.
Genesis 5:29—6:14
6:1-4
The Sons of God and the Daughters
of Men
6:2. sons of God. The term “sons of God” is
used elsewhere in the Old Testament to refer
to angels, but the idea of sonship to God is
also portrayed corporately for the Israelites
and individually for kings. In the ancient Near
East kings were commonly understood as
having a filial relationship to deity and were
often considered to have been engendered by
deity.
6:2. marrying whom they chose. The practice
of marrying “any of them they chose” has
been interpreted by some to be a reference to
polygamy. While it is not to be doubted that
polygamy was practiced, it is difficult to
imagine why that would be worthy of note,
since polygamy was an acceptable practice
even in Israel in Old Testament times. It is
more likely that this is a reference to the “right
of the first night,” cited as one of the oppressive
practices of kings in the *Gilgamesh Epic.
The king could exercise his right, as representative
of the gods, to spend the wedding night
with any woman who was being given in
marriage. This presumably was construed as a
*fertility rite. If this is the practice referred to
here, it would offer an explanation of the nature
of the offense.
6:3. 120 years. The limitation of 120 years most
likely refers to a reduction of the life span of
humans, since it is in the context of a statement
about mortality. While the verse is notoriously
difficult to translate, modern consensus
is moving toward translating it “My
spirit will not remain in man forever,” thus affirming
mortality. Just as the offense can be
understood in light of information from the
Gilgamesh Epic, so this statement may refer to
the never-ending quest for immortality; a
quest such as is at the core of the Gilgamesh
Epic. Though Gilgamesh lived after the flood,
these elements of the narrative resonate with
universal human experience. A wisdom text
from the town of Emar cites 120 years as the
most years given to humans by the gods.
6:4. Nephilim. Nephilim is not an ethnic designation
but a description of a particular type of
individual. In Numbers 13:33 they are identified,
along with the descendants of Anak, as
some of the inhabitants of the land of Canaan.
The latter are described as giants, but there is
no reason to consider the Nephilim to be giants.
It is more likely that the term describes
heroic warriors, perhaps the ancient equivalent
of knights errant.
6:5—8:22
The Flood
6:13. violence as cause of flood. In the Atrahasis
Epic’s account of the flood the reason that
the gods decide to send the flood is the
“noise” of mankind. This is not necessarily
different from the biblical reason in that
“noise” can be the result of violence. Abel’s
blood cries out from the ground (4:10) and the
outcry against Sodom and Gomorrah is great
Gen 18:20. The noise could be generated either
by the number of petitions being made to
the gods to respond to the violence and bloodshed
or by the victims who cry out in their
distress.
6:14. gopher wood. Gopher is the Hebrew
word translated “cypress wood” in the NIV.
This is an unknown type of material, although
it undoubtedly refers to some sort of coniferous
tree thought to possess great strength and
durability. Cypress was often used by shipbuilders
in the ancient Near East. Similarly,
the cedars of Lebanon were prized by the
Egyptians for the construction of their
barques for transport on the Nile, for instance
in the eleventh century B.C. Diary of *Wenamon.
6:14. boats in the ancient world. Prior to the
invention of seaworthy vessels that could carry
sailors and cargo through the heavy seas of
the Mediterranean, most boats were made of
skin or reeds and were designed to sail
37 GENESIS 6:14—7:2
through marshes or along the river bank.
They were used for fishing or hunting and
would not have been more than ten feet in
length. True sailing ships, with a length of
170 feet, are first depicted in Old Kingdom
Egyptian art (c. 2500 B.C.) and are described
in *Ugaritic (1600-1200 B.C.) and Phoenician
(1000-500 B.C.) texts. Remains of shipwrecks
from the mid-second millennium (*Late
Bronze Age) have also been found in the
Mediterranean. They still generally navigated
within sight of land, with trips to Crete
and Cyprus as well as the ports along the
coasts of Egypt, the Persian Gulf and Asia
Minor.
6:14-16. size of the ark. Based on a measurement
of one cubit equaling eighteen inches
or forty-five centimeters, the ark Noah constructs
is approximately 450 feet (135
meters) long, 75 feet (22 meters) wide, and
45 feet (13 meters) deep. If it had a flat bottom,
the total surface capacity would be
about three times that of the tabernacle (100
by 50 cubits in Ex 27:9-13, with a displacement
of 43,000 tons. In comparison, the ark
constructed by *Utnapishtim in the *Babylonian
version of the *Gilgamesh Epic is either
a cube or ziggurat-shaped (120 by 120 by
120 cubits), with a displacement of three or
four times that of the Genesis ark. Noah’s
ark was not designed to be navigated—no
rudder or sail is mentioned. Thus the fate of
the company aboard was left in the hands of
God. Although *Utnapishtim does employ a
navigator, the shape of his ark may be magical,
since he could not depend on the gods
to preserve him.
Genesis 6:14—7:2 6:15-16. length measurements. The standard
measurement unit for length was the cubit,
which was eighteen inches (forty-five centimeters).
This was based on the length of a
man’s forearm, from his fingertips to his elbow.
Other units include the span, the handbreadth/
palm and the finger. Use of a “fourfinger
equals one palm” and of a “twentyfour-
finger equals one cubit” measure is
common throughout the ancient Near East.
Some variations do occur, such as seven
palms equals one cubit in Egypt and thirty
fingers equals one cubit in *Babylonia until
the *Chaldean period (perhaps based on
their use of a sexagesimal mathematics system).
6:17. archaeological evidences of flood. There
is presently no convincing archaeological
evidence of the biblical flood. The examination
of silt levels at the *Sumerian cities of
*Ur, Kish, Shuruppak, *Lagash and *Uruk
(all of which have occupation levels at least
as early as 2800 B.C.) are from different periods
and do not reflect a single massive flood
that inundated them all at the same time.
Similarly, the city of Jericho, which has been
continuously occupied since 7000 B.C., has
no flood deposits whatsoever. Climatological
studies have indicated that the period
from 4500 to 3500 B.C. was significantly wetter
in this region, but that offers little to go
on. The search for the remains of Noah’s ark
have centered on the Turkish peak of Agri
Dagh (17,000 feet) near Lake Van. However,
no one mountain within the Ararat range is
mentioned in the biblical account, and fragments
of wood that have been carbon-14
dated from this mountain have proven to
come from no earlier than the fifth century
A.D.
7:2-4. seven of every kind. Though Noah
ANCIENT NEAR EASTERN FLOOD ACCOUNTS
The most significant ancient Near Eastern flood accounts are found in the Atrahasis Epic and the Gilgamesh
Epic. In these accounts the chief god, Enlil, becomes angry at mankind (the Atrahasis Epic portrays
him as disturbed over the “noise” of mankind, see next comment) and, after trying unsuccessfully to
remedy the situation by reducing the population through things like drought and disease, persuades the
divine assembly to approve a flood for the total elimination of mankind. The god Ea manages to forewarn
one loyal worshipper, a king who is instructed to build a boat that will preserve not only him and his family,
but representatives skilled in the various arts of civilization. The other people of the city are told that
the gods are angry with the king and he must leave them. The pitch-covered boat has seven stories shaped
either as a cube or, more likely, a ziggurat (see comment on 11:4). The storm lasts seven days and nights
after which the boat comes to rest on Mt. Nisir. Birds are sent out to determine the time of leaving the ark.
Sacrifices are made for which the gods are very thankful since they have been deprived of food (sacrifices)
since the flood began.
The Atrahasis Epic is dated to the early second millennium B.C. The Gilgamesh Epic came into its
present form during the second half of the second millennium, but used materials that were already in circulation
at the end of the third millennium. From the short summary above one can detect a number of
similarities as well as a number of differences. There is no reason to doubt that the ancient Near Eastern
accounts and Genesis refer to the same flood. This would certainly account for the similarities. The differences
exist because each culture is viewing the flood through its own theology and worldview.
GENESIS 7:2—8:20 38
takes two each of most animals into the ark,
he is instructed in verse 2 to take seven pairs
of every clean animal and of every bird. Additional
clean animals would be needed both for
the sacrifice after the flood and for quicker repopulation
for human use. In some sacrificial
*rituals seven of each class of designated animal
are offered (cf. 2 Chron 29:21, but, of
course, Noah is not going to sacrifice all of
them.
7:2. clean and unclean before Moses. The distinction
between clean and unclean animals
was not an innovation established at Sinai but
is seen as early as Noah. Evidence from Egypt
and Mesopotamia offer no system equivalent
to the Israelite system of classification. While
there are dietary restrictions in those cultures,
they tend to be much more limited, that is,
certain animals restricted only to certain classes
of people or on certain days of the month.
Even here one cannot assume that the classification
has implications for their diet. Up to
this time no permission had been granted to
eat meat (see 1:29). When meat was granted to
them as food after the flood (9:2-3), there were
no restrictions along the lines of clean and unclean.
As a result it appears that the classification
concerned sacrifice, not diet, in this
period.
Genesis 7:2—8:20 7:11. floodgates opened. The text uses the poetic
phrase “windows of heaven” to describe
the openings through which the rain came
down. This is not scientific language but reflects
the perspective of the observer, much as
we would speak of the sun “setting.” The only
other occurrence of such a term in ancient
Near Eastern literature is in the Canaanite
myth of *Baal building his house, where the
“window” of his house is described as a rift in
the clouds. But even here it is not associated
with rain. Alternate terminology occurs in the
Mesopotamian texts, where gates of heaven
are in the east and west for the sun to use in its
rising and setting. Clouds and winds, however,
also enter by these gates.
7:11—8:5. time periods of flood. The total
elapse of time in the flood narrative can be
viewed in different ways depending on how
the given information is merged. From the information
given in 7:11 and 8:14 it can be determined
that Noah and his family were in the
ark for twelve months and eleven days. The
exact number of days would depend on how
many days were counted in a month and
whether any adjustments were being made
between lunar and solar reckonings. The eleven
days has been found interesting by some,
since the lunar year of 354 days is eleven days
shorter than the solar year.
8:4. Ararat. The mountains of Ararat are located
in the Lake Van region of eastern Turkey in
the area of Armenia (known as Urartu in *Assyrian
inscriptions). This range of mountains
(the highest peak reaching 17,000 feet) is also
mentioned in 2 Kings 19:37, Isaiah 37:38 and
Jeremiah 51:27. The *Gilgamesh epic, however,
describes the flood hero’s ark coming to
rest on a specific mountaintop, Mount Nisir in
southern Kurdistan.
8:6-12. use of birds in ancient Near East. One
of the enduring pictures of the Noah account
is that of Noah sending out the birds to gain
information about the conditions outside the
ark. The flood stories in the *Gilgamesh Epic
and the Atrahasis Epic feature a similar use of
birds. Rather than a raven and three missions
for the dove, we find a dove, swallow and
raven sent out. The dove and swallow return
without finding a place, while the raven is pictured,
as in 8:7, as flying about cawing and not
returning (Gilg. 11.146-54). Ancient navigators
were known to use birds to find land, but
Noah is not navigating, and he is on land. His
use of the birds is not for purposes of finding
direction. It is also known that the flight patterns
of birds sometimes served as omens, but
neither Genesis nor Gilgamesh make observations
from the flight of the birds sent out.
8:7. habits of ravens. Unlike pigeons or doves,
which will return after being released, a
raven’s use to seamen is based on its line of
flight. By noting the direction it chooses, a
sailor may determine where land is located.
The most sensible strategy is to release a raven
first and then use other birds to determine the
depth of the water and the likelihood of a
place to land. A raven, by habit, lives on carrion
and would therefore have sufficient food
available.
8:9. habits of doves. The dove and the pigeon
have a limited ability for sustained flight.
Thus navigators use them to determine the location
of landing sites. As long as they return,
no landing is in close range. The dove lives at
lower elevations and requires plants for food.
8:11. olive leaf significance. The olive leaf retrieved
by the dove suggests the amount of
time it would take for an olive tree to leaf out
after being submerged—a clue to the current
depth of the flood waters. It is also symbolic
of new life and fertility to come after the flood.
The olive is a difficult tree to kill, even if cut
down. This freshly plucked shoot shows Noah
that recovery has begun.
8:20-22. use of altars. Altars are a common element
in many religions, ancient and modern.
In the Bible altars were usually constructed of
stone (hewn or unhewn), but in certain cir-
39 GENESIS 8:20—9:27
cumstances even a large rock would suffice
Judg 13:19-20; 1 Sam 14:33-34. Many believe
that the altar would have been understood as
the table for the deity, since sacrifices were
popularly understood as providing a meal for
the god, though that imagery is not easily recognized
in the Old Testament.
8:20. purpose of Noah’s sacrifice. The purpose
of Noah’s sacrifice is not stated. The text
calls them “burnt offerings,” which served a
broad function in the sacrificial system. It may
be more important to note what the text does
not call the sacrifice. It is not a sin offering, nor
specifically designated a thank offering. The
burnt offerings are usually associated with petitions
or entreaties set before God. In contrast,
the sacrifice offered after the flood in the
*Gilgamesh Epic and in the earlier *Sumerian
version of the flood story feature libations and
grain offerings as well as meat sacrifices in order
to provide a feast for the gods. The general
purpose for sacrifice in the ancient world
was to appease the anger of the gods by gifts
of food and drink, and that is probably the intention
of the flood hero in the Mesopotamian
accounts.
8:21. pleasing aroma. Sacrifice here, as well as
throughout the Pentateuch, is said to produce
a pleasing aroma—terminology that was retained
from the ancient contexts in which sacrifice
was viewed as food for deity. This
account falls far short of the graphic description
in the *Gilgamesh Epic, where the famished
gods (deprived of food for the duration
of the flood) gather around the sacrifice “like
flies,” glad to find reprieve from starvation.
Genesis 8:20—9:27
9:1-17
The Covenant with Noah
9:2-4. meat eating in ancient world. Meat was
not a common dish on ancient dinner tables.
Animals were kept for their milk, hair and
wool, not specifically for their meat. Thus
meat was only available when an animal died
or was killed as a sacrifice. While meat is now
put on the list of acceptable foods, there is still
a restriction on eating meat with the blood. In
ancient times blood was considered a life force
Deut 12:23. The prohibition does not require
that no blood at all be consumed, but only that
the blood must be drained. The draining of
the blood before eating the meat was a way of
returning the life force of the animal to the
God who gave it life. This offers recognition
that they have taken the life with permission
and are partaking of God’s bounty as his
guests. Its function is not unlike that of the
blessing said before a meal in modern practice.
No comparable prohibition is known in
the ancient world.
9:5-6. capital punishment. Human life, because
of the image of God, remains under the
protection of God. The accountability to God
for preserving human life is put into humanity’s
hands, thus instituting blood vengeance
in the ancient world and capital punishment
in modern societies. In Israelite society blood
vengeance was in the hands of the family of
the victim.
9:8-17. covenant. A *covenant is a formal
agreement between two parties. The principal
section of a covenant is the stipulations section,
which may include requirements for either
party or both. In this covenant God takes
stipulations upon himself, rather than imposing
them on Noah and his family. Unlike the
later covenant with Abraham, and those that
build on the covenant with Abraham, this
covenant does not entail election or a new
phase of revelation. It is also made with every
living creature, not just people.
9:13. rainbow significance. The designation
of the rainbow as a sign of the *covenant
does not suggest that this was the first rainbow
ever seen. The function of a sign is connected
to the significance attached to it. In
like manner, *circumcision is designated as a
sign of the covenant with Abraham, yet that
was an ancient practice, not new with Abraham
and his family. In the *Gilgamesh Epic
the goddess *Ishtar identified the lapis lazuli
(deep blue semiprecious stones with traces of
gold-colored pyrite) of her necklace as the
basis of an oath by which she would never
forget the days of the flood. An eleventh-century
*Assyrian relief shows two hands reaching
out of the clouds, one hand offering
blessing, the other holding a bow. Since the
word for rainbow is the same word as that
used for the weapon, this is an interesting
image.
9:18-28
Noah’s Pronouncement Concerning
His Sons
9:21. drinking wine. The earliest evidence of
winemaking comes from neolithic Iran (Zagros
region), where archaeologists discovered
a jar dated to the second half of the sixth millennium
with a residue of wine in the bottom.
9:24-27. patriarchal pronouncements. When
Noah discovered that Ham had been indiscreet,
he uttered a curse on Canaan and a
blessing on Shem and Japheth. In the biblical
material the patriarchal pronouncement generally
concerns the destiny of the sons with re-
GENESIS 10:1-6 40
gard to the fertility of the ground, the fertility
of the family and relationships between family
members. Other examples in Genesis can be
seen in 24:60; 27:27-29, 39-40; 48:15-16; 49:1-28.
From this practice we can draw several conclusions
concerning this passage. First of all,
Ham’s indiscreet action need not be seen as
the “cause” for the curse, only the occasion
that evoked it. Compare, for example, when
Isaac asked Esau to prepare a meal so that he
could bless him; the meal was not the cause of
blessing, it only created a suitable environment
for it. Second, we need not be concerned
that Canaan appears to be singled out without
cause. We could well assume that the pronouncement
was much more comprehensive,
including some unfavorable statements about
Ham. The biblical writer has no need to preserve
the whole—he merely chooses those
sections that are pertinent to his point and relevant
to his readers, since the Canaanites were
the Hamites with whom Israel was most familiar.
Third, we need not understand these as
prophecies originating from God. There is no
“Thus says the Lord . . .” They are the patriarch’s
pronouncement, not God’s (cf. the use
of the first person in 27:37). Even so, they were
taken very seriously and considered to have
influence in the unfolding of history and personal
destiny.
Genesis 10:1-6
10:1-32
The Table of Nations
10:1. criteria of division. The genealogy of
Noah’s family provides information on the future
history and geographical distribution of
peoples in the ancient Near East. Clues are
given about the settlement of the coastal areas,
northern Africa, Syria-Palestine and Mesopotamia.
All of the major regions are thus represented,
as well as most of the nations who will
in some way interact with the Israelites,
among them Egypt, Canaan, the Philistines,
the Jebusites, *Elam and Asshur. This suggests
the political division of the “world” at the
time this list was written and provides a definite
indication that the roots of the Israelites
are in Mesopotamia. There is no attempt,
however, to link these peoples to racial divisions.
Ancient peoples were more concerned
with distinctions based on nationality, linguistics
and ethnicity.
10:2-29. names: personal, patronymic, political.
The names of Noah’s descendants listed
in the “Table of Nations” are designed to reflect
the totality of humanity and to give at
least a partial sense of their geopolitical divisions
and affiliations. A total of seventy peoples
are listed, a number found elsewhere in
the text for the number of Jacob’s family to enter
Egypt Gen 46:27 and as the representatives
of the nation (seventy elders, Ex 24:9;
Ezek 8:11. Other examples of seventy representing
totality are found in the number of
gods in the *Ugaritic pantheon and the number
of sons of Gideon Judg 8:30 and of Ahab
2 Kings 10:1. The kinship ties established in
the list of peoples have been considered by
some to reflect political affiliation (lord-vassal
relationships) rather than blood tie. Kinship
language is sometimes used in the Bible to reflect
political associations 1 Kings 9:13. Some
of the names in the list appear to be the names
of tribes or nations rather than of individuals.
In *Hammurabi’s genealogy a number of the
names are tribal or geographical names, so
this would not be unusual in an ancient document.
As a vertical genealogy, this list is simply
trying to establish relationships of various
sorts.
10:2-5. Japhethites. Although not all of the descendants
of Japheth are tied to contiguous regions,
they could all be defined from an
Israelite perspective as coming from across
the sea (NIV: “maritime peoples” in v. 5). A
*Babylonian world map from the seventh or
eighth century illustrates the geographical
worldview that there were many peoples considered
on the outskirts of civilization beyond
the sea. Many named here can be identified
with sections or peoples in Asia Minor (Magog,
Tubal, Meshek, Tyras, Togarmah) or the
Ionian islands (Dodanim), as well as Cyprus
(Elisha and Kittim). There are also several that
seem, based on *Assyrian and *Babylonian
records, to originate in the area to the east of
the Black Sea and in the Iranian plateau—
Cimmerians (Gomer), Scythians (Ashkenaz),
Medes (Madai), Paphlagonians (Riphat). Tarshish
presents the most problems, since it has
generally been identified with Spain and that
takes it out of the geographic sphere of the
others. However, the theme of Greek or Indo-
European peoples for these “nations” would
make a tie to Sardinia or perhaps Carthage
possible.
10:6-20. Hamites. The common theme in the
genealogy of the Hamites is their close geographical,
political and economic importance
to the people of Israel. These nations serve as
major rivals and literally surround Israel
(Egypt, Arabia, Mesopotamia, Syro-Palestine).
Most important here is the political placement
of groups within the Egyptian sphere (Cush,
Put, Mizraim and his descendants) and the
Canaanite sphere (various peoples like the Jebusites
and Hivites), and, interestingly, sever-
41 GENESIS 10:8—11:4
al are classified ethnically as Semitic peoples
(Canaanites, Phoenicians, *Amorites). The list
is also marked by brief narratives (Nimrod
and Canaan) which break up the stereotypical
genealogical framework and tie in areas
(*Babylon, *Nineveh, Sidon, Sodom and Gomorrah)
which will be significant in later periods
of Israelite history.
10:8-12. Nimrod. Interpreters over the years
have attempted to identify Nimrod with
known historical figures such as Tukulti-
Ninurta I (an *Assyrian king during the period
of the biblical judges), or with Mesopotamian
deities such as Ninurta, a warrior god
and patron of the hunt, who in one myth
hunts down a number of fantastic creatures
and defeats or kills them. In Genesis, however,
Nimrod is clearly a human hero rather than
divine or even semidivine. Late Jewish tradition
picked up occasionally by church fathers
envisioned him as the builder of the Tower of
Babel and the originator of idolatry, but these
ideas have no basis in the text. The extension
of his kingdom from southern Mesopotamia
(v. 10) to northern Mesopotamia (v. 11) corresponds
to the growth of the first known empire
in history, the dynasty of Agade ruled by
Sargon and Naram-Sin (about 2300 B.C.),
among the greatest of the heroic kings of old.
Nimrod’s kingdom included Erech (=*Uruk),
the city where *Gilgamesh reigned and one of
the oldest and greatest centers of *Sumerian
culture.
10:21-31. Semites. Even though Shem is the
oldest son of Noah, his genealogy appears
last, as is typical in Genesis for the son the text
seeks to follow most closely. There is a mixture
of Semitic and non-Semitic nations (by
our ethnic criteria) in this list. For instance,
*Elam (east of the Tigris) and Lud (Lydia in
southern Asia Minor) are considered non-
Semitic, but there are close historical ties to
both areas in later periods. Sheba, Ophir and
Havilah are all part of the Arabian region, and
*Aram originated east of the Tigris and north
of Elam but came to be associated with the
Aramaeans, who dominated Syria and northwest
Mesopotamia at the end of the second
millennium B.C.
10:25. dividing of the earth. While this has
traditionally been taken to refer to the division
of the nations after the Tower of Babel incident
Gen 11:1-9, other possibilities exist. It
could, for instance, refer to a division of human
communities into sedentary farmers and
pastoral nomads; or, possibly a migration of
peoples is documented here that drastically
transformed the culture of the ancient Near
East—perhaps one represented in a break-off
group traveling southeast in Genesis 11:2.
11:1-9
The Tower of Babel
Genesis 10:8—11:4 11:1. common language tradition. The account
of a time when all mankind spoke a single
language is preserved in *Sumerian in the
epic entitled Enmerkar and the Lord of Aratta. It
speaks of a time when there were no wild
beasts and only harmony among people: “The
whole universe in unison spoke to *Enlil in
one tongue.” It then reports that speech was
changed and “contention” was brought into
it. There is nothing else in this account that
parallels the Tower of Babel, but confusion of
language by deity can be seen as an ancient
theme.
11:2. Shinar. Shinar is one of the biblical designations
for the lower region of the Tigris-Euphrates
basin. It has long been identified as
linguistically equivalent to “Sumer,” the designation
for the same region that witnessed
the earliest development of civilization. The
principal cities of the region in earliest times
were *Ur, Eridu, *Uruk and Nippur.
11:3. brick technology. The passage speaks of
using kiln-baked bricks in place of stone. In
Palestine readily available stone was used for
the foundations of important buildings and
sun-dried brick for the superstructure. Kilnfired
brick was unnecessary and is not attested
in this region. In the southern plains of Mesopotamia,
however, stone would have to be
quarried some distance away and transported.
The technology of baking brick was developed
toward the end of the fourth millennium,
and the resulting product, using bitumen
as a mastic, proved waterproof and as
sturdy as stone. Since it was an expensive process,
it was used only for important public
buildings.
11:4. urbanization. Urbanization in southern
Mesopotamia was pioneered by the *Sumerians
in the early centuries of the third millennium
B.C. The “cities” of this period were not
designed for people to live in. They housed
the public sector, for the most part religious
buildings and storage facilities enclosed by a
wall. Since the government of these early cities
was made up of elders connected to the
temple, there would not even have been separate
government buildings, though there may
have been residences for these public officials.
The determination to build a city suggests a
move toward urbanization, which can easily
be understood as a course of action that
would prevent scattering. The cooperative living
available through urbanization would al-
GENESIS 11:4-9 42
low more people to live together in a defined
region, as it would allow for large-scale irrigation
and excess grain production. The need for
nonurbanized peoples to scatter is well demonstrated
in the story of Abraham and Lot in
Genesis 13.
11:4. tower. The central feature of these early
cities in southern Mesopotamia was the
temple complex. Often, the temple complex
was the city. The temple complex in this period
would have been comprised of the temple
itself, where the patron deity was
worshiped, and, most prominently, by the
ziggurat. Ziggurats were structures designed
to provide stairways from the heavens
(the gate of the gods) to earth so that the
gods could come down into their temple
and into the town and bring blessing. It was
a convenience provided for the deity and
his messengers. These stairways were featured
in the mythology of the *Sumerians
and also are portrayed in Jacob’s dream
Gen 28:12. The ziggurats were constructed
of a sun-dried brick frame filled with dirt
and rubble and finished off with a shell of
kiln-baked brick. There were no rooms,
chambers or passageways of any sort inside.
The structure itself was simply made to
hold up the stairway. At the top was a small
room for the deity, equipped with a bed and
a table supplied regularly with food. In this
way the deity could refresh himself during
his descent. None of the festivals or *ritual
acts suggest that people used the ziggurat for
any purpose. It was for the gods. The priests
certainly would have to go up to provide
fresh supplies, but it was holy ground. The
ziggurat served as the architectural representation
of the pagan religious developments
of this period, when deity was
transformed into the image of man.
11:4. head in the heavens. This phrase is reserved
almost exclusively for the description
of ziggurats in Akkadian usage. Additionally,
there are some intriguing omens in the series
entitled Summa Alu (“If a city . . .”) that indicate
an impending doom that hangs over cities
or towers built high. If a city lifts its head
to the heaven, it will be abandoned, or there
will be a change on the throne. A city that rises
like a mountain peak will become a ruin, and
if it goes up like a cloud to heaven there will
be calamity.
11:4. making a name. The people were interested
in making a name for themselves. This is
a desire that God recognized as legitimate in
other contexts, saying that he will make a
name for Abraham and David. Having descendants
was one way of making a name.
While there need not be anything evil or sinful
about wanting to make a name for oneself, we
must also acknowledge that this desire may
become obsessive or lead one to pursue wicked
schemes.
11:4. avoiding scattering. Likewise, it is logical
that the people would want to avoid scattering.
Though God had blessed them with
the privilege of multiplying so much that they
would fill the earth, that did not obligate them
to scatter. The filling was to be accomplished
by multiplying, not by spreading out. Economic
conditions would have eventually
forced the breakup of any group of people,
which was why they embarked on the course
of urbanization. God scattered them not because
he did not want them to be together, but
because their united efforts were causing mischief
(as we separate children who misbehave).
11:5. came down to see. The ziggurat would
have been built so that God could come down
into their midst to be worshiped and bring
blessing with him. God indeed “came down”
to see. But rather than being pleased at their
provision of this convenience, he was distressed
by the threshold of paganism that had
been crossed in the concepts represented by
the ziggurat.
Genesis 11:4-9 11:8. settlement patterns of *Uruk phase.
Many of the features of this account point to
the end of the fourth millennium as the setting
of the narrative. This is the period when
receding water allowed settlement of the
southern Tigris-Euphrates basin. Many settlements
on native soil show that the occupants
brought the northern Mesopotamian
culture with them. It is likewise in the period
known as the Late *Uruk phase (toward the
end of the fourth millennium) that the culture
and technology known from these settlements
in southern Mesopotamia suddenly
starts showing up in settlements throughout
the ancient Near East. Thus both the migration
referred to in verse 2 and the dispersion
of verse 9 find points of contact in the settlement
pattern identified by archaeologists for
the end of the fourth millennium. Urbanization,
ziggurat prototypes and experimentation
with kiln-baked brick also fit this time
period.
11:9. ancient Babylon. The ancient history of
*Babylon is difficult to recover. Excavations at
the site cannot go back further than the beginning
of the second millennium because the
water table of the Euphrates has shifted over
time and destroyed the lower levels. In the literature
of Mesopotamia there is no significant
mention of Babylon until it is made the capital
43 GENESIS 11:28—12:6
of the *Old Babylonian empire in the eighteenth
century B.C.
11:10-32
The Line of Shem, the Family of
Abraham
Genesis 11:28—12:6 11:28. Ur of the Chaldees. Abraham’s family is
from *Ur of the Chaldees. For many generations
the only *Ur that has been known to modern
scholars is the famous *Sumerian city on
the southern Euphrates. It has been somewhat
of a mystery why this southern city would be
referred to as *Ur of the Chaldees—since at this
time the Chaldeans were settled primarily in
the northern section of Mesopotamia. An alternative
was provided when textual evidence
from Mesopotamia began to produce evidence
of a smaller town by the name of *Ur in the
northern region, not far from Haran (where
Terah moves his family). This town could logically
be referred to as *Ur of the Chaldees to
differentiate it from the well-known *Ur in the
south. This would also explain why Abraham’s
family is always seen as having its homeland in
“Paddan *Aram” or “Aram Naharaim” (24:10;
28:2, descriptions of northern Mesopotamia between
the Tigris and Euphrates).
11:30. barrenness in the ancient Near East.
Failure to produce an heir was a major calamity
for a family in the ancient world because it
meant a disruption in the generational inheritance
pattern and left no one to care for the
couple in their old age. Thus legal remedies
were developed which allowed a man whose
wife had failed to provide him with a son to
impregnate a slave girl (Code of *Hammurabi;
*Nuzi texts) or a prostitute (Lipit-Ishtar Code).
The children from this relationship could then
be acknowledged by the father as his heirs
(Code of Hammurabi). Abram and Sarai employ
the same strategy when they use the
slave girl Hagar as a legal surrogate to produce
an heir for the aged couple (see comments
on Gen 16:1-4.
11:31. Haran. The city of Haran was located
550 miles northwest of the southern *Ur, on
the left bank of the Balikh River (a tributary
of the upper Euphrates). Today it is in modern
Turkey about ten miles from the Syrian-
Turkish border. It is mentioned prominently
in the *Mari texts (eighteenth century B.C.) as
a center of *Amorite population in northern
Mesopotamia and an important crossroads.
It was known to feature a temple to the
moon god, Sin. There has been very limited
excavation at the site due to continuing occupation.
12:1-9
Abraham Travels to Canaan
12:1. father’s household. A man was identified
in the ancient world as a member of his
father’s household. When the head of the
household died, his heir assumed that title
and its responsibilities. It is also identified
with ancestral lands and property. By leaving
his father’s household, Abram was thus giving
up his inheritance and his right to family
property.
12:1. The *covenant promises. Land, family
and inheritance were among the most significant
elements in ancient society. For farmers
and herdsmen land was their livelihood. For
city dwellers land represented their political
identity. Descendants represented the future.
Children provided for their parents in old age
and enabled the family line to extend another
generation. They gave proper burial to their
parents and honored the names of their ancestors.
In some of the ancient Near Eastern cultures
these were considered essential to
maintaining a comfortable existence in the afterlife.
When Abram gave up his place in his
father’s household, he forfeited his security.
He was putting his survival, his identity, his
future and his security in the hands of the
Lord.
12:6. tree of Moreh. Most likely this was a
great Tabor oak (Quercus ithaburensis), which
served as a landmark at Shechem and perhaps
could have functioned as a point where a
teacher (the literal meaning of Moreh) or judge
would come to hear legal cases or provide instruction
(such as Deborah’s palm tree in Judg
4:5 and Danil’s judgment tree in the *Ugaritic
epic of *Aqhat). Besides being valued for their
shade, such trees also served as evidences of
*fertility and were therefore often adopted as
places of worship (not often as objects of worship).
12:6. Shechem. The site of Shechem has been
identified with Tell Balatah, east of modern
Nablus and thirty-five miles north of Jerusalem.
Perhaps because of its proximity to two
nearby peaks, Mount Gerizim and Mount
Ebal, it has had a long history as a sacred site.
The strategic position of Shechem, at the east
entrance to the pass between these mountains,
also made it an important trading center. As
early as the *Middle Bronze I period, Shechem
is mentioned in the Egyptian texts of Pharaoh
Sesostris III (1880-1840 B.C.). Excavations have
revealed an apparently unwalled settlement
in *Middle Bronze IIA (about 1900 B.C.) with
the development of fortifications in Middle
Bronze IIB (about 1750).
GENESIS 12:6—13:7 44
12:6-9. significance of altars. Altars function
as sacrificial platforms. Their construction can
also mark the introduction of the worship of a
particular god in a new land. Abram’s setting
up of altars in each place where he camped
defines areas to be occupied in the “Promised
Land” and establishes these places as religious
centers in later periods.
12:10-20
Abraham in Egypt
12:10. famine in the land. Syria-Palestine has
a fragile ecology that is based on the rains
which come in the winter and spring months.
If these rains fail to come at the appropriate
time, are less or more than is expected, or fail
to come at all, then planting and harvests are
negatively affected. It was not uncommon for
drought and resulting famine to occur in this
region. Egyptian Papyrus Anastasi VI reports
of an entire clan going down into Egypt during
a drought. Modern archaeologists and geologists
have found evidence of a massive
three-hundred-year drought cycle that occurred
during the end of the third millennium
and the beginning of the second millennium—
one of the time periods to which Abraham
is dated.
12:11-12. wife as sister. The wife/sister theme
appears three times in Genesis. It functions as
(1) a protective strategy by migrants against
local authorities, (2) a contest between God
and the god-king Pharaoh in Genesis 12 and
(3) a literary motif designed to heighten tension
in the story when the promise of an heir
to the *covenant is threatened. The logic is
possibly that if an individual in power desired
to take a woman into his harem he might be
inclined to negotiate with a brother, but he
would be more likely to eliminate a husband.
In each case, the ancestral couple are reunited
and enriched and the local ruler is shamed.
On a personal level this does not speak well of
Abram, but it does make him appear more human
than in other stories.
12:11. the beauty of aged Sarah. Sarah is described
as a beautiful woman, though by this
time she is between sixty-five and seventy
years of age. The phrase used to describe Sarah
here is sometimes used to describe a woman’s
beauty 2 Sam 14:27, but it does not
necessarily refer strictly to feminine allure or
attractiveness. It is sometimes used to describe
male good looks 1 Sam 17:42, but it
may be important to note that the phrase is
also used to describe a fine specimen of cow
Gen 41:2. We need not therefore assume that
Sarah has miraculously retained the stunning
beauty of youth. Her dignity, her bearing, her
countenance, her outfitting could all contribute
to the impression that she is a striking
woman.
12:10-20. Beni Hasan tomb painting. The
Twelfth Dynasty (nineteenth century B.C.)
tomb painting of Khnumhotep III at Beni
Hasan (near Minya in Middle Egypt) depicts
one of many caravans of “Asiatics” that
brought raw materials and exotic items
(frankincense, lapis lazuli). These traders
wear multicolored robes, bring their families
with them and travel with their weapons and
donkeys laden with “ox-hide,” ingots of
bronze and other trade goods. Their garb and
the ease with which they were able to travel to
Egypt may well reflect the look of Abram’s
household. Egypt served as both a market as
well as a source of food and temporary employment
for many groups driven by war or
famine from the rest of the Near East.
12:17. nature of disease. The assumption in
the ancient world is that all disease is a reflection
of the displeasure of a god or gods. Infectious
disease could be coped with through
purification and sacrifice and might be treated
with herbal medicines, but the root cause was
viewed as divine, not physical. Thus disease
was considered the direct result of sin or some
violation of custom, so the ancients would
seek to determine which god might be responsible
and how he might be appeased. Medicinal
remedies would be augmented by magical
remedies and incantations.
Genesis 12:6—13:7
13:1-18
Abraham and Lot
13:1-4. Abram’s itinerary. Since the household
is depicted as pastoral nomads, they would
have had to stop periodically to find pasture
and water for the herds and flocks. The Negev
was more heavily populated in the early second
millennium and might have provided
specific staging points for this journey (see Ex
17:1). The return to the vicinity of Bethel
marks the resumption of the *covenantal narrative
and sets the stage for the separation
from Lot. From the border of Egypt to the area
of Bethel/Ai would be a journey of about two
hundred miles.
13:5-7. herding needs and lifestyle. The primary
requirements for a successful herding
group are pasturage and water sources. The
hot, dry months from April through September
require movement of herds to higher elevations
where grass remains and streams and
springs can be found. In the colder, wet
months of October through March, the ani-
45 GENESIS 13:7—14:7
mals will be brought back to the plains for
grazing. This seasonal movement necessitates
long separations of herders from their villages
or the establishment of an unconnected, seminomadic
lifestyle in which whole families travel
with the herds. The knowledge of natural
resources along their routes of travel would be
their primary lore. Disputes over grazing land
and water rights would be the most frequent
cause of quarrels between herdsmen.
13:7. Canaanites and Perizzites. See comment
on Exodus 3:7-10.
13:10. the plain of the Jordan. It would be
possible to get a good view of the Jordan
Valley and the northern area of the Dead Sea
from the hills around Bethel. While the area
around the Dead Sea is not a particularly
hospitable region today, this verse makes it
clear that prior to the Lord’s judgment the
area had a far different quality. It should be
noted that there are extensive areas along
the Jordan Plateau that do provide ample
grazing, and this may also be represented in
this narrative.
13:12. the boundaries of Canaan. The eastern
boundary of Canaan is everywhere identified
as the Jordan River (see especially Num
34:1-12 and the comments on it). Thus it becomes
clear that by moving to the vicinity of
the cities of the plain Lot has gone outside
the land of Canaan, leaving it entirely to
Abram.
13:18. Hebron. The city of Hebron is located
in the Judean hill country (c. 3,300 feet above
sea level) approximately nineteen miles
southwest of Jerusalem and twenty-three
miles northeast of Beersheba. Ancient roadways
converge on this site coming east from
Lachish and connecting with the road north
to Jerusalem, indicating its importance and
continuous settlement. Its springs and wells
provide ample water for olive and grape production
and would have supported a mixed
agricultural-pastoral economy such as that
described in Genesis 23. Hebron is said to
have been founded “seven years before
Zoan” (Avaris in Egypt), dating it to the seventeenth
century B.C. (see comment on Num
13:22). The construction of an altar here, as at
Bethel, transforms this into an important religious
site, and its subsequent use as a burial
place for the ancestors established its political
importance (reflected in the Davidic narrative—
2 Sam 2:1-7; 15:7-12).
Genesis 13:7—14:7
14:1-16
Abraham Rescues Lot
14:1-4. the kings of the East. The kings of
the East have remained stubbornly obscure
despite numerous attempts to link them to
historically known figures, though the geographical
areas they represent can be identified
with some confidence. Shinar refers
elsewhere in the Bible to the southern Mesopotamian
plains known in earliest times
as *Sumer and later connected to *Babylonia.
Ellasar corresponds to an ancient way
of referring to *Assyria (a.la5.sar). *Elam is
the usual name for the region, which in this
period comprised the whole of the land
east of Mesopotamia from the Caspian Sea
to the Persian Gulf (modern Iran). Goiim is
the most vague, but it is generally associated
with the *Hittites (who were located in
the eastern section of present-day Turkey),
mostly because the king’s name, Tidal, is
easily associated with the common Hittite
royal name, Tudhaliyas. As a reference to a
group of people, Goiim would most likely
refer to a coalition of “barbaric” peoples
(like the *Akkadian designation, Umman
Manda). In *Mari it is a designation used to
refer to the Haneans. While there were
many periods in the first half of the second
millennium when the Elamites were closely
associated with powers in Mesopotamia, it
is more difficult to bring the Hittites into
the picture. We do know that *Assyrian
merchants had a trading colony in the Hittite
region, but there is no indication of
joint military ventures. Early Hittite history
is very sketchy, and we have little information
concerning where the Hittites came
from or precisely when they moved into
Anatolia. The names of the kings of the
East are authentic enough, but none of
them have been identified or linked to the
kings of these respective regions at this period.
So, for instance, there is an Arioch
who was prince of Mari in the eighteenth
century. We certainly have no information
of Elamite control of sections of Palestine as
suggested in verse 4, but it must be admitted
that there are many gaps in our knowledge
of the history of this period. None of
the five kings of Canaan are known outside
the Bible, for even these cities are yet unattested
in other ancient records, despite occasional
claims of possible references to
Sodom.
14:5-7. the itinerary and conquests of the
kings of the East. The itinerary of conquest
is given as is common in chronographic
texts. The route goes from north to south
along what is known as the King’s Highway,
the major north-south artery in Transjordan,
just east of the Jordan Valley. Ashtaroth,
GENESIS 14:10-15 46
neighboring the capital later called Karnaim,
was the capital of the region just east
of the Sea of Galilee inhabited by the
Rephaim. Virtually nothing is known of
these peoples, or of the Zuzites and Emites,
though all of them are identified with the giants
of the land at the time of the conquest
under Joshua (cf. Deut 2. The next stop was
Ham in northern Gilead. Shaveh, also
known as Kiriathaim, was in Reubenite territory
when the land was divided among
the tribes and bordered on the Moabite region.
The Horites were the people living in
the region later known as Edom, the next region
south. After reaching the area of the
gulf of Aqaba (the town of El Paran=
Elath?), the invaders turn northwest to confront
the Amalekites in the region of Kadesh
Barnea (at that time called En Mishpat) and
the *Amorites in the southern hill country.
This route then brings them around to the
cities of the plain in the region south and
east of the Dead Sea. The towns of Sodom
and Gomorrah have not been located with
any certainty, though some think that their
remains are beneath part of the Dead Sea
(see comments on Gen 19. After the battle
in the Valley of Siddim, the four kings traveled
along the west side of the Jordan and
got as far as Dan, in the very north of the
land of Canaan, before being overtaken by
Abraham and his men.
Genesis 14:10-15 14:10. tar pits. Tar pits are common in this area
that is so rich in bitumen that large amounts
bubble to the surface and even float on the
Dead Sea. The word translated “pits” is the
same word used for wells of water throughout
the Old Testament and therefore generally refers
to a spot that has been dug out. The Valley
of Siddim, then, had many pits that had been
dug to extract bitumen, and these provided
refuge for the kings (they “lowered themselves
into them” rather than “they fell into
them”).
14:13. “the Hebrew.” Abram is referred to as
“Abram the Hebrew.” Typically the designation
“Hebrew” in early times was used only as
a point of reference for foreigners. Besides the
use here, it is used to identify Joseph in Egypt
(e.g., 39:14-17), the Israelite slaves in reference
to the Egyptian masters Ex 2:11, Jonah to the
sailors Jon 1:9, the Israelites to the Philistines
1 Sam 4:6, and other such situations. Some
have thought that “Hebrew” is not in these
cases an ethnic reference but a designation of
a social class of people known as the “Habiru”
in many ancient texts, where they are typically
dispossessed peoples.
14:14-16. 318 trained men. Here we discover
that Abram has a household of significant size
(318 recruits or retainers). The word used to
describe these men occurs nowhere else in the
Old Testament, but does occur in an *Akkadian
letter of the fifteenth century B.C. Whether
Abram is placed within the early part of the
*Middle Bronze Age, when the area was predominantly
occupied by herdsmen and villagers,
or within the later *Middle Bronze Age
when there were more fortified settlements,
this army would have been a match for any
other armed force in the region. Even as late
as the *Amarna period the armies of any particular
city state would not have been much
larger.
14:15. battle tactics. Abram caught up to the
eastern army at the northern border of the
land, Dan. Abram uses the strategy of nighttime
ambush, which is attested in texts as
THE RELIGION OF ABRAHAM
It is important to notice that Abraham comes from a family that is not monotheistic (see Josh 24:2,14.
They would have shared the polytheistic beliefs of the ancient world at that time. In this type of system
the gods were connected to the forces of nature and showed themselves through natural phenomena.
These gods did not reveal their natures or give any idea of what would bring their favor or
wrath. They were worshipped by being flattered, cajoled, humored and appeased. Manipulation is
the operative term. They were gods made in the image of man. One of the main reasons that God
made a covenant with Abraham was in order to reveal what he was really like—to correct the false
view of deity that people had developed. But this was projected to take place in stages, not all at once.
The Lord, Yahweh, is not portrayed as a God that Abraham already worshiped. When he appears to
Abraham he does not give him a doctrinal statement or require rituals or issue demands; he makes an
offer. Yahweh does not tell Abraham that he is the only God there is, and he does not ask him to stop
worshiping whatever gods his family was worshiping. He does not tell him to get rid of his idols nor
does he proclaim a coming Messiah or salvation. Instead, he says that he has something to give Abraham
if Abraham is willing to give up some things first.
In the massive polytheistic systems of the ancient Near East the great cosmic deities, while
respected and worshiped in national and royal contexts, had little personal contact with the common
people. Individuals were more inclined to focus their personal or family worship on local or family deities.
We can best understand this through an analogy to politics. Though we respect and recognize the
47 GENESIS 14:17—15:3
early as the Judges period in Egyptian as well
as in *Hittite documents.
14:17-24
Abraham and Melchizedek
14:17-20. Melchizedek. Melchizedek is introduced
as the king of Salem and is portrayed as
the principal king of the region in that he receives
a portion of the booty. Salem is generally
considered to be Jerusalem, though early
Christian evidence and the Madeba map associate
it with Shechem. (The Madeba map is the
earliest map of Palestine. It is a mosaic on the
floor of a sixth-century A.D. church.) Often one
city-state would gain predominance over the
others in the region, as is seen in the book of
Joshua where kings of Jerusalem and Hazor
put the southern and northern coalitions together.
Whether Melchizedek is Canaanite,
*Amorite or Jebusite cannot be easily determined.
The name of God that he uses to bless
Abram, El Elyon (“God Most High”), is well
known as a way of referring to the chief
Canaanite god, *El, in Canaanite literature.
14:18-19. meeting of Abraham and Melchizedek.
Their meeting takes place in the Valley
of Shaveh. The designation of it as the King’s
Valley connects it to the valley just south of
Jerusalem, most likely where the Kidron and
Hinnom valleys come together. In a later period,
Absalom built a monument here (2 Sam
18:18). The communal meal that they share
would typically indicate a peaceful agreement
between them. *Hittite treaties refer to the
provision of food in wartime by allies.
Melchizedek is anxious to make peace with
such a proven military force, and Abram submits
by paying the tithe, thereby acknowledging
Melchizedek’s status.
14:21-24. agreement between Abraham and
kings of Sodom. The king of Sodom acknowledged
that Abram had a right to the booty, but
asks that the people be returned to him.
Abram refuses the booty with the explanation
that he is under oath to *El Elyon (whom he
identifies as *Yahweh) not to profit from his
military action. It is possible that this agreement
would have occasioned the formulation
of a document to formalize the terms. Such a
document could easily have taken the form
that this chapter takes and may have even
served as a source for this chapter.
Genesis 14:17—15:3
15:1-21
Ratification of the Covenant
15:1. visions. Visions were a means used by
God to communicate to people. All of the other
visions of this category in the Old Testament
were given to prophets (the writing
prophets as well as Balaam) and often resulted
in prophetic *oracles which were then delivered
to the people. Visions may be
experienced in dreams but are not the same as
dreams. They may be either visual or auditory.
They may involve natural or supernatural
settings, and the individual having the vision
may be either an observer or a participant. Visions
are likewise part of the prophetic institution
in other cultures in the ancient Near East.
15:2-3. inheritance by servant. In those instances
where the head of a household had
no male heir, it was possible for a servant to
be legally adopted as the heir, as particularly
demonstrated in an *Old Babylonian text
from *Larsa. This would most likely be a
course of last resort, since it would mean
transference of property to a person (and his
line) who was (1) originally a servant or
authority of our national leaders, if we have a problem in our community we would pursue it with
our local government rather than write a letter to the president. In Mesopotamia in the first part of
the second millennium an important religious development can be observed that parallels this
common sense approach to politics. The people began to relate to “personal gods” who were often
then adopted as family gods from generation to generation. This was usually the function of minor
deities and was at times no more than a personification of luck. The personal god was one that was
believed to have taken special interest in the family or an individual and became a source of blessing
and good fortune in return for worship and obedience. While the personal god was not worshipped
exclusively, most of the worship by the individual and his family would be focused on
him.
It is possible that Abraham’s first responses to Yahweh may have been along these lines—that Abraham
may have viewed Yahweh as a personal god that was willing to become his “divine sponsor.”
Though we are given no indication that Yahweh explained or demanded a monotheistic belief, nor that
Abraham responded with one, it is clear that the worship of Yahweh dominated Abraham’s religious
experience. By making a break with his land, his family and his inheritance, Abraham is also breaking all
of his religious ties, because deities would be associated with geographical, political and ethnic divisions.
In his new land Abraham would have no territorial gods; as a new people he would have brought no family
gods; having left his country he would have no national or city gods; and it was Yahweh who filled this
void becoming the “God of Abraham, Isaac and Jacob.”
GENESIS 15:9—16:4 48
bondsman, and (2) not a blood relative. It signals
the frustration of the childless Abram
that he tells God that he has designated
Eliezer of Damascus as his heir, though it is
not clear whether he has actually adopted
Eliezer or is simply referring to that as the
only remaining course of action.
15:9-10. the ritual of dividing animals. As in
the case in Jeremiah 34:18, where a *covenant
*ritual is represented by passage between the
severed body of a sacrificial animal, here
Abram is given the “sign” of the covenant
promise for which he asked. Each “threeyear
old” animal (calf, goat, ram, dove, pigeon,
the same animals featured in the sacrificial
system described in Leviticus) is cut in
half, although the body sections of the birds
are not separated. Second-millennium *Hittite
texts use a similar procedure for purification,
while some first-millennium *Aramaic
treaties use such a ritual for placing a curse
on any violation of the treaty. Texts from
*Mari and *Alalakh feature the killing of animals
as part of the ceremony of making a
treaty. Walking through this sacrificial pathway
could be seen as a symbolic action enacting
both the covenant’s promise of land and
a curse on the one who violates the promise,
though interpreters have wondered what significance
a self-curse could possibly have for
God. Abram’s driving away the birds of prey
further symbolizes the future protection from
their enemies when they take possession of
the land.
15:17. smoking firepot and blazing torch. The
firepot is made of earthenware and could be
of various sizes. It functioned as an oven principally
for baking, including the baking of
grain offerings Lev 2:4. The torch could certainly
be used to provide light, but it is also
used in military contexts or to speak of God’s
judgment Zech 12:6. Mesopotamian *rituals
of this period usually featured a sacred torch
and censer in the initiation of rites, particularly
nocturnal rites of purification. Purification
would be accomplished by the torch and censer
being moved alongside of someone or
something. While in Mesopotamia the torch
and oven represented particular deities, here
they represent *Yahweh, perhaps as the purifier.
This would be one of many instances
where the Lord used familiar concepts and
motifs to reveal himself.
15:18. river of Egypt. The usual designation of
Israel’s southwestern border is the “brook
[wadi] of Egypt,” identified with Wadi el
‘Arish in the northeastern Sinai Num 34:5. It
is unlikely that it refers to the Nile River. Another
possibility is that it refers to the easternmost
delta tributary that emptied into Lake
Sirbonis.
15:19-21. occupants of Canaan. This is the
longest (including ten groups) of seventeen
such lists of Canaan’s pre-Israelite peoples
(see Deut 7:1; Josh 3:10; 1 Kings 9:20. Each of
these lists, which usually comprise six or seven
names, ends with the Jebusites (perhaps
tied to David’s conquest of Jerusalem), but the
list in Genesis 15 is the only one to exclude the
Hivites. For the *Hittites, Perizzites, *Amorites,
Canaanites and Jebusites, see the comments
on Exodus 3:7-10 and Numbers 13. The
Kenites are often associated with the Midianites
and appear as a seminomadic people from
the Sinai and Negev region. The name suggests
that they were metalworkers, tinkerers
or smiths. The Kenizzites, Kadmonites and
Girgashites are little known, though the latter
is also attested in the *Ugaritic texts. The
Rephaim are considered to be Anakites in
Deuteronomy 2:11, who in turn appear as giants
in Numbers 13:33. Aside from these associations,
nothing is known of this ethnic
group.
Genesis 15:9—16:4
16:1-16
The Birth of Ishmael
16:1-4. maidservants. Slave women or bondswomen
were considered both property and legal
extensions of their mistress. As a result it
would be possible for Sarai to have Hagar perform
a variety of household tasks as well as to
use her as a surrogate for her own barren
womb.
16:2. contractual arrangements for barrenness.
*Concubines did not have the full status
of wives but were girls who came to the marriage
with no dowry and whose role included
childbearing. As a result concubinage would
not be viewed as polygamy. In Israel, as in
most of the ancient world, monogamy was
generally practiced. Polygamy was not contrary
to the law or contemporary moral standards
but was usually not economically
feasible. The main reason for polygamy
would be that the first wife was barren. In the
Bible most cases of polygamy among commoners
occur prior to the period of the monarchy.
16:3-4. surrogate mothers. Surrogate mothers
appear only in the ancestral narratives: Hagar
and the two maidservants of Rachel and Leah
Gen 30. There is no contract mentioned here,
since these women were all legal extensions of
their mistress and any children they bore
could be designated as the children of their
mistress. The eighteenth century B.C. *Babylo-
49 GENESIS 16:5—17:14
nian Code of *Hammurabi does contain surrogate
contracts for priestesses who were not
allowed to conceive children. As in the biblical
examples, these surrogates had a lower legal
standing than the wife.
16:5-6. relationship of Sarah and Hagar.
Women in the ancient world obtained honor
through marriage and children. Although
Hagar was a servant, the fact that she had conceived
a child and Sarai had not gave her
cause to hold her mistress in contempt. Sarai’s
reaction in abusing Hagar may be based on
both jealousy and class difference.
16:7-10. angel as messenger. The word translated
“angel” simply means “messenger” in Hebrew
and can be used for either human or
supernatural messengers. Since these messengers
represent God, they do not speak for themselves,
but only for God. It is therefore not
unusual for them to use the first person, “I.”
Messengers were granted the authority to speak
for the one they represented and were treated as
if they were the one they represented.
16:13-14. “seeing God.” Hagar affirms a supernatural
identity for the messenger and
may well believe that the messenger was indeed
a deity, but the fact that she expresses incredulity
about the likelihood of having seen a
deity does not mean that she actually has seen
one (additionally the text is very difficult to
translate and may not even suggest this
much). Most likely Hagar is expressing surprise
that she has encountered a deity who is
inclined to show favor to her in such an unlikely
place.
16:13. naming God. The text identifies the deity
as the LORD (*Yahweh) but gives no indication
that Hagar knew it was Yahweh. This is
the only example in the Old Testament of
someone assigning a name to deity. Usually
naming someone or something is a way of affirming
authority over the one named. Here it
is more likely that since she does not know the
name of the deity that has shown her favor,
she assigns a name to him as an identification
of his nature and so that she might invoke him
in the future.
16:14. Kadesh and Bered. The location of the
well of Beer Lahai Roi, where Hagar experienced
a *theophany and was told of her son’s
future, is most likely in the Negev between
Kadesh Barnea and Bered. The oasis of
Kadesh Barnea is in the northeast section of
the Sinai, on the southern border of the Wilderness
of Zin (see comment on Num 13.
Since Bered does not appear elsewhere in the
text, its location is uncertain, though Jebel
umm el-Bared to the southeast is as good a
guess as any.
17:1-27
Circumcision, the Sign of the
Covenant
17:1-2. El Shaddai. *El Shaddai (“God Almighty”)
in verse 1 is a relatively common
name used for the Lord in the Old Testament
(48 times), though the conventional translations
are little more than guesses. It appears
only once outside the Old Testament in the
name “Shaddai-Ammi” on an Egyptian statue
from the Judges period, though there may be
a reference to Shaddai-beings in the Deir Allah
inscription. One of the most frequent suggestions
understands Shaddai as related to the
*Babylonian sadu, “steppe, mountain,” but evidence
is sparse.
Genesis 16:5—17:14 17:3-8. name changing. Names had power in
the ancient world. By naming the animals,
Adam demonstrated his mastery over them.
In a similar way, God’s changing Abram’s
name to Abraham and Sarai’s name to Sarah
signifies both a reiteration of the *covenant
promise and the designation of these people
as God’s chosen servants.
17:4. covenanting with God. There are no parallels
in the ancient world to *covenants between
deity and mortal, though certainly gods
are known to make demands and promise favorable
treatment. In most of these cases kings
report their care of the sanctuaries of the god
and then tell how the deity responded with
blessing. But these fall far short of a covenant
relationship initiated by deity for his own purposes.
17:9-14. circumcision. *Circumcision was
practiced widely in the ancient Near East as a
rite of puberty, fertility or marriage. Although
the Israelites were not the only people to circumcise
their sons, this sign was used to mark
them as members of the *covenantal community.
When used in relation to marriage, terminology
suggests it was performed by the new
male in-laws, indicating that the groom was
coming under the protection of their family in
this new relationship. Performed on infants, it
is more a ritual scarring than something done
for health reasons. The fact that blood is shed
also signifies that this is a sacrificial *ritual
and may function as a substitution for human
sacrifice, which was practiced by other people.
Waiting until the eighth day to perform
this ritual may reflect the high infant mortality
rate and the desire to determine if the child
was viable. The *Hittites also had a ritual for
the seventh day of the newborn’s life. Circumcision
can be seen as one of many cases where
God transforms a common practice to a new
(though not necessarily unrelated) purpose in
GENESIS 17:15—19:1 50
revealing himself and relating to his people.
17:15-22. divine announcement of sons. The
divine announcement of a son to be born is a
common motif found throughout ancient
Near Eastern literature. Perhaps most notable
is the announcement by the Canaanite deity
*El to King Danil that he would finally have a
son in his old age, in the *Ugaritic story of
*Aqhat. Additional examples are found in the
*Hittite tale where the sun god tells Appu he
will have a son, and in Mesopotamian literature
where the god Shamash advises *Etana,
king of Kish, how to procure a son. Also notable
in this text is the statement that Sarah will
be the mother of kings. This would be an indication
of long survival of the line and great
success for the line.
18:1-15
Abraham’s Visitors
18:1. entrance to tent at heat of day. The goatskin
tents of pastoral nomadic people were
designed to hold in heat at night with the
flaps down and to allow a breeze to pass
through during the day, when the flaps were
up. Sitting at the entrance during the heat of
the day would provide needed shade while a
person enjoyed the breeze and guarded the
tent’s contents.
18:2-5. hospitality (meals). Hospitality customs
required that all strangers who approached
a dwelling were to be offered the
opportunity to rest, refresh themselves and
eat a meal. This was done to transform potential
enemies into at least temporary
friends. Protocol required that the meal
served to the guest exceed what was first offered.
Thus Abraham simply offers a meal,
but what he orders prepared is freshly baked
bread, a calf and a mixture of milk and yogurt.
What is particularly generous here is
the fresh meat, an item not usually found in
their daily diet. This meal is similar to that
offered by Danil to the representative of the
gods, Kathar-wa-Hasis (when he comes traveling
through town), in the Ugaritic epic of
Aqhat.
18:4. foot washing. Washing the feet of guests
was a standard act of hospitality in the dry,
dusty climate that characterized much of the
ancient Near East. Open leather sandals were
common, as were enclosed soft leather boots.
Neither style succeeded in keeping out the
dirt of the road.
18:6-8. flour and baking. The three seahs of
flour (c. twenty quarts) used to make bread
again reflects Abraham’s generosity to his
guests. The method of baking, since nomadic
people lacked ovens, would be placing the
dough on the sides of a heated pot or dutch
oven. This produced a slightly raised, circular
loaf of bread. Curds (yogurt) and milk are
served along with the meal as customary side
dishes and normal byproducts of the herd.
The fact that Sarah remains in the tent may reflect
a custom of women not eating with men.
18:16-33
Discussion of God’s Justice and
Mercy
18:20-21. judge collecting evidence. There is a
combination of anthropomorphism (God being
given humanlike qualities) and theodicy
(explanation of divine action) in this story and
in the Tower of Babel episode Gen 11. In
both cases, to demonstrate divine justice and
fairness, God “comes down” to investigate a
situation before taking action.
18:22-33. Abraham’s bargaining. Haggling is
a part of all Middle Eastern business transactions.
In this case, however, Abraham’s determination
of the exact number of righteous
persons needed to prevent the destruction of
Sodom and Gomorrah provides a repeated
demonstration of God’s just actions. A just
God will not destroy the righteous without
warning or investigation. Even the unrighteous,
in this early period, can be spared for
the sake of the righteous. On the other hand,
however, justice is not served by overlooking
wickedness. The discussion of the number of
righteous people may concern not whether
they can balance the wickedness of the rest
but whether, given time, they might be able to
exert a reforming influence.
Genesis 17:15—19:1
19:1-29
The Destruction of Sodom and
Gomorrah
19:1, 24. Sodom and Gomorrah. The “cities of
the plain” along the eastern shore of the Dead
Sea have not been positively located. Their association
with Zoar (Zoara on the sixth-century
A.D. Madaba map) and the bitumen pits “in
the Valley of Siddim” Gen 14:10 both point
to the southern end of the Dead Sea. Arguments
for their identification with the north
end are based on the distance to travel from
Hebron (eighteen miles versus forty miles to
the southern location) and the mention of the
“plain of the Jordan” in Genesis 13:10-12. Cities
located in this arid region survived and
prospered on the salt, bitumen and potash deposits
around the Dead Sea and as trading
centers for caravans traveling the road north
51 GENESIS 19:1-38
and south. There are five sites of *Early
Bronze Age cities on the southeast plain of the
Dead Sea, demonstrating that fairly large populations
once existed here (occupied from
3300 to 2100 B.C.): Bab-edh Dhra’ (Sodom?),
Safi (Zoar), Numeira (Gomorrah?), Feifa and
Khanazir. Only Bab-edh Dhra and Numeira
have been excavated, and the destruction of
these cities has been set by archaeologists at
about 2350 B.C., too early for Abraham
(though chronological reckoning of this period
is difficult).
19:1-3. sitting at the gate. In ancient cities the
gate area functioned as a public square. Its
constant flow of people made it the ideal place
for businessmen to set up their booths and for
judges to hear cases. The fact that Lot is sitting
in the gate suggests he was doing business
there and had been accepted in the community
of Sodom.
19:1. bowing to the ground. One way to show
respect to superiors and to demonstrate
peaceful intentions was to bow to the ground.
Some Egyptian texts from *El Amarna (fourteenth
century B.C.) exaggerate this gesture by
multiplying it seven times.
19:2. hospitality (lodging). When a host offered
a guest the opportunity to spend the
night, he was also accepting responsibility for
the safety and well-being of his guest. The offer
generally extended for a total of three days.
19:3. bread without yeast. As in the case of the
unleavened bread eaten on Passover prior to
the exodus Ex 12 from Egypt, Lot’s “bread
without yeast” was made quickly. It was
evening when his guests arrived, and he did
not have time to let his bread rise before baking
it.
Genesis 19:1-38 19:4-10. behavior of men at Sodom. The angels’
visit to Sodom was to determine if there
were ten righteous men there. The legal formula
in verse 4 makes it clear that all of the
men of the city confronted Lot about his
guests. In addition to the fact that homosexuality
was considered a capital offense, their
refusal to listen to reason and their unanimous
insistence on violence as they rushed
toward his house confirmed the fate of the
city.
19:8. Lot’s offer of his daughters. When Lot
offers his virgin daughters to the men of Sodom
as a substitute for his guests, he is playing
the consummate host. He is willing to sacrifice
his most precious possessions to uphold his
honor by protecting his guests. He was saved
from making this sacrifice by the refusal of the
mob and the actions of the angels.
19:11. blindness. The word for blindness here
is used elsewhere only for the Aramean army
at Dothan 2 Kings 6:18. It is a term related to
an Akkadian word for day-blindness (pertinent
to 2 Kings 6 and also serves in Hebrew
(as in Aramaic) to refer to night-blindness.
Both of these conditions are seen in Akkadian
texts as requiring magical remedies. Dayblindness
and night-blindness have vitamin A
deficiency as their principal cause, and vitamin
B deficiency may contribute to the sense
of confusion evident in both passages. It is
therefore of interest that liver (rich in vitamin
A) figures prominently in the magical procedures
to correct the condition.
19:24. burning sulfur. The scene is one of divine
retribution. Brimstone appears here and
elsewhere as an agent of purification and divine
wrath upon the wicked Ps 11:6; Ezek
38:22). The natural deposits of bitumen and
the sulfurous smell attached to some areas
around the Dead Sea combine to provide a
lasting memory of Sodom and Gomorrah’s
destruction. One can only speculate about the
actual manner of this destruction, but perhaps
the combustion of natural tars and sulfur deposits
and the release of noxious gases during
an earthquake are a part of the story (Deut
29:23).
19:26. pillar of salt. The story of the punishment
of Lot’s wife is often illustrated by some
grotesquely humanlike, salt-encrusted objects
that have become landmarks in the Dead Sea
area (alluded to in the apocryphal Wisdom of
Solomon 10:4). This phenomenon is a result of
the salt spray that blows off the Dead Sea.
Huge salt nodules still appear in the shallow
sections of the lake. The mineral salts of the region
include sodium, potash, magnesium, calcium
chlorides and bromide. An earthquake
in the area could easily have ignited these
chemicals, causing them to rain down on the
victims of the destruction.
19:30-38. origins of Moabites and Ammonites.
One primary intent of the ancestral narrative
is to demonstrate the origin of all of the
peoples that inhabited Canaan and Transjordan.
Archaeological survey of the area indicates
a resettlement between the fourteenth
and twelfth centuries B.C., and the language of
both the Moabites and Ammonites is similar
to Hebrew. Although both are considered enemy
nations for most of their history, it is unlikely
that their “birth” as a result of the
incestuous union between Lot and his daughters
(see Deut 2:9; Ps 83:5-8 is simply a political
or ethnic slur. The initiative taken by Lot’s
daughters in the face of likely childlessness
and the extinction of Lot’s household may
have appeared to them as the only feasible option
in their desperate plight.
GENESIS 20:1—21:20 52
20:1-18
Abraham and Abimelech
20:1. Kadesh and Shur. Again a story begins
with the itinerary of Abraham’s travels, this
time taking him south on a line between
Kadesh (an oasis forty-six miles south of Beersheba
in the northeastern Sinai) and Shur. The
latter site probably refers to the “wall” (shur) of
Egyptian fortresses in the eastern Delta region.
The Egyptian story of *Sinuhe (twentieth century
B.C.) mentions this “Wall of the Ruler” as a
barrier to the incursions of Asiatics into Egypt.
20:1. Gerar. Although it is not within the
range of the Kadesh-Shur line, Gerar may not
have been too far of a journey for pastoral nomads
such as Abraham’s household. Its exact
location, beyond the general area of the western
Negev, is uncertain Gen 10:19, and it
may in fact be the name for a territory rather
than a city. Most archaeologists, noting strong
Egyptian influence in this region between
1550 and 1200 B.C., point to Tell Haror (Tell
Abu Hureireh), fifteen miles northwest of
Beersheba, as its probable location.
20:3. God speaking to non-Israelite in dream.
There are few instances of messages being
given in dreams by the Lord to Israelites, but
dreams are one of the most common forms divine
revelation was believed to take for the
uninitiated. In the *Mari texts it is usually
those who are not among the professional
temple personnel who receive messages by
means of dreams. In most places in the Bible
where significant dreams are given to individuals
the text does not explicitly state that God
spoke to the individual in the dream (Pharaoh,
Nebuchadnezzar).
20:7. prophet’s intercession. Abraham is identified
by God as a prophet who is capable of intercession
on Abimelech’s behalf. The role of
prophet was well understood in the ancient
Near East, as evidenced by over fifty texts found
in the town of *Mari that report messages given
by various prophets. Generally the prophet offered
a message from deity, but here Abraham is
praying for healing (cf. v. 17). This reflects the
broader view of a prophet as one who has powerful
connections to deity such that he can initiate
curses or remove them. A similar prophetic
role can be seen in Scripture in 1 Kings 13:6. In
the ancient Near East this role would typically
be played by an incantation priest.
20:11-13. relationship of Abraham and Sarah.
In this repetition of the wife/sister motif,
Abraham reveals that Sarah is actually his half
sister. There was no incest taboo against such
marriages in the ancestral period, and it was a
way of insuring that female children from second
marriages were cared for by a household.
Abraham’s deception of Abimelech is reinforced
by Sarah’s willingness to repeat the
half-truth.
20:16. 1000 shekels. A thousand shekels of silver
is a sizable sum. In *Ugaritic literature it is
the amount of the bride price paid among the
gods. In weight it would equal about twentyfive
pounds of silver. In value it would be
more than a worker could expect to make in a
lifetime. The king’s generosity should be understood
as his guarantee that Sarah had been
untouched, but also as appeasing the deity
who had virtually cut off all fertility in his
family.
20:17. plague on Abimelech’s house. The
plague of barrenness or sexual dysfunction is
placed on Abimelech’s house until he returns
Sarah to Abraham. Abraham’s intercession
causes God to open their wombs. The irony is
that Abimelech is denied children as long as
Abraham is denied his wife (for information
on barrenness in the ancient Near East see
comment on 11:30).
Genesis 20:1—21:20
21:1-21
The Birth of Isaac and the Expulsion
of Ishmael
21:4. 8 days. Initially the eight-day waiting period
distinguishes Isaac from Ishmael, who
was *circumcised at age thirteen. Subsequently,
it serves as a determination of the infant’s
viability and may be tied to the period of uncleanness
after the birth Lev 12:1-3.
21:14. desert of Beersheba. The southern Negev
region around Beersheba, Tell es-Seba’, is
steppe land and would have been inhospitable
enough to be described as a desert.
Hagar’s wanderings after being expelled from
Abraham’s camp took her southeast through a
relatively flat portion of the Negev toward
northern Arabia.
21:8-21. expulsion of wife. There is a contract
in the *Nuzi documents that contains a clause
prohibiting the expulsion of the children of
the secondary wife by the primary wife. The
situation in Genesis is different on two counts:
first, it is Abraham who sends them away; and
second, Hagar is given her freedom, which,
according to one ancient law code (Lipit-Ishtar)
would mean that her children would forfeit
any inheritance rights.
21:20. archer. The expulsion of Hagar and Ishmael
and their subsequent life in the desert of
Paran would require them to acquire survival
skills. As a skilled archer, Ishmael could provide
food for his family and perhaps could
find occupation as a mercenary (see Is 21:17
53 GENESIS 21:21—22:19
for reference to the bowmen of Kedar, Ishmael’s
son).
21:21. desert of Paran. The arid wilderness of
the northeastern Sinai desert was given the
name of Paran. Situated west of Edom, it figures
prominently in the wilderness period
Num 13:3, 26; Deut 1:1 and is the area where
Kadesh is located. Its associations with Egypt
are probably based on caravan trade and
Egypt’s military interest in the Sinai.
21:22-33
Abraham and His Neighbors
21:25-31. wells and water rights. In the semiarid
region around Beersheba, water would
have been a precious resource. Disputes between
herdsmen and farmers over wells and
springs would have arisen. To prevent this,
treaties like that between Abraham and
Abimelech would have established firm ownership
or right of usage to wells. Note that
Abraham’s payment of seven ewe lambs provides
the basis for the name Beersheba (well
of seven) and serves as a gesture of goodwill
toward the people of Gerar.
21:32. land of the Philistines. The first known
mention of the Philistines outside the Bible is
in the records of Pharaoh Rameses III (1182-
1151 B.C.). As part of the invading *Sea Peoples,
they settled in five city-states along the
southern coast of Canaan and were employed
by the Egyptians as mercenaries and trading
partners. The picture of Abimelech (a Semitic
name) as “king of Gerar” in the land of the
Philistines does not match the known history
of this people. This story may thus represent
contact with an earlier group of Philistines
who settled the area prior to the Sea Peoples’
invasion, or this may simply be the *anachronistic
use of the name Philistines for the area
rather than the people Abraham encountered.
21:33. tamarisk tree. The tamarisk grows in
sandy soil. It is deciduous and may reach over
twenty feet in height, with small leaves that
excrete salt. Its bark is used for tanning and its
wood for building and making charcoal. Bedouin
commonly plant this hearty tree for its
shade and the branches which provide grazing
for animals. Abraham’s action probably
signifies the sealing of the treaty with
Abimelech—a life-giving plant symbolizing a
fertile and prosperous future.
Genesis 21:21—22:19
22:1-24
Abraham Requested to Sacrifice
Isaac
22:2. region of Moriah. The only indication of
Moriah’s location given here is that it is three
days’ journey from Beersheba. That may simply
be a conventional number of a completed
journey, but in any case no direction is provided.
The only other reference to Moriah is in
2 Chronicles 3:1, which refers to the site of the
temple in Jerusalem but makes no mention of
Abraham or this incident. Since the wooded
hills around Jerusalem would not have required
the transport of firewood for the sacrifice,
it is most likely a coincidence of the same
name rather than a reference to the same
place.
22:1-2. child sacrifice. In the ancient Near
East, the god that provides *fertility (*El) is
also entitled to demand a portion of what has
been produced. This is expressed in the sacrifice
of animals, grain and children. Texts from
Phoenician and Punic colonies, like Carthage
in North Africa, describe the *ritual of child
sacrifice as a means of insuring continued fertility.
The biblical prophets and the laws in
Deuteronomy and Leviticus expressly forbid
this practice, but that also implies that it continued
to occur. In fact, the story of Abraham’s
“sacrifice” of Isaac suggests that Abraham
was familiar with human sacrifice and was
not surprised by *Yahweh’s demand. However,
the story also provides a model for the substitute
of an animal for a human sacrifice that
clearly draws a distinction between Israelite
practice and that of other cultures.
22:3. donkey domestication. The wild ass was
domesticated about 3500 B.C. Its primary function
from the beginning was as a pack animal
because of its ability to tolerate heavy loads
and to survive for long periods on little water.
As a result it was often relied upon for longdistance
travel and transport.
22:13-19. sacrifice as replacement. In this section
the ram is offered as a sacrifice in the
place of Isaac. The concept of substitution in
sacrifice is not as common as we might think.
In the ancient Near East the sympathetic magic
of incantation *rituals would often include
substitution of an animal that would be killed
to remove a threat to the human subject. But
the concept behind the regular institution of
sacrifice was generally either to offer a gift to
deity or to establish communion with deity.
Even in Israel there is little to suggest that the
sacrificial institution was understood to have
a principally vicarious or substitutionary element.
Redemption of the firstborn and Passover
would be notable exceptions on the
fringe of the sacrificial institution.
22:19. Beersheba. This important city, often
identified as the southern limit of Israel’s territory
Judg 20:1; 1 Sam 3:20, is traditionally lo-
GENESIS 23:2-16 54
cated in the northern Negev at Tell es-Seba’
(three miles east of the modern city). Its name
derives from its association with the wells dug
to provide water for the people and flocks in
this area (see Gen 26:23-33. Archaeological
evidence has been found of occupation during
the monarchy through the Persian periods.
The lack of archaeological evidence for the patriarchal
period may suggest that the city by
this name changed location, but more important
is the observation that there is no suggestion
here in the text that there was a walled
settlement at Beersheba. There are evidences
of early settlement under the modern town
(Bir es-Saba’) about two miles from the *tell,
where some now suspect the ancient city of
Beersheba was located.
Genesis 23:2-16
23:1-20
Sarah’s Death and Burial
23:2. variant place names. Place names
change as new people enter a region or events
occur which provide the reason to memorialize
them with a name change (see Jebus and
Jerusalem, 1 Chron 11:4; Luz and Bethel, Gen
28:19). Hebron’s association with the name
Kiriath Arba (“village of four”) is unclear, but
it may be related to either the joining of four
villages into a single settlement or the convergence
of roads at the site.
23:3-20. Hittites in Palestine. The origin of the
*Hittite presence in Canaan is uncertain, although
Genesis 10:15 identifies them as descendants
of Canaan through their eponymous
ancestor Heth. The use of Semitic names
and the ease with which Abraham deals with
them in Genesis 23 suggest that this particular
group of Hittites was either part of the indigenous
population or a trading colony that had
partially assimilated to the Canaanite culture
(see Gen 26:34. The Hittite empire of Asia Minor
(Anatolia, modern Turkey) was destroyed
during the invasion of the *Sea Peoples
around 1200 B.C. A successor kingdom of Neo-
Hittites continued to exist in Syria until the
seventh century B.C. and is mentioned in *Assyrian
and *Babylonian records. These records
often refer to Palestine as the “Land of Hatti,”
confirming an association with these people.
The groups known as Hittites occupying sections
of Syria and Canaan may or may not be
related to these well-known Hittites. The Hittites
in Canaan have Semitic names, while the
Hittites of Anatolia were Indo-European.
23:4-5. burial practices. Burial practices vary
in the ancient Near East. Nomadic groups often
practiced secondary burial—transporting
the skeletal remains to a traditional site long
after death. Burial chambers were used by village
cultures. These could be natural or handcarved
caves, or subterranean, multichambered
tombs. Most often these tombs were
used by several generations. A body would be
laid in a prepared shelf, along with grave
goods (food, pottery, weapons, tools), and
then the skeletal remains were removed and
placed in another chamber or an ossuary box
or simply swept to the rear of the tomb to accommodate
the next burial.
23:7-20. ownership of land. Arable land was
so precious a possession that it was not supposed
to be sold to anyone outside the kinship
group. The lack of a buyer within the family
and/or the practicalities of business sometimes
required a sale to an unrelated person.
This could be legally sidestepped through the
adoption of the buyer or the intercession of
village elders on his behalf with the owner.
The designation of Abraham as “a prince”
suggests he would be a desirable neighbor.
The offer to receive the land as a gift was refused
by Abraham because that would have
enabled Ephron’s heirs to reclaim the land after
Ephron’s death.
23:14. 400 shekels of silver. Four hundred
shekels of silver was a substantial price. It
would be equal to about seven and a quarter
pounds of silver. In comparison, Omri bought
the site of Samaria for six thousand shekels
1 Kings 16:24, and David bought the site of
the temple for six hundred gold shekels (1
Chron 21:25), with the threshing floor itself
fetching fifty shekels 2 Sam 24:24. Jeremiah
bought property, at greatly deflated prices, for
seventeen shekels Jer 32:7. Abraham’s payment
would be more likely viewed as exorbitant
rather than discounted, for rather than
negotiating, he paid the inflated initial quote. It
is likely that he was anxious to pay full price
because a discounted price could be later connected
to family debt problems that would allow
the heirs of Ephron to reclaim the land. A
laborer or artisan at ten shekels per year would
not expect to make this much in a lifetime.
23:5-16. bargaining procedures. Haggling and
staged bargaining are typical business procedures
in the Middle East. They are both entertaining
and competitive. However, when it is
clear that the potential buyer is in a situation
where a purchase is necessary or highly desired,
the seller will use the bargaining to his
advantage.
23:16. weight current among merchants. Terminology
from roughly contemporary Old
Assyrian trade letters suggests that this
phrase concerns conformity to the standard
for silver that was used in overland trade.
55 GENESIS 24:1-13
24:1-67
A Wife for Isaac
24:1-9. swearing oaths. An oath is always
sworn in the name of a god. This places a
heavy responsibility on the one who swears
such an oath to carry out its stipulations, since
he would be liable to divine as well as human
retribution if he did not. Sometimes, as in this
case, a gesture is added to the oath. The gesture
usually is symbolic of the task to be performed
by the oath taker. For instance, by
placing his hand inside Abraham’s thigh (in
the vicinity of or on the genitals), the servant
ties his oath of obedience to the acquisition of
a wife for Isaac and thus the perpetuation of
Abraham’s line.
24:4. marrying from same tribe. The practice
of marrying within one’s own tribe or family
is called endogamy. Endogamy could be the
result of religious, social or ethnic concerns. In
this text it appears to be ethnic in that there
are no suggestions that the family of Laban,
Rebekah and Rachel shares the religious beliefs
of Abraham and his family. Likewise social
standing is usually an issue only when
nobility and commoners are involved or certain
classes of urban society are seen as necessarily
distinct. Ethnic concerns usually center
around clan traditions or family land holdings.
At times they represent long-established
hostilities between two groups. In this text the
endogamy seems motivated by the *covenant
that seeks to prevent Abraham and his family
from simply being assimilated into the ethnic
melting pot in Canaan.
Genesis 24:1-13 24:10-11. camel domestication. Although
camel remains in Arabia date back to 2600
B.C., domesticated camels were not common
in Palestine until 1200 B.C. The occasional references
to them in Genesis are authenticated
by evidence of domestication in an *Old Babylonian
text from *Ugarit from the early second
millennium. Evidence that the camel was
used as a beast of burden in Arabia dates to
the end of the third millennium. The stages of
domestication may be traced by the development
of the saddles. Camels were extremely
valuable animals capable of carrying heavy
loads through hostile desert terrains. Thus
they were seldom used for food and would
have been a sign of wealth.
24:10. Aram Naharaim. *Aram Naharaim
(Aram of the two rivers), containing Haran on
the Balikh River, includes the general area between
the Euphrates River and the Habur River
triangle in northern Mesopotamia. The
name also appears in Deuteronomy 23:4, in
the superscription of Psalm 60 and in 1 Chronicles
19:6. It may be the same as Nahrima in the
fourteenth-century B.C. *El Amarna letters between
the Egyptian Pharaoh and the rulers of
Canaanite city-states.
24:11. well at evening time outside of town.
The cool of the early morning and evening
would have been the best times for women to
go to the village well for water. Since the well
was often outside the town to accommodate
watering of animals, women would normally
travel in groups for protection. Strangers
could be expected to use the well, but it may
be assumed that they would ask permission of
the villagers. Hospitality custom would have
necessitated offering them a drink.
24:12-21. mechanistic oracle. Abraham’s servant
is using an *oracular approach to identifying
Isaac’s bride-to-be. In an oracle a yes-no
question is posed to deity, and a mechanism of
some binary nature is used so that deity can
provide the answer. In post-Sinai Israel the
priest carried the Urim and Thummim to use
in oracular situations. Abraham’s servant
must be more creative and uses a natural
mechanism for the oracle. His yes-no question
is whether the girl that he is about to approach
is the right wife for Isaac. His oracular mechanism
is based on a question that he will pose
to the girl. When asking for a drink, one
would normally expect that a drink would be
offered. That would be normal behavior in the
context of etiquette and hospitality. In this
case such a response would indicate a “no”
answer to his oracular question. For the alternative
the servant chooses something far out
of the range of expectation: that prompted by
such a common, unimposing request, the girl
would volunteer to water all his camels. This
unbelievable offer would indicate a “yes” answer
to his oracular question. The thought behind
this process is that if deity is providing
the answer, he can alter normal behavior and
override natural instinct in order to communicate
his answer. For similar mechanistic oracles,
see Judges 6:36-40 and 1 Samuel 6:7-12.
The prophets occasionally approach this type
of oracular situation from the other side when
they provide signs to verify that they represent
God, as in Numbers 16:28-30 or 1 Samuel
12:16-17.
24:11, 13. spring versus well. The difference in
terminology between verse 11 (“well”) and
verse 13 (“spring”) may reflect a variety of
water sources available. There are examples
where a water source originated from a spring
but as the water table shrank it became necessary
to dig down, thereby forming a well. This
is the case at Arad, where a deep well now replaces
the original spring.
GENESIS 24:19—25:1 56
24:19-20. how much camels drink. Camels
drink only as much water as they have lost
and do not store it in the hump. The concentration
of fat and the coat of hair allows dissipation
of heat, less sweating and a wider
range of body temperature during the day
and night. The camel also is able to maintain a
constant amount of water in its blood plasma
and thus sustain higher water loss than most
animals. A camel that has gone a few days
without water could drink as much as twentyfive
gallons. In contrast, the jars that were
used for water would usually hold no more
than three gallons.
24:22. nose rings. Nose rings were especially
popular during the *Iron Age (1200-600 B.C.),
though there are examples from earlier periods.
Made of silver, bronze and gold, and often
tubular in design, they were round with
two ends for insertion and sometimes included
a tiny pendant. The beka is the half-shekel
measure of weight, equal to one-fifth of an
ounce.
24:22. jewelry. The bracelets would have been
bands worn around the wrist as bangles. They
were very popular items and are often found
on the arms and wrist of females in tombs. By
placing them on her arms, the servant may be
symbolizing the marriage contract. A tenshekel
bracelet would weigh about four ounces.
Legal materials from the first half of the
second millennium suggest a worker might
expect to make at most ten shekels per year
and often less. These would typically be shekels
of silver—gold would be more valuable.
24:28. mother’s household. It would be natural
for a young, unmarried woman to refer to
her home as her mother’s house until she was
wed (see Song 3:4.
24:50-59. presents of betrothal. For a marriage
to be arranged, the groom’s family must provide
a bride price, while the bride’s family
provided a dowry. The silver and gold objects
and the garments presented to Rebekah are
part of her transformation into a member of
Abraham’s household. The word used in the
text denotes metal worked into useful items,
whether jewelry or plates and other utensils.
The presents given to her brother Laban and
her mother demonstrate Abraham’s wealth
and the desirability of the marriage.
24:57-58. Rebekah making decision. It was
unusual in the ancient world for the woman
to have any part in major decisions. Rebekah
was not consulted with regard to the marriage
(vv. 50-51), but when the servant asked to
leave right away the men looked to Rebekah
for consent. Marriage contracts of this general
period show a great concern for maintaining
the woman’s security within her husband’s
family. The presence of her family was one of
the guarantees that she would be cared for
and treated properly. The ten days that Rebekah’s
family requested (v. 55) would have given
them a little more opportunity to make
sure that everything was as it appeared to be.
It is likely that she was consulted because of
the substantial risk that was involved in leaving
the family protection under such unusual
circumstances.
24:59. accompanying nurse. It would have
been suitable for a woman betrothed to a
wealthy man to have an entourage of servants.
The nurse, however, would have higher
status as the nurturer of the child who would
now remain as part of her new household and
serve as a chaperon on the return journey.
24:62. Beer Lahai Roi. The place name means
“well of the living who sees me” and is first
associated with Hagar’s *theophany in Genesis
16:14. It would have been southwest of Hebron
in the Negev. Either Isaac and Abraham
have moved their encampment south or Isaac
is now living separately.
24:62-66. use of veil. Since she had gone unveiled
during the journey, Rebekah’s veiling
herself once Isaac is identified to her suggests
that this is her way of demonstrating to him
that she is his bride. Brides were veiled during
the wedding but went unveiled as married
women. Veil customs differed in various locations
and times. Asiatic women on the Beni
Hasan tomb painting (early second millennium)
are not veiled, but in the Middle *Assyrian
laws (late second millennium) all
respectable ladies went about veiled in public.
24:67. tent of his mother. Sarah’s tent, due to
her status of mistress of the household, would
have been empty since her death. By taking
Rebekah into his mother’s tent, Isaac demonstrates
that she is now the mistress of the
household. This is similar to the importance
placed on entering the house of the bridegroom
in *Ugaritic texts.
Genesis 24:19—25:1
25:1-11
The Death of Abraham
25:1-4. descendants of Abraham from Keturah.
Not all of these sixteen names can be
identified, although most are associated with
the Syro-Arabian desert to the east of the Jordan
and may represent a confederation of
tribes involved in the lucrative spice trade. Of
the six sons born to Abraham and Keturah,
the name of Midian is the most prominent in
later narrative as a people living on the fringe
of Israelite territory in the Negev and Sinai re-
57 GENESIS 25:1-23
gion. Some of the names appear in the *Assyrian
annals (Medan is Badana, south of Tema;
Ishbak is the northern Syrian tribe of Iasbuq;
Sheba is in the southwestern part of Arabia).
Shuah also appears in *cuneiform texts as a
site on the middle Euphrates near the mouth
of the Habur River (see Job 2:11.
25:1-4. concubines. The *concubines, or secondary
wives, of Abraham were Hagar and
Keturah. Concubines were usually women
who did not possess a dowry, and thus their
children did not have primary rights to inheritance.
The father may choose to designate
one of them as his heir if his primary wife has
not produced a son. However, if he does not
do so, then any claims they may have on his
property would be based on the stipulations
of the marriage contracts.
25:2, 4. Midianite origins. Midian is one of the
children born to Abraham and Keturah, and
the reference to him shows the writer’s continued
interest in establishing links between
Abraham and all of the peoples of Palestine,
Transjordan and Arabia. The Midianites are
most frequently mentioned as a pastoral nomadic
group of tribes living in the Negev and
the Sinai deserts. Midianite traders carry Joseph
to Egypt Gen 37:28. Moses marries the
daughter of Jethro, the priest of Midian, after
fleeing Egypt Ex 2:16-21. During the conquest
narrative, Midianites are allied with
Moab and are targeted as enemies of the Israelites
Num 25:6-18. There is no extrabiblical
information about their history or origins.
25:5-6. giving gifts. It is the prerogative of the
father to designate his heir. However, he must
also provide for his other children. Thus by
giving his other sons gifts and sending them
away he shares his wealth with them but also
protects Isaac’s position as heir of the household.
25:6. land of the east. The Hebrew qedem in
this unique phrase may indicate a direction,
“east,” or an actual place name. The twentieth-
century B.C. Egyptian story of the political
exile *Sinuhe mentions the land of Qedem as
lying near Byblos. In other biblical texts it refers
to the peoples who inhabit the desert region
on the eastern edges of Israel Judg 6:3;
7:12; Is 11:14.
25:8. gathered to his people. In the worldview
of ancient peoples the past was less like a train
moving toward them and more like a village
spread out in the valley. They saw themselves
as facing the past (rather than the future). Being
gathered to their ancestors not only expressed
the idea of being buried in the family
tomb but of joining the ranks of the ancestors
in the “ancestral village” that comprised the
past. This is more a view of history than of the
afterlife per se.
Genesis 25:1-23
25:12-18
Ishmael’s Line
25:12-16. Ishmael’s descendants. Continuing
the listing of those descendants of Abraham
who inhabited neighboring regions are the
sons of Ishmael. The term son sometimes represents
political affiliation rather than blood
ties, but whatever the case, this list comprises
a confederation of tribes living in the Syro-
Arabian desert. The occurrence of these
names in *Assyrian records, intermixed with
names from the Keturah list, suggests both
shifts in tribal affiliation and allegiance. Most
prominent among the names are Nebaioth,
probably the Nabaiati of Ashurbanipal’s campaigns
against the Arab tribes and possibly to
be associated with the later Nabateans of Petra;
Tema, an oasis northeast of Dedan on the
caravan route between southern Arabia and
Mesopotamia; and Kedar, a people mentioned
elsewhere as pastoral nomads Ps 120:5; Is
42:11, 60:7).
25:18. area of Ishmael’s descendants. The region
from Havilah (see Gen 2:11; 10:7) to Shur
(see Gen 16:7 probably represents migration
and caravan routes for the descendants of Ishmael.
This area is not suitable for large, sedentary
populations, but it could support pastoral
nomadic groups, and it was the center of the
spice trade from southern Arabia traveling
west to Egypt and east to Mesopotamia and
Syria. Asshur, in this context, would not be the
Mesopotamian kingdom of the upper Tigris
region, but rather one of the northern Arabian
areas (see Gen 10:22; 25:3).
25:19-26
The Birth of Jacob and Esau
25:21. barrenness. Barrenness is used in the
ancestral narratives to heighten tension, as the
element of the *covenantal promise of descendants
(12:2) is thereby endangered. It also
marks the son who is eventually born as special,
because only God could relieve this infertility.
25:22-23. oracular response. Rebekah’s concern
about her pregnancy leads her to ask for
an *oracle. The text gives no indication of
what means Rebekah uses to inquire of the
Lord. She is not using a mechanistic oracular
device, for that only provides yes/no answers.
There is no mention of a prophet, oracular
priest, or angel delivering the oracle. In
Egypt and Mesopotamia oracles such as this
GENESIS 25:24—26:16 58
were almost always provided by a priest. Another
alternative is that the oracle could be
sought in a dream. This usually involved
sleeping in a holy place. The text is less interested
in the means and more concerned about
the content of the oracle. The oracle does not
concern the children themselves as much as it
addresses the ultimate destiny of the family
lines that each will establish. Such an oracle
would not have suggested any particular
treatment of the children by the parents.
25:24-26. naming children. The giving of
names in the ancient world was a significant
act. A name was believed to affect a person’s
destiny; so the person giving the name was
exercising some degree of control over the
person’s future. Often names expressed hopes
or blessings. At other times they preserved
some detail of the occasion of the birth, especially
if the occasion appeared significant.
Here Esau is named by a physical characteristic,
whereas Jacob is named for his peculiar
behavior during birth. The names need not
mean the word associated with them, but are
often linked by wordplay. So the Hebrew
word Jacob does not mean “heel”—it only
sounds like the word for heel. The name was
expected to play a role in the unfolding destiny
of the individual and to take on additional
significance and appropriateness throughout
his life, though the direction of that appropriateness
was impossible to foresee.
Genesis 25:24—26:16
25:27-34
Esau Trades His Birthright
25:28. mother’s role in inheritance decisions.
A Canaanite contract from *Ugarit contains a
situation in which the father allows the mother
to choose which son receives preferential
treatment in the inheritance.
25:29-30. Jacob cooking stew. The incident
with the stew appears to take place away from
home, otherwise Esau could have appealed to
his parents. Jacob is not the hunting type, so it
would be unusual for him to be out in the
countryside alone. He has been described as a
man “staying among the tents,” which may
indicate he was more closely associated with
the shepherding business. The shepherds
moved their camps over a broad area of land
in order to find water and grazing for the
flocks. It is most likely that Jacob would be out
supervising some of the shepherds at such a
camp when Esau stumbled upon them. Jacob
would be the one in charge at the camp, so the
decision would be his, and there would therefore
be witnesses to the agreement made between
Jacob and Esau.
25:31-34. birthright. The birthright concerned
only the material inheritance from the parents.
The inheritance was divided into the number
of sons plus one. The eldest son then received
a double share. This was a customary practice
throughout the ancient Near East. The stew
buys from Esau that additional share (probably
not his entire inheritance). There are no examples
in the known literature from the
ancient Near East of such a deal being made.
The closest is in the legal materials from
*Nuzi, where one brother sells some already
inherited property to one of his brothers.
26:1-16
Isaac and Abimelech
26:1-6. recurrent famine. The uncertainties of
rainfall in season and in the proper amount
made drought and famine fairly common occurrences
in ancient Palestine. The writer here
notes this frequent disaster and differentiates
between the famine in Abraham’s day (Gen
12) and that of Isaac.
26:1. Philistines in Palestine. Large numbers
of Philistines entered Canaan after the invasion
of the *Sea Peoples (1200 B.C.) broke
Egyptian control over the area. In this context
they are mentioned in the records of Ramses
III (1182-1151 B.C.). They established a pentapolis
of five major city-states (Gaza, Gath, Ashdod,
Ekron, Ashkelon) along the southern
coastal plain and quickly gained political control
over nearby regions as well Judg 15:11.
Their mention in Genesis may reflect an earlier
group that settled in Canaan prior to 1200
B.C., or it may be an *anachronism based on
their presence in the Gerar region in later periods
(see Gen 21:32, earlier people of the vicinity
being referred to by the name known to
later readers. Archaeological evidence of their
presence is found in the introduction of new
pottery types, grave goods (such as the sarcophagi
with human features) and new architectural
designs.
26:7-11. wife as sister. The wife/sister theme
is used three times in the ancestral narratives
(see also chaps. 12 and 20). Here Abimelech
(either a throne name or a dynastic name
meaning “My father is king”) is tricked by
Isaac and Rebekah. The result is their obtaining
royal protection and the right to farm and
to graze his herds in Gerar.
26:12-16. planting crops. It is not unusual for
pastoral nomadic tribes to plant a crop or to
harvest date palms along their usual line of
march. This may be a step toward settling into
a village life, but that is not necessarily the
case. Generally sedentarism (settling of no-
59 GENESIS 26:17—27:34
mads) is more directly related to the actions of
governments or changes in the political
boundaries through which they drive their
herds. Wealth may also cause them to settle
down, but this is not a major factor.
Genesis 26:17—27:34
26:17-35
Isaac’s Wells
26:17-22. well rights and disputes. Wells are
generally dug and protected by villages. The
likelihood that they will silt up or collapse requires
at least occasional oversight. The labor
involved and the necessity of water for humans,
crops and animals makes it likely that
disputes will arise between villages and/or
herdsmen who also wish to claim and use the
wells.
26:20. naming wells. One way to designate
ownership of a well or other natural resource
is to give it a name. Once this has become its
traditional name, title is not difficult to establish.
It thus prevents later disputes or settles
any that may arise. Naming is also part of the
traditional lore of a tribe which is passed on to
later generations.
26:23-25. build altar, call, pitch tent, dig well.
The three acts of verse 25 are all related to possession
of the land and are therefore a suitable
response to the *covenant promise of verse 24.
The altar gave recognition to the holiness of
the place where the Lord spoke to him. Pitching
a tent and digging a well are generally accepted
means by which to establish a right to
unclaimed land.
26:26-33. peace treaty. The peace treaty of
verses 28-30 would constitute recognition by
Isaac’s neighbors that his presence in that area
was acceptable. The agreement was validated
by the sharing of a meal and by the swearing
of oaths. Just as Abraham had built altars
(chap. 12) and established recognized rights to
land (chap. 23), so Isaac is now doing the
same.
26:33. folk etymology of town names. Beersheba
was named earlier by Abraham (in
21:31). The designation of significance to a
name is not necessarily a suggestion that the
name originated at that time. Just as people’s
names can be reinterpreted (for instance, Jacob
in 27:36), so a place name can be reinterpreted.
The ancients were less concerned with
the origin of a name than they were with the
significance the name acquired. This town at
the southern extreme of the land becomes the
home base for Isaac. The site identified by archaeologists
as Beersheba has no remains prior
to the Judges period (*Iron Age, 1200), but
there is no suggestion in the story of Isaac that
there was a town on the site in his day, so this
is not a problem.
27:1-40
Isaac’s Pronouncement on His Sons
27:1-4. deathbed blessings. Blessings or curses
pronounced by the patriarch of the family
were always taken seriously and considered
binding. Such pronouncements from a patriarch’s
deathbed would be even more momentous.
In this text, however, Isaac is not
portrayed as being on his deathbed, merely
aged enough that he wants to put his house in
order by providing the traditional blessing.
27:4. proper atmosphere for blessings. While
the feast that Esau is to prepare may provide a
pleasant atmosphere and appropriate mood
for the blessing, it also provides the context of
celebration that would accompany significant
events, much as we might go out to dinner at
a fancy restaurant.
27:11-13. curse appropriation. Rebekah responds
to Jacob’s fears of bringing a a curse
on himself by appropriating to herself any
curse that may result. Can she do that? As this
chapter demonstrates, a blessing is not transferable,
and neither is the pronouncement of a
curse. But in this case Rebekah is most likely
referring to the consequences of the curse
rather than the curse itself. Since deity is the
enforcer of the curse, this acknowledgment
that she has forced Jacob to deceive his father
would target her if a curse was to result.
27:14. food preparation. Food preparation
was done by both men and women. One way
to provide variation of taste to meals (which
were often monotonous and meatless) was to
hunt wild game. This meat might be tough
and gamey-tasting, and thus it would be
stewed to tenderize it and mixed with herbs to
improve the flavor.
27:27-29. nature of blessing. The blessing that
Isaac bestows on Jacob (whom he mistakes for
Esau) grants him fertility of the ground, dominion
over other nations, including those descended
from siblings, and a boomerang effect for
curses and blessings. These are typical elements
for the patriarchal blessing and have no relationship
to either material inheritance or to the *covenant,
though some of these features are also
present in the covenant benefits that the Lord
promises to Israel. They constitute the foundational
elements of survival and prosperity.
27:34-40. no negation of blessing. The power
of the spoken word was such that it could not
be “unsaid”—this is true even outside the
realm of superstition in that many words spoken
do the benefit or damage they intend re-
GENESIS 27:37—28:19 60
gardless of any second thoughts the speaker
may have. The pronouncement regarding Esau’s
destiny thus reflects the realities of the
previously uttered blessing on Jacob. It would
not be considered a curse because it assumes
continuing existence and eventual freedom.
27:37. “I have made.” Isaac explains to Esau,
“I have made him lord . . . I have sustained
him.” The first-person forms show that Isaac
is not suggesting that this blessing is a prophetic
proclamation from deity. Neither does
Isaac call on deity to perform it. Similar formulas
in Mesopotamia regularly invoke deity
in such blessings and curses.
Genesis 27:37—28:19
27:41-46
The Outcome of the Deception
27:45. lose both in one day. Rebekah expresses
the concern that she might lose both in one
day. This could either refer to losing both Isaac
and Jacob, that is, Isaac dies and Jacob is killed
by Esau; or losing both Jacob and Esau, that is,
Jacob would be killed and Esau, as his murderer,
would either have to flee or end up the
victim of blood vengeance.
27:46. Hittite women. The *Hittite women
that Esau married were part of the indigenous
culture of Canaan at this time. While it is possible
that this group is related to the wellknown
Hittites of Anatolia, our knowledge of
the culture and history of the Canaanite Hittites
in the patriarchal period is insufficient to
allow informed conclusions. There is a wellestablished
Anatolian Hittite presence in
Canaan during the monarchy period, and
even as early as the middle of the second millennium
the *Amarna texts contain Hittite and
*Hurrian personal names.
28:1-22
Jacob’s Dream and Vow
28:2. Paddan Aram. This place name only appears
in Genesis. It is either a designation for
the general area of northern Mesopotamia (=
*Aram Naharaim in 24:10) or perhaps another
name for Haran. In *Akkadian, both padanu
and harranu mean “path” or “road.” In either
case, Jacob is instructed to return to his ancestors’
homeland to seek a bride as part of their
practice of endogamy (marrying within a select
group).
28:5. Aramean. The origin of the *Arameans is
problematic. They do not actually appear in
Mesopotamian records until the end of the
second-millennium *Assyrian annals of
Tiglath-Pileser I (1114-1076 B.C.). In the ninth
century Shalmaneser III mentions kings of
Aram in Damascus (including Hazael and
Ben-Hadad III). However, this is many centuries
after the setting of the ancestor narratives.
The mention of Arameans in relation to Abraham
and Jacob is likely a reference to scattered
tribes of peoples in upper Mesopotamia who
had not yet coalesced in the nation of Aram,
which appears in later texts. Based on other
examples from *cuneiform literature, the
name Aram may in fact have originally been
that of a region (cf. Sippar-Amnantum of the
*Old Babylonian period) and was later applied
to people living there. Current evidence
suggests that the Arameans inhabited the upper
Euphrates throughout the second millennium,
first as villagers and pastoralists, then
as a political, national coalition.
28:10-12. Jacob’s itinerary. Jacob takes the central
ridge road that goes through the hill country
from Beersheba through Hebron, Bethel
and Shechem to join the main artery, the Great
Trunk road, in Beth Shan. It would have taken
a couple of days to get from Beersheba to Bethel
(about 60 miles), and the trip to Haran
would have taken over a month (about 550
miles).
28:13-15. stairway. The ladder or stairway that
Jacob sees in his dream is the passageway between
heaven and earth. The comparable
word in *Akkadian is used in Mesopotamian
mythology to describe what the messenger of
the gods uses when he wants to pass from one
realm to another. It is this mythological stairway
that the *Babylonians sought to represent
in the architecture of the ziggurats. These had
been built to provide a way for the deity to descend
to the temple and the town. Jacob’s
background would have given him familiarity
with this concept, and thus he would conclude
that he was in a sacred spot where there
was a portal opened between worlds. Though
he sees the stairway in his dream, and the
messengers (angels) are using it to pass between
realms (embarking on and returning
from missions, not a procession or parade),
the Lord is not portrayed as having used it,
but as standing beside it (this is the proper
translation of the Hebrew idiom).
28:16-17. house of God, gate of heaven. When
Jacob awakes he identifies the sacred place as
the house of God (beth-el) and the gate of
heaven. In *Akkadian mythology the stairway
used by the messengers went up to the gate of
the gods, while the temple of the deity was located
at the bottom. In this way the patron deity
could leave the assembly of the gods and
descend to the place of worship.
28:18-19. pillars and anointing. The sacred
pillars or standing stones are well known in
61 GENESIS 28:19—29:20
the religious practice of the ancient Near East
predating the fourth millennium B.C. They are
featured prominently in Canaanite *cultic installations
such as the high place at Gezer and
were also used in the Israelite temple at Arad.
Other standing stones were simply set up as
memorials. From basins sometimes found
near the foot of such pillars, it is inferred that
libations (liquid offerings) were poured over
them, as we see Jacob doing in 35:14. The
anointing of the pillar would constitute the
dedication of it.
28:19. Bethel/Luz. As noted in Genesis 23:2,
place names change based on the appearance
of new peoples or significant events. Bethel
was an important town located in the central
hill country just north of Jerusalem. An important
east-west road lay just south of the town,
making it a crossroads for travelers and a likely
place for the establishment of a *cultic site.
There is some speculation that Luz was the
original city site and that Bethel (literally
“house of God”) was a separate cultic site located
outside the town. Once the Israelites
had established themselves in the region,
however, the site’s association with Abraham
(12:8) and Jacob would have caused the older
name to be superseded.
28:20-22. vows. Vows are promises with conditions
attached, almost always made to God.
In the ancient world the most common context
for a vow was when a request was being
made to deity. The condition would typically
involve God’s provision or protection, while
that which was vowed was usually a gift to
deity. This would most commonly take the
form of a sacrifice but could refer to other
types of gifts to the sanctuary or priests. Fulfillment
of a vow could usually be accomplished
at the sanctuary and was a public act.
In Jacob’s vow the conditions actually extend
through the end of verse 21. Jacob promises a
tithe upon the fulfillment of the conditions.
28:22. tithe. In the ancient world tithing was
often a means of taxation. There were tithes
paid to the temple as well as those paid to the
king. Since income and personal wealth was
often not primarily in money, all goods were
included in the calculations of the tithe, as indicated
here by Jacob in the phrase “all that
you give me.” Jacob’s tithe is clearly voluntary
rather than imposed and therefore would not
be associated with taxation of any sort. There
is no temple or priesthood at Bethel, so to
whom would Jacob give his tithe? It is likely
that Jacob anticipates that any wealth coming
to him would be in the form of flocks and
herds. In such a case the tithe would be represented
in sacrifices at Bethel.
29:1-14
Jacob Finds Laban and His Family
29:2, 3, 10. stone over well mouth. The stone
served a double function, as a guard against
contamination or poisoning of the well and as
a social control mechanism, preventing any of
the herdsmen in the area from drawing more
water than was their right. Apparently water
was scarce in this “open country” and thus the
right to use the well was a jealously guarded
one. Bedouin herders seldom wish to even divulge
the location of wells within their territory,
so this degree of security is not out of place.
The stone may even have served to disguise
the location of the well from the casual passerby.
Wells of this time were not surrounded by
protective walls, so the stone would also have
prevented animals (or people) from inadvertently
stumbling into it.
29:3. watering agreements. In regions where
water sources were scarce, it would have been
necessary to make agreements between herdsmen
for use of the local well or spring. A lack
of trust, however, could result in a scene like
the one in the text, where all of the herds had
to be assembled before any could drink.
29:6. female shepherd. While it is not uncommon
today for women and small children to
herd Bedouin flocks, in antiquity women
would have done so only when the household
had no sons. It was a dangerous practice since
they might be molested, but it was also a way
of attracting a husband.
29:11. kiss of greeting. The traditional form of
greeting for friends and relatives in the Middle
East is a warm hug and a kiss on each
cheek. This is done with both male and female
relatives.
Genesis 28:19—29:20
29:15-30
Jacob Works for His Wives
29:17. Leah’s eyes. In the comparative description
of Rachel and Leah, the only comment
about Leah concerns her eyes. The term used
is generally considered positive and speaks of
fragility, vulnerability, tenderness or a delicate
quality (NIV note). Although eyes were a principal
component of beauty in the ancient
world, Leah’s positive features paled in comparison
to Rachel’s loveliness.
29:18-20. seven years’ labor. Typical marriage
customs would have included a payment
made to the bride’s family by the groom or his
family. This could provide a sort of trust fund
to provide for the wife should the husband
die, desert her or divorce her. Alternatively it
was at times used by the family to pay the
GENESIS 29:21—30:33 62
bride price for the bride’s brothers. In some
cases it was even returned to the bride in the
form of an indirect dowry. In the *Nuzi texts a
typical bride price is thirty or forty shekels of
silver. Since ten shekels of silver is a typical
annual wage for a shepherd, Jacob is paying a
higher price. That can be understood, however,
given the circumstances: Jacob is in no position
to negotiate, and the payment is being
made in labor.
29:21-24. wedding feast. Since a wedding is
based on a contract between two families, it is
similar to treaties and to business transactions.
Like them, the marriage would have
been consummated with a *ritual meal (a sign
of peace between the parties). There would
also be a procession to a designated “first
home” (usually within the house or tent of the
groom’s father, although not in Gen 29 and
sexual intercourse between the couple. The
bride would be veiled during these public festivities,
and it may be assumed that the high
spirits would have led to drunkenness, both
factors in Jacob’s inability to recognize the
substitution of Leah for Rachel at the feast.
29:24. gift of maidservant. It was quite common
for the bride to receive a gift of a maidservant
on the occasion of her marriage. In
this way she obtained her own personal
household or entourage, providing her with
both greater prestige and help in performing
her duties.
29:26-30. custom of older married first. It is
the practice of people of the ancient Near East,
and still a tradition today in that area, for the
oldest daughter to be married first. This prevents
a younger sibling from shaming a sister
who may not be as beautiful and also prevents
the financial drain on the family caused by
spinsters. Females were used, through marriage
contracts, to obtain wealth and prestige
for the family. If an older sister was bypassed
and then never married, her family would be
left with the responsibility to support her.
29:27. bridal week. The relationship between
the seven-day story of creation and the idea of
creating new life through marriage may be the
origin of the bridal week. Diverting the bride
and groom from other tasks was also designed
to insure a pregnancy early in the marriage.
29:31—30:24
Jacob’s Children
29:33. naming of children. The naming of
children was a significant act and typically
represented some circumstance or sentiment
at the time of birth. It rarely addressed the
supposed fate or destiny of the child directly
and was not thought to determine the child’s
destiny, but it was believed that the name was
directly related to a person’s essential self and
therefore could be expected to find significant
associations with the person’s nature and experiences.
30:3-13. maidservant as surrogate wife. Just
as Sarah gave Abraham her maid Hagar as a
surrogate wife (16:1-4), so too the wives of Jacob
give him their maids. The object is for a
barren (or unloved) wife to have children by
means of this legal surrogacy. Provision for
this custom is also found in the *Lipit-Ishtar
Code and in the Code of *Hammurabi from
Mesopotamia.
30:14-15. mandrake plants. Mandragora officinarum
is a stemless, perennial root in the potato
family found growing in stony ground. It
resembles the human figure and has narcotic
and purgative properties, which explain its
medicinal use. Its shape and pungent fragrance
may be the origin of its use in *fertility
rites and as an aphrodisiac (see Song 7:13-14.
It has dark green, wrinkled leaves from which
rise a violet, bell-shaped flower. Its fruit is a
yellowish berry, approximately the size of a
small tomato, which can be consumed. The
mandrake is native to the Mediterranean region
but is not common in Mesopotamia.
Genesis 29:21—30:33
30:25-43
Jacob Employed by Laban
30:22-25. Jacob’s request. A woman’s status in
the family would be very tenuous if she had
not borne children. A barren woman could be
and often was discarded, ostracized or given a
lower status and would find protection in her
relatives. Now that Rachel’s status in Jacob’s
family is established, Jacob feels free to request
permission to leave.
30:27. divination of Laban. An Israelite reader
would have been struck by Laban’s suggestion
that *Yahweh has given information by
means of *divination. There is no mention of
what type of divination Laban used, but all
divination was later forbidden under the law.
Divination assumed that there was knowledge
to be gained about the activities and motives
of the gods through the use of various
indicators (such as entrails of sacrificed animals).
It operated in a worldview that was
contrary to that promoted in the Bible. Nevertheless,
God occasionally chooses to use such
methods, as the Bethlehem star attests.
30:32-33. sheep breeding. The coloring chosen
by Jacob (dark lambs and variegated goats)
generally made up a very small proportion of
63 GENESIS 30:37—31:21
the herd. Jacob seems to be settling for a share
that was far smaller than usual, in that contracts
of the day designated sometimes as
much as 20 percent of new births for the shepherd
(Bedouin studies today suggest that 10
percent is common). Byproducts (wool, milk
products) are not mentioned here, but a percentage
of those were also often part of the
shepherd’s compensation.
30:37-43. use of rods. Jacob’s solution to Laban’s
treachery contains elements of scientific
breeding and folklore tradition. Clearly, shepherds
would have been aware of the estrus cycle
of their sheep (which runs from June to
September), and observation would have
demonstrated that breeding healthy animals
would produce vigorous lambs. What is not
scientific, however, is the principle that certain
characteristics (coloration in this case) can be
bred for through visual aids. The stripped
rods which Jacob places before the troughs of
the sheep cannot genetically affect the sheep.
This type of sympathetic magic is found in
many folk traditions (including modern tales
of colors worn by a mother determining the
sex of her child). It plays a part in the trickster
theme of this narrative and is reflective of a
culture which depended on a mixture of magical
and commonsense methods to produce
results.
Genesis 30:37—31:21
31:1-21
Jacob’s Flight
31:1. Laban’s sons’ complaint. Jacob’s success
in Laban’s employ would naturally result in
the reduction of Laban’s assets and therefore
the depletion of the inheritance his sons could
expect to receive. It is no wonder then that
they nurse a grudge against their brother-inlaw.
31:13. God of Bethel. By identifying himself
as the God of Bethel, the Lord has reminded
Jacob of the vow of Jacob in 28:20-22. Though
it is true that Canaanites would have viewed
sacred sites as each having their own separate
deities, there is no suggestion in the text that
Jacob considers the God of Bethel to be distinct
from *Yahweh, and certainly the author
of the Pentateuch sees them as one (compare
vv. 3 and 13).
31:14-16. Rachel and Leah’s complaint. Rachel
and Leah express willingness to leave with
Jacob because of the way Laban has treated
them in his financial dealings. It has been suggested
that they are referring to assets that
were generally held in escrow for the care of
the woman should her husband die or divorce
her. Such assets would have been part of the
bride price, which, in this case, Jacob had paid
in labor rather than tangible assets. If Laban
never put aside the value of Jacob’s fourteen
years of labor, there would be nothing in reserve
to provide for the women. As a result
they would not enjoy any additional protection
in economic terms by staying in the vicinity
of their family. They identify this as
treating them as foreigners, because Laban
had gained from Jacob’s labor but had not
passed the gain on to them—it is therefore just
as if he had sold them.
31:18. Paddan Aram. Paddan Aram seems to
refer to the region of northern Mesopotamia
and northeast Syria (see comment on 28:2).
The inclusion of *Aram suggests connections
with the Arameans (see comment on 28:5).
31:19-20. sheep shearing. Shearing domestic
sheep of their woolly fleece occurs in the
spring a few weeks prior to lambing. This allows
wool to grow back during the summer to
help protect against extreme temperatures.
Shepherds would bring their animals to a central
location where the wool was also processed,
dyed and woven into cloth. Archaeological
excavations at Timnah (see 38:12) have
produced large numbers of loom weights,
suggesting that this was a center for shearing
and weaving. Because this involved a journey,
provisions would have had to be made to protect
the villagers left behind. There would also
be a celebration associated with the event after
the hard work of shearing was completed.
31:19. household gods. The teraphim or
“household gods” were associated with luck
and prosperity of the family. One suggestion
is that, like the lares and penates of Roman tradition,
these small images guarded the threshold
and hearth. They were passed from one
generation to the next as part of the inheritance.
The fact that Rachel was able to hide
them under a saddle suggests their tiny size,
though some were larger (see 1 Sam 19:13.
Many of these small figurines have been
found in Mesopotamia and Syro-Palestine.
They were a part of the popular or local religion,
not associated with temples or national
*cults for the major deities. One recent study
has suggested they were figurines of the ancestors,
but others see them as more generally
related to the family’s patron deity. Laban’s
frantic desire to retrieve these images suggests
their importance to his family, in contrast to
Jacob’s disposal of them before he departs for
Canaan.
31:21. hill country of Gilead. Jacob’s departure
from the area of Haran takes him south
and west across the Euphrates River and into
the Transjordanian region known as Gilead.
GENESIS 31:31—32:2 64
This area comprises most of the Jordanian plateau
between the Yarmuk River near the Sea
of Galilee and the northern end of the Dead
Sea.
31:22-55
The Settlement of Jacob and Laban
31:27. musical instruments. Tambourines and
harps were the common musical instruments
associated with celebrations in the village culture.
They were used to mark major events,
such as military victories Ex 15:20, celebratory
and religious dances 1 Sam 10:5, and, as in
this case, feasts of departure.
31:35. Rachel’s excuse. Rachel’s excuse that
she had her period would have been sufficient
to warn off Laban, for in the ancient world a
woman in menstruation was considered a
danger because menstrual blood was widely
believed to be a habitat for demons.
31:38-42. shepherd’s responsibility. Herding
contracts have been discovered in excavations
in Mesopotamia which spell out the responsibilities
and the wages of herdsmen. They describe
activities in much the same way as in
this passage: taking animals to proper grazing
areas and water sources, birthing of lambs,
treatment of sick and injured animals, protection
from wild predators and retrieval of lost
sheep. It was expected that losses through neglect
or failure to protect the flock would be
deducted from the shepherds’ wages. Plus,
only animals that had been killed or died of
natural causes could be eaten by the shepherds.
31:42. ancestral Deity. Jacob’s use of the terms
the “God of my father, the God of Abraham”
and the “Fear of Isaac” provide a sense of kinship
based on the worship of an ancestral deity
by these tribal people (see 28:12; Ex 3:6; 4:5).
“The Fear of Isaac” appears only in Genesis
and may represent a cognomen (nickname)
for the patron God as well as an implied threat
against any violence by Laban (see 31:29). The
reference to divine patrons, “Ashur, the god of
your fathers,” is also found in Old *Assyrian
texts (early second millennium B.C.).
31:45-53. pillar as witness. The use of a heap
of stones as a boundary marker or a memorial
to an event or to bear witness to a *covenant
appears several places in the biblical text (see
28:18; 35:20; Josh 24:27. In Canaanite religion,
the massebah, or standing stone, was erected
and considered as a guardian or a dwelling
place of a god (see Deut 16:21-22; 1 Kings
14:23). The fact that two are erected here and
each is given a name is suggestive of an invoking
*ritual in which the god(s) of each party
are called to witness the treaty-making
ceremony and to enforce its stipulations. One
possible parallel to this may be the twin pillars,
Jachin and Boaz, placed in front of Solomon’s
temple in Jerusalem 1 Kings 7:15-22.
31:48-53. nature of agreement. Like other treaty
documents in the ancient Near East (such
as the seventh-century B.C. *Assyrian vassal
treaties of Esarhaddon and the thirteenth-century
B.C. treaty between Rameses II and Hattusilis
III), the gods of each party are invoked
as witnesses, a set of exact stipulations is
spelled out and a sacrifice and *ritual meal
conclude the agreement. While the only explicit
charge here is that Jacob not take any
more wives, it is suggested by the setting up
of the pillars that this is also a boundary
agreement and territory is now marked. Parallels
to this restriction on taking another wife
are found in *Nuzi legal documents (fifteenth
century B.C.). The stipulation is intended to
protect the rights and status of the current
wife/wives, especially in this context where
the wives’ family would not be there to assure
fair and equitable treatment.
31:54. sacrificial meal. It was apparently standard
procedure to use a meal to seal an agreement
(see 14:18; 26:30; Ex 24:5-11. Just as food
is a part of the hospitality *ritual (18:2-5), here
it functions as a means of drawing each party
into a familial, nonhostile relationship. By
adding the element of sacrifice, it also insures
the participation of the gods and heightens
the solemnity of the occasion.
Genesis 31:31—32:2
32:1-21
Jacob’s Return to Canaan
32:1. met by angels. Just as Jacob experienced
an angelic *theophany as he left the Promised
Land (28:12), so too he is met by angels on his
return. This forms an inclusio (a literary device
in which the same events or lines occur at the
beginning and the end of a literary segment)
in the narrative and signals both divine sanction
for the treaty just concluded and a reestablishment
of direct contact with the
*covenantal heir.
32:2. naming places. Applying names to sites
where specific events occur, especially
*theophanies, is fairly common in the ancestral
narratives (see 16:14; 21:31; 26:20, 33;
28:19). In this way the presence of the deity is
established at that site. For instance, Bethel,
the location of one of Abraham’s altars and
the place where Jacob experienced a theophany,
later became a major religious site. The
name of the place in this passage, Mahanaim,
means “two camps,” but the reference is ob-
65 GENESIS 32:3—33:3
scure. Although it has not been located, this is
a fairly important city in the tribal territory of
Gad (see Josh 13:26; 21:38; 2 Sam 2:8-9.
32:3. Seir. The land of Seir is generally considered
to be the mountainous central region of
Edom (elevations generally over 5,000 feet)
between Wadi al-Ghuwayr on the north and
Ras en-Naqb on the south.
32:3-5. Jacob’s communication. Jacob’s communication
to Esau is intended to make several
points. First, he has not been in hiding or
sneaking around the land behind Esau’s back.
Second, and more importantly, he has not
come to lay claim to inheritance rights. By describing
his success and wealth, he insinuates
that he has not returned because he is broke
and looking to demand what is due him.
32:13-21. gifts for Esau. The generosity of Jacob’s
gifts can be understood when compared
to tribute paid by one nation to another. So,
for instance, in the ninth century B.C. the town
of Hindanu paid to *Assyrian king Tukulti-
Ninurta II some silver, bread, beer, thirty camels,
fifty oxen and thirty donkeys. This gift
would be sufficient for Esau to get a good start
on a herding operation of his own or, alternatively,
to reward any mercenaries in his employ
who may have been anticipating booty.
32:13-21. Jacob’s strategy. Jacob’s gifts to Esau
demonstrate that he is as shrewd as ever. Besides
being an attempt to gain Esau’s favor
through generosity, the continuous arrival of
the herds of animals will wear out any
schemes for ambush and deflate any degree of
military readiness that Esau might be planning
in his encounter with Jacob. Additionally,
traveling with the animals will slow Esau
down and make his company much noisier.
Finally, the plan adds Jacob’s servants to Esau’s
retinue—a decided advantage if there is
to be fighting.
32:22. river fords. River crossings or fords
function in much the same way as gates. Both
are entranceways giving access in and out of
territory. Both have strategic value for armies
(see Judg 3:28; 12:5; Jer 51:32. As such, they
are tied to power, both physical and supernatural.
Thus it is not difficult to imagine a link
between Jacob’s entrance into the Promised
Land and a struggle with a supernatural being
beside the fast flowing waters at the ford of
the Jabbok River.
32:24-26. detaining for blessing. A *Hittite
*ritual text envisions a struggle between the
goddess Khebat and the king in which the
goddess is detained and there is discussion of
who will prevail over whom, leading to a request
for blessing by the king.
32:24. leaving at daybreak. The reference to
time indicates both the length of the struggle
between Jacob and the divine being and
serves as an indicator of Jacob’s lack of perception
during the fight. Daybreak or “cock’s
crow” are often found in folklore as the moment
when powers and creatures of the dark
lose their power to affect humans, though this
is not a familiar element in ancient Near Eastern
literature. In this case the issue is not one
of potency, but one of supremacy (as indicated
by the naming) and discernment (see v. 29).
32:28-30. name changing. There is, of course,
an etiological (explaining how things came to
be) aspect to name changes (e. g., Abram to
Abraham in 17:5, which reenforces the *covenantal
promise of fathering many nations).
When the angel asks Jacob his name, this provides
the opportunity to highlight the change
to Israel. Thus the change serves both an etiological
purpose (memorializing this event at
Peniel), but it also marks the Jacob/Israel shift
from an outcast and usurper to the heir of the
covenant and the chosen leader of God’s people.
Name changing was also a way to exercise
authority over an individual. When a
suzerain put a vassal on the throne, he sometimes
gave him a new name, demonstrating
his power over that vassal.
32:31-32. etiological comments. An etiological
comment is one that provides an origin for a
name, characteristic or practice. In folklore etiological
comments are often fanciful (how the
camel got its hump), while in ethnic or national
traditions they tend to be legendary. While
such fanciful or legendary accounts can often
be entirely fabricated, etiological comments
need not be only the consequence of a creative
imagination but may preserve an accurate story
of a tradition. The naming of the place
where Jacob/Israel wrestled with God draws
its name from his exclamation of surprise at
“seeing God face to face” (a clear parallel to
his earlier encounter at Bethel, 28:16-19). The
final notation in this episode provides an explanation
for a unique dietary law, which
does not appear elsewhere in Jewish law.
However, the legal value in forbidding the
consumption of the “tendon attached to the
socket of the hip” (possibly the sciatic nerve)
is found in its memorializing of Jacob/Israel’s
struggle at the Jabbok—in that sense comparable
to the institution of *circumcision (17:9-
14)—marking a significant *covenantal reaffirmation.
Genesis 32:3—33:3
33:1-20
Jacob’s Reunion with Esau
33:1-3. bowing seven times. One way that a
GENESIS 33:16—34:12 66
person showed respect for a superior in the
ancient world was by bowing to the ground.
To magnify the honor being given and the
subservience of the person who bowed, this
gesture could be repeated seven times. Some
Egyptian texts from El Amarna (fourteenth
century B.C.) portray vassals bowing seven
times to Pharaoh.
33:16. Seir. This region comprises the hill
country stretching to the southeast of the Arabah,
between the Dead Sea and the Gulf of
Aqabah, in territory later inhabited by the
Edomites (see 36:20; Judg 5:4. Because of its
relatively high annual rainfall and elevation,
the area has sufficient water and snow melt to
support scrub forests and brushes. This may
be the origin of the name Seir, which means
“hairy.”
33:17. Succoth. A town situated east of the Jordan
River near its confluence with the Jabbok
River Judg 8:5. A number of archaeologists
have identified it with the site of Tell Deir ‘Alla,
based on Egyptian records (the stele of Shishak)
and cultural remains which date from
the *Chalcolithic to *Iron Age II. The name,
which means “booths,” would be appropriate
for the temporary housing of this region’s
mixed population of pastoral nomads and
miners (evidence of smelting has been found
in Iron I levels).
33:18-19. Shechem. Identified with Tell Balata
in the central highlands, about thirty-five
miles north of Jerusalem, Shechem is known
from many ancient sources, including the
Egyptian records of Sen-Usert III (nineteenth
century B.C.) and the *El Amarna tablets (fourteenth
century B.C.). Nearly continuous occupation
is evidenced through the second and
first millennia, demonstrating the importance
of this strategic city on the highway network
running north from Egypt through Beersheba,
Jerusalem and on to Damascus. It was
Abram’s first stop in Canaan (see comment on
12:6). The fertile soil in this area promoted agriculture
as well as good grazing.
33:19. purchase of land. As in the case in Genesis
23, this land transaction includes an exact
price (one hundred pieces of silver), thereby
marking this as a deeded sale rather than a fee
for usage of the property. Since he is settling
within the landed territory of the town, Jacob
must purchase the property he settles on. The
amount he pays is uncertain because the value
of the unit of money referred to here is unknown.
As in Genesis 23 the eventual use of
this land is for burial (see Josh 24:32.
33:20. altar significance. Altars function as
sacrificial platforms. Their construction can
also mark the introduction of the worship of a
particular god in a new land. One tie between
the generations of *covenantal leaders is their
construction of altars in order to worship
*Yahweh in the Promised Land (12:7-8; 13:18;
26:25). The name given to Jacob/Israel’s altar,
“El Elohe Israel,” is an acknowledgment of his
own name change and his acceptance of the
role of covenantal heir that had been promised
at Bethel (28:13-15). For another example
of naming an altar, see Exodus 17:15.
Genesis 33:16—34:12
34:1-31
Dinah and Shechem
34:2. Hivites. Based on their appearance in
various narratives, the Hivites apparently inhabited
an area in the central hill country of
Canaan, ranging from Gibeon, near Jerusalem
Josh 9:1-7, to Shechem and on north to
Mount Hermon Josh 11:3; Judg 3:3. The origin
of the Hivites is unknown (descendant of
Ham in Gen 10:17, but it is possible that they
are related to either *Hurrian or *Hittite peoples
settling in Canaan during the period from
the mid-second to early first millennium B.C.
34:2. ravishing women. Rape as a means of
obtaining a marriage contract was apparently
one stratagem used in the ancient Near East.
Laws regulating this practice are found in Exodus
22:16-17, Deuteronomy 22:28-29, the
Middle *Assyrian Laws and the *Hittite laws.
These often require the rapist to pay an especially
high bride price and sometimes forbid
any possibility of divorce. *Sumerian Law 7,
like Genesis 34, deals with a case where a
young, unbetrothed woman leaves her parents’
home without permission and is raped.
The result is an option by the parents to marry
her to the rapist without her consent.
34:7. concept of universal law. Ancient Near
Eastern literature contains law collections of
this time and earlier that make it clear that
prohibitions concerning illicit and violent sexual
behavior were not innovations at Sinai.
The codes of conduct by which people lived in
this time show great similarity to the laws enshrined
at Sinai and demonstrate a common
universal sense of morality and justice. Laws
and less formal standards often sought to protect
the honor and integrity of the family, the
dignity of the individual and security within
society.
34:11-12. bride price and gift. The bride price
and gift paid by the groom’s family was often
dependent on the desirability of the marriage.
A higher price could be expected if the bride’s
family was socially superior to that of the
groom or there were other factors (such as the
bride’s beauty) which made her value rise. In
67 GENESIS 34:13—35:18
the *Nuzi texts a typical bride price is thirty to
forty shekels of silver.
34:13-17. circumcision. At the time that *circumcision
was introduced Gen 17, adult
males as well as infants underwent this procedure
as a mark of their membership in the
community. Circumcision was practiced
widely in the ancient Near East as a rite of puberty,
fertility or marriage, but was not practiced
by all peoples. The men of Shechem
agree to submit to this in order to become acceptable
as husbands to Jacob’s daughters.
The procedure performed on adults is quite
painful and would have virtually debilitated
the adult male population for several days.
34:20. gate of the city. The city gate was a
place of assembly for legal and business transactions.
It could also be used for public meetings
that affected all of the city’s citizens. In
the small towns that were the ancient cities
the houses were close together and the streets
were narrow. The only open areas would be
the market place (if the town had one) and the
area of the gate. The former would have been
unsuitable for matters of public business.
34:25-29. plundering the city. The negotiation
between the parties had concerned appropriate
recompense (bride price) for Dinah in the
circumstances of her having been taken forcibly.
As it turns out, the compensation that Dinah’s
brothers considered appropriate was the
forfeiture of the life and goods of the entire
city. Such was also attempted by the Greeks in
the Iliad as they laid siege to Troy to recover
Helen.
35:1-15
Jacob’s Return to Bethel
35:1. building an altar. When Abram built altars
during his journeys (12:6-8), it was not for
the purpose of sacrifice but for calling on the
name of the Lord. This also seems to be the
case with Jacob, since no reference is made to
offering sacrifices on the altar. Some have suggested
that the altars served to mark the territory
of the deity. Alternatively they were
memorials to the name of the Lord.
35:2-5. ridding of foreign gods. The call to rid
themselves of foreign gods is a call to commit
themselves exclusively to *Yahweh. This does
not mean that they understood or accepted
philosophical monotheism, but that they accepted
Yahweh as their family patron deity.
The belief in a personal god who gave protection
and provision to the family was common
in early second-millennium Mesopotamia.
This deity was not understood to replace the
great cosmic gods but was the principal object
of worship and religious devotion for the individual.
35:2. purification. Purification would have accompanied
*ritual procedures but also may be
a response to the bloodshed of chapter 34. It
typically involved bathing and changing garments.
Preparation for worship and *ritual
also includes the disposal of any signs of loyalty
to other gods. All of this took place at
Shechem, where the events of chapter 34 took
place, some twenty miles north of Bethel. The
worship act is portrayed as a pilgrimage, as
indicated by the terminology of verse 1. The
relationship of earrings to worship of other
gods is unclear. While the use of earrings to
fashion idols is attested Ex 32:2; Judg 8:24,
and they are often part of the plunder of looted
cities, neither of these appear to offer an explanation.
It has been suggested that perhaps
the earrings were *amulets of some sort, even
stamped with an image of deity, though there
is no evidence of earrings serving such a purpose.
There is, however, an earring with an inscription
of dedication to a goddess from the
*Ur III period (about 2000 B.C.).
35:4. buried under the oak. The objects were
buried under a special tree in Shechem, which
possibly figures also in 12:6, Joshua 24:23-27
and Judges 9:6, 37. Sacred trees played a significant
role in popular religion of the day,
which would have viewed stone and tree as
potential divine dwellings. In Canaanite religion
they are believed to be symbols of *fertility
(see Deut 12:2; Jer 3:9; Hos 4:13, though
there is very little in the archaeological or literary
remains of the Canaanites that would
clarify the role of sacred trees.
35:14. anointed pillar. Just as Jacob had set up
a stone at Bethel and anointed it in 28:18, so
now another is set up and a libation (liquid offering)
performed to commemorate the
*theophany (God’s appearance). It would not
be unusual to have several standing stones
erected in the same vicinity.
Genesis 34:13—35:18
35:16-29
The Deaths of Rachel and Isaac
35:16-18. midwifing. Midwives, who were
generally older women, served as resources to
teach young women about sexual activity and
to aid in the birth of children. They were also a
part of the naming *ritual and may have
helped teach new mothers about nursing and
child care.
35:16-18. death in childbirth. Death in childbirth
was not an uncommon occurrence in the
ancient world. The incantation literature of
*Babylon contains a number of examples of
GENESIS 35:18—37:11 68
spells to protect the mother and child in the
birthing process; particularly incantations
against Lamashtu, the demon who was believed
to attack women and children.
35:18. naming children. Rachel names her
child as she dies, giving a name that reflects
her misery. It was customary for circumstances
surrounding the birth to serve as the occasion
for the name. In this case Jacob changes
the name, as was the father’s right. Benjamin
can mean either son of the right (hand), signifying
a place of protection, or son of the south
(since Israelites oriented themselves toward
the east, the south was on their right).
35:19-20. Rachel’s tomb. Rachel’s death in
childbirth is placed on the way to Ephrath,
north of Bethlehem, on the border of the later
tribal territories of Judah and Benjamin (see
1 Sam 10:2, some twelve miles north of Bethlehem.
Another example of raising a memorial
pillar for the dead is found in 2 Samuel 18:18.
The late mention of Rachel’s tomb in Jeremiah
31 suggests that it was a well-known pilgrimage
site down to the end of the monarchy period.
More recent traditions demonstrate some
confusion between a site for Rachel’s tomb in
Bethlehem and another north of Jerusalem.
35:21. Migdal Eder. The name of this place
means “herding tower,” a installation used by
pastoralists to protect their animals from
predators. Based on Jacob’s itinerary, journeying
south after burying Rachel, Migdal Eder
would be near Jerusalem. This identification
may be strengthened by mention in Micah 4:8
of “watchtower of the flock.” Later traditions,
however, place it closer to Bethlehem.
35:21-22. son with father’s concubine. *Concubines
are women without dowry who include
among their duties providing children
to the family. Childbearing was an important
function in the ancient world, where survival
of the family, and often survival at all, was
tenuous at best. Since a concubine has been a
sexual partner, a son who used his father’s
concubine was seen not only as incestuous but
as attempting to usurp the authority of the
family patriarch.
36:1-30
The Line of Esau
36:1-43. Esau’s descendants. The genealogy of
Esau unfolds in stages, beginning with his
first three wives (two *Hittite and one the
daughter of Ishmael). In the subsequent levels
of the list twelve tribal names are identified
(vv. 9-14, excluding Amalek, who is the son of
a *concubine), which matches the genealogical
lists of Nahor (22:20-24), Ishmael (25:13-16)
and Israel. A third tier of descendants (vv. 15-
19) appear to be clan names, with some repetition
from the previous level. The final grouping
contains the names of eight kings who
reigned in Edom prior to the establishment of
the Israelite monarchy (vv. 31-39). Among the
best known of the names in the entire genealogy
are Teman, identified with the southern region
of Edom, and Uz, named as the homeland
of Job.
36:12. Amalekite origins. The Amalekites
wandered through vast stretches of land in
the Negev, Transjordan and Sinai peninsula.
They are unattested outside the Bible, and no
archaeological remains can be positively
linked to them. However, archaeological surveys
of the region have turned up ample evidence
of nomadic and seminomadic groups
like the Amalekites during this period.
36:15-30. chiefs. The inclusion of many chiefs
of different regions makes this list as much a
king list as a genealogy in that these Bedouin
groups had a chieftain form of government.
The *Sumerian king list similarly features
brief lines of kings connected to various geographical
regions.
36:24. hot springs. One way of distinguishing
persons with the same name in a genealogy is
to provide a brief comment based on their career
(see Lamech in 4:19-24; 5:25-31). Here
Anah is distinguished from his uncle by the
additional information that he discovered a
“hot springs”—a natural phenomenon that
could have benefited the clan. The translation
here is based solely on the Vulgate. Jewish tradition
translates it as “mules” and gives Anah
credit for learning to crossbreed horses and
donkeys.
Genesis 35:18—37:11
37:1-11
Joseph’s Dreams
37:3. Joseph’s coat. The special coat provided
to Joseph by his father signified a position of
authority and favor. Though such coats may
have been colorful, they were often distinguished
by material, weave or length (of either
hem or sleeve). Since the Hebrew word
describing it is used only here, it is difficult to
be certain which type of quality characterizes
the coat. Egyptian paintings of this period depict
well-dressed Canaanites as wearing longsleeved,
embroidered garments with a fringed
scarf wrapped diagonally from waist to knee.
37:5-11. importance of dreams. Dreams in the
ancient world were thought to offer information
from the divine realm and were therefore
taken very seriously. Some dreams, given to
prophets and kings, were considered a means
69 GENESIS 37:12—38:6
of divine revelation. Most dreams, however,
even the ordinary dreams of common people,
were believed to contain omens that communicated
information about what the gods were
doing. Those that were revelation usually
identified the deity and often involved the deity.
The dreams that were omens usually made
no reference to deity. Dreams were often filled
with symbolism necessitating an interpreter,
though at times the symbols were reasonably
self-evident. The information that came
through dreams was not believed to be irreversible.
Dreams of a rise to power like the
ones Joseph had are known in the ancient
Near East, notably one concerning Sargon,
king of Akkad, half a millennium earlier than
Joseph.
Genesis 37:12—38:6
37:12-36
Joseph Sold into Slavery
37:12-13. shepherds grazing. The lush vegetation
produced by the winter rains would have
allowed shepherds to remain in pastures near
their villages and camps. Once the rains ended,
the herds would graze in harvested fields
and then would be taken into the hill country,
where vegetation remained through the summer
months.
37:17. Dothan. Located at Tell Dothan, this is
an imposing site covering twenty-five acres. It
is situated fourteen miles north of Shechem,
on the main route used by merchants and
herdsmen going north to the Jezreel Valley. It
developed into a major city site in the *Early
Bronze Age (3200-2400 B.C.) and would have
served as a natural landmark for travelers.
The area around the city provided choice pasture
land, thus explaining the presence of Joseph’s
brothers.
37:19-24. cisterns. Cisterns were hollowed out
of the limestone bedrock or were dug and
then lined with plaster to store rain water.
They provided water for humans and animals
through most of the dry months. When they
were empty, they sometimes served as temporary
cells for prisoners (see Jer 38:6.
37:25-28. slave trade. The slave trade existed
from earliest times in the ancient Near East.
Slaves were generally war captives or persons
taken in raids. Traders often accepted slaves,
whom they transported to new areas and
sold. These persons seldom obtained their
freedom.
37:25. spice trade and caravan routes. Caravans
brought incense from south Arabia to
Gaza on the Palestinian coast and to Egypt,
using various routes through the Sinai Peninsula.
It would have been along one of these
northern Sinai routes that the Midianites met
Joseph’s brothers and purchased him for resale
in Egypt along with the rest of their trade
goods.
37:25-36. Midianite/Ishmaelite. The interchange
of these two names in the story probably
reflects a close affinity between the two
groups. Some suggest that the Ishmaelites
were considered a subtribe of the Midianites.
Others suggest the Midianites simply purchased
Joseph from the Ishmaelites. However,
based on the intermingling of the names in
Judges 8:24, it would appear that the biblical
writer either assumed they were related or is
reflecting a known kin tie between them.
37:28. twenty shekels. The twenty shekels
paid for Joseph was about normal for a slave
in this time period, as attested in other literature
of this time (for instance, the laws of
*Hammurabi). It would constitute approximately
two years of wages.
37:34-35. mourning practices. Mourning practices
generally included tearing one’s robe,
weeping, putting dust and ashes in the hair
and wearing sackcloth. Sackcloth was made of
goat or camel hair and was coarse and uncomfortable.
In many cases the sackcloth was only
a loin covering. The official period of mourning
was thirty days but could continue for as
long as the mourner chose to continue to
grieve.
Genesis 37:34—38:14
38:1-30
Judah’s Sons
38:1. Adullam. Located in the Shephelah,
Adullam has been identified with Tell esh
Sheikh Madhkur northwest of Hebron (see
1 Sam 22:1; Mic 1:15. It would have been at a
lower elevation than Hebron (3,040 feet above
sea level), and thus the statement that Judah
“went down” is appropriate.
38:6-26. levirate marriage. One remedy for
the disruption of inheritance caused by the
premature death of a man before he had
produced an heir was the custom of levirate
marriage. As outlined in Genesis 38, the
dead man’s brother was required to impregnate
the widow so that his brother’s name
(his inheritance share) would be passed on
to the child born of this obligatory act. A
similar statute is found in *Hittite Law 193
and some form of it may be represented in
Ruth 4. The law is detailed in Deuteronomy
25:5-10, where the levir is allowed to refuse
his obligation by participating in a public
ceremony in which the widow shames him.
This was probably made necessary by situations
like the one Judah faces here, in which
GENESIS 38:11-24 70
a greedy brother (Onan) refuses to impregnate
Tamar because it would decrease his
eventual inheritance share.
38:11. widows. In a society that is subject to
disease and warfare, it is not uncommon to
find widows. Ancient Israel dealt with this
problem through levirate marriage (to insure
an heir for the deceased husband) and remarriage
of young widows as soon as possible
after the mourning period. They wore special
garments which designated them as widows.
Since a widow had no inheritance rights, special
provisions were made for widows under
the law allowing them to glean in harvested
fields Ruth 2 and protecting them from being
oppressed Deut 14:29; Ps 94:1-7. Only
the widowed daughter of a priest could honorably
return to her father’s house (Lev
22:13).
Genesis 38:11-24 38:13. Timnah. The exact location of the town
in this narrative is uncertain. It is a fairly common
place name in the allotment list and in
the Samson epic (see Josh 15:10, 56; Judg 14:1-
2; 2 Chron 28:18, with connections to the tribal
territory of Judah in the southern hill country
(possibly Tell el-Batashi, three and a half
miles east of Tel Miqne-Ekron).
38:13-14. widow’s clothes. A widow, like a
married woman, did not wear a veil. She
did wear a special garment which set her
apart as a widow. These clothes entitled her
to the privileges provided for widows in the
law, such as gleaning and a portion of the
tithe.
38:14, 21. Enaim. The two references to this
place in the narrative argue for a place name
rather than the more traditional translations
of “an open place” (KJV) or “a fork in the road”
(Vulgate, Targums). It may be the same as
Enam Josh 15:34 and may take its name from
local springs. However, other than a general
reference to the territory of Judah, its exact location
is unknown.
38:15-23. prostitution. The Canaanite culture
utilized *cult prostitution as a way of promoting
*fertility. Devotees of the mother goddess
*Ishtar or *Anat would reside at or near
shrines and would dress in a veil, as the symbolic
bride of the god *Baal or *El. Men
would visit the shrine and use the services of
the cult prostitutes prior to planting their
fields or during other important seasons such
as shearing or the period of lambing. In this
way they gave honor to the gods and reenacted
the divine marriage in an attempt to insure
fertility and prosperity for their fields
and herds.
38:18, 25. seal, cord and staff. One distinctive
means of signing a document in the ancient
Near East was to use a cylinder seal, which
contained a mirror-image incision that
could be rolled onto a clay tablet or pressed
into sealing wax or clay bullae. Cylinder
seals, many carved from precious and
semiprecious stones, have been discovered
from nearly every period post-*Early
Bronze by archaeologists. The seal was often
threaded onto a leather cord and worn
around the neck of the owner. In Palestine
it is more common to find stamp seals engraved
on the flat side. Another form of
identification mentioned here is the staff,
an aid to walking as well as an animal goad
and weapon. Since this was a personal
item, it may well have been carved and polished,
and thus known to belong to a particular
person.
38:24. prostitution as capital crime. Prostitution
or harlotry was generally punished by
stoning to death Deut 22:23-24. Tamar’s sentence
of death by fire is exceptional. This sentence
is prescribed elsewhere only in cases
MAJOR TRADE ROUTES IN THE ANCIENT NEAR EAST
Trade was the lifeblood of the major cultures of the ancient Near East. As early as 5000 B.C. there is evidence
of trade in obsidian from northern Anatolia throughout the Near East. Although land travel was
time consuming (fifteen to twenty miles a day) and dangerous, the desire for exotic as well as functional
products was so great that merchants and governments were willing to take the risk in order to obtain the
very high profits involved (a minimum of 100 percent). For instance, business documents from the Old
Assyrian period (2100-1900 B.C.) and from the Mari archive (1800-1700 B.C.) mention commercial caravans
of as many as 200-300 donkeys traveling in Asia Minor and northern Syria. They followed the trade route
from the Assyrian capital at Asshur on the Tigris River west to Habur region to the Taurus mountains and
on to the commercial center of Kanish in west central Asia Minor. The route then continued west through
Cilicia to Antioch in Pisidia, Philadelphia, Sardis, Pergamum and Troy on the Ionian coast. Each city provided
shelter, supplies, and a ready market for these enterprising merchants.
The actual routes taken were dictated by the topography of the various regions (avoiding disease-
infected swamps, uneven and deeply cut hill country) as well as political situations and potential
markets. They radiated out from major population centers. Thus from Egypt the major trade route,
known as the Great Trunk Road, started in Memphis on the Nile, crossed the northern Sinai Peninsula,
turned north up the coastal plain of Canaan, the jogged east through the Valley ofJezreel at Megiddo and
71 GENESIS 39:1—40:18
where a daughter of a priest engages in harlotry
and in cases of incest Lev 20:14.
Genesis 39:1—40:18
39:1-23
Joseph in Potiphar’s House
39:1-20. Egyptian tale of two brothers. The
Nineteenth Dynasty (c. 1225 B.C.) Egyptian
tale of Anubis and Bata has many similarities
to the story of Joseph and Potiphar’s wife. In
both cases a younger man is seduced by his
master’s wife and then falsely accused of rape
when he refuses to give in to her desires. What
may have made this Egyptian story so popular
(the surviving papyrus is written in a cursive
style [hieratic] rather than the more
formal *hieroglyphic characters) is the common
tale of rivalry between brothers (like Jacob
and Esau), the high suspense and the use
of folklore techniques (talking animals, intervention
of the gods). Aside from the common
general setting, the Joseph story has little else
in common with this Egyptian tale.
39:16. keeping the cloak. Besides the interesting
parallel to Joseph’s brothers’ taking his
cloak, it should be noted that here again the
cloak is to serve to identify Joseph. Garments
often contained indications of status, rank or
office and therefore could be used in such
ways.
39:20. imprisoned with the king’s prisoners.
One indication of Potiphar’s understanding of
the affair between Joseph and his wife may be
in the choice of prison. Rather than being executed
for rape (as dictated in, for instance, the
Middle *Assyrian laws), Joseph was put into a
royal prison holding political prisoners. This
may have been a bit more comfortable (as
prisons go), but more importantly it will put
him in contact with members of Pharaoh’s
court Gen 40:1-23.
40:1-23
Pharaoh’s Cupbearer and Baker
40:1-4. cupbearer’s role. The cupbearer was a
high-ranking member of a monarch’s court
(see Neh 1:11. He would have to be a trusted
individual, since his primary responsibility
was to taste all of his lord’s food and drink
and thus prevent his lord from being poisoned.
40:1-2. offenses against Pharaoh. Offenses
against Pharaoh certainly could have taken
many forms. Whether these officials were
suspected of involvement in a conspiracy or
just guilty of displeasing Pharaoh in the disposition
of their duties is impossible to tell. It
may be that they are under house arrest
awaiting the investigation of charges against
them.
40:5-18. interpretation of dreams. Dream interpretations
were usually carried out by experts
who had been trained in the available
dream literature. More information is available
from Mesopotamia than from Egypt.
Both the Egyptians and the *Babylonians compiled
what we call dream books, which contain
sample dreams along with the key to their
interpretation. Since dreams often depended
on symbolism, the interpreter would have to
have access to these documents preserving the
empirical data concerning past dreams and interpretations.
It was believed that the gods
communicated through dreams but not that
they revealed the meanings of dreams. If they
were going to reveal the meaning, why use a
dream in the first place? But Joseph held a different
view. He did not consult any “scientific”
literature, but consulted God. Nevertheless,
he interprets along the same lines as
some of the dream literature would have suggested.
As in Mesopotamian literature he
draws a time indication from a number that
then north to Hazor. From there the route went northeast to Damasca passed Ebla and Aleppo in Syria
and then came to the northwestern spur of the Euphrates River, which then served as a guide southward
into the major cities of Mesopotamia. The other major route, known as the King’s Highway,
joined by the caravans coming north through Arabia, traversed the Transjordanian region from the
Red Sea port of Ezion-geber north through Edom, Moab, and Ammon and joining the Trunk Road at
Damascus.
Since the northern and central deserts of Arabia were so inhospitable, trade routes skirted them to the
north, traveling up the Tigris and Euphrates river valleys, west to Palmyra and Damascus, and then south
along either the coastal highway through Palestine or down the King’s Highway in Transjordan. Caravans
transporting spices (myrrh, frankincense) and indigo traced the western coast of Arabia, transshipped to
Ethiopia and further north to Egypt and traveled up the Nile. Eventually these merchants reached deep
water sea ports (various ports used between 2500-100 B.C.: Byblos, Tyre, Sidon, Acco, Ugarit, Aqaba, Alexandria),
which gave them access to markets and sources of natural resources (such as the copper mines of
Cyprus) in the Mediterranean (Crete, Cyprus, the Aegean and Ionian Islands, the coast of Turkey and
North Africa) as well as along the Arabian Peninsula and East Africa. The carrying trade was dominated
by Ugarit (1600-1200 B.C.) and by the Phoenicians (1100-600). The fleets would have hugged the coasts or
navigated between islands in the Mediterranean or Red Sea, traveling about forty miles a day.
GENESIS 40:22—41:32 72
features in the dream. The symbols in these
dreams are similar to some of those found in
the dream books. A full goblet, for instance, is
indicative of having a name and offspring.
Carrying fruit on one’s head is indicative of
sorrow.
40:22. execution. Hanging was a way of dishonoring
the corpse of an executed person
(see Josh 8:29; 2 Sam 4:12. It may involve suspension
from a rope by the neck or impalement
on a stake. The actual form of execution
may be stoning or beheading.
Genesis 40:22—41:32
41:1-32
Joseph Interprets Pharaoh’s Dreams
41:1-55. the identity of Pharaoh. The name of
the Pharaoh of the Joseph story is unknown.
Elements of the story have suggested to
some a setting in either the *Hyksos period
(1750-1550 B.C.) or the *Amarna Age (fourteenth
century B.C.), when large numbers of
Semites were either settled in Egypt or mentioned
in Egyptian sources as serving in
government positions. Our current knowledge
of Egyptian history and practice would
support this as the most logical and feasible
choice. Biblical chronological information,
however, suggests to some an earlier time in
the Middle Kingdom Twelfth Dynasty
(1963-1786). Without specific, historical references
in the story it is impossible to associate
the narrative with a particular reigning
king. It is the practice of the author(s) of the
book of Genesis to not mention any Pharaoh
by name. This may have been intentional,
since the Pharaoh was considered by his
people to be a god and the Israelites did not
wish to invoke that name.
41:1-7. double dreams. In the ancient Near
East, dreams were generally assumed to be
communications from the gods. Some were
quite simple and straightforward (see Jacob’s
dream at Bethel, 28:10-22), but in cases where
the king or Pharaoh was involved special emphasis
was sometimes added through the experience
of a double dream. Thus here Pharaoh
has two visions that warn of the coming famine
in Egypt. Similarly, the *Sumerian king
Gudea is said to have had a double dream in
which he was instructed to build a temple. In
both cases their dreams were interpreted by
magicians or representatives of a god. In a
Mari text the same dream on consecutive
nights added weight to the message of the
dream. In both the Gilgamesh Epic and a poem
about a righteous sufferer, a threefold repetition
of a dream confirms its reliability.
41:8-16. magicians and wise men. Egypt, as
well as the Mesopotamian and *Hittite kingdoms,
developed guilds of magicians whose
task was to interpret signs and dreams and
to concoct remedies for various types of
medical problems through magical means.
These specialists used *exorcism to frighten
away demons and gods and incantations
and curses to transmit evil into some one or
some place (seen in the Egyptian *execration
texts and Jer 19:10-13. Thousands of texts
have been discovered throughout the ancient
Near East which contain protection
spells as well as recipes for the manufacture
of *amulets to ward off evil and for the construction
of dolls, incantation bowls and
miniature figures designed to bring destruction
on one’s enemies. Mesopotamian magic
distinguished between black and white
magic, and thus practitioners were divided
into sorcerers and magicians or wise men.
Egypt, however, did not draw this distinction
among its guild of magicians. Although
their major task was medical, Egyptian magicians
seemed to have employed a less respectful
manner toward the gods, including
providing spells for souls to escape punishment
in the underworld (Book of the Dead).
It is very unusual in Egypt for the Pharaoh
to be in need of an interpreter of his dreams.
Since the Pharaoh was considered divine,
the gods would communicate to him
through dreams, and the meaning was typically
presented as transparent to him. The
Hebrew word used to describe the specialists
Pharaoh sends for is from a technical
Egyptian term sometimes thought to describe
dream interpreters. It is used to describe
the famous official Imhotep in a late
inscription (second century B.C.) where he is
portrayed giving advice to Pharaoh concerning
a seven-year famine.
41:14. shaved. As a way of making himself
more presentable to the Pharaoh, Joseph
shaves. This may have involved shaving the
head Num 6:9 as well as the face Jer 41:5.
He would have thereby changed his appearance
to look more like an Egyptian. Egyptian
wall paintings demonstrate that the Egyptians
were typically clean-shaven.
41:27-32. famine in Egypt. Although Egypt
was one of the most consistent grain-producing
areas in the ancient Near East because of
the regularity of the Nile floods, it was occasionally
plagued with famine. Such a disaster
is mentioned in Visions of Neferti, an Egyptian
document dating to the reign of Amenemhet I
(1991-1962 B.C.). Here, as in Joseph’s narration,
a vision is interpreted and a national calamity
predicted.
73 GENESIS 41:33—42:17
41:33-57
Joseph’s Advice and Elevation
41:33-40. food rationing. In the face of the
coming famine, Joseph’s advice is to store
one-fifth of the grain from each of the years
of good harvest, which can then be distributed
to the people when it becomes necessary.
The building of storehouses accompanies
this sensible advice (see Ex 1:11; 1 Kings
9:19).
41:35. storage cities. Egypt’s management of
the Nile River and its predictability made
that land a breadbasket for the rest of the ancient
Near East. Storage cities were a hallmark
of a prosperous people who thought in
terms of the long run and realized that famine
was always a possibility that needed to be
planned for. There would typically be storage
cities centrally located in each geographical
region.
41:40. second to Pharaoh. Many Egyptian
nobles could make the claim of being second
only to Pharaoh, and several different titles
imply this position: “Great Favorite of the
Lord of the Two Lands,” and “Foremost
among his Courtiers” are two that have been
identified from inscriptions.
41:41-45. Joseph’s position. The job description
and investiture ceremony detailed here
give Joseph a position in Egyptian government
comparable to “Grand Vizier” or
“Overseer of the Royal Estates,” both of
which appear in Egyptian documents (see
1 Kings 16:9; Is 22:15, 19-21, for use of this
latter title in Israel’s bureaucracy). Such a position
is detailed in Egyptian tomb paintings,
showing the entire sequence of events from
the granting of the title to the placing of
robes and rings on the appointee by the Pharaoh.
Joseph functions much the same as the
“Overseer of the Granaries of Upper and
Lower Egypt” would have done. Such a position
for a non-Egyptian is uncommon prior
to the *Hyksos period (1750-1550 B.C.), when
a greater number of Semites served in Egypt.
From the *El Amarna reign of Akhenaten
comes a tomb of the Semitic official Tutu,
who was appointed “highest mouth in the
whole country,” a position with powers comparable
to Joseph’s. Biographies in Egyptian
tombs and literature from Egypt such as the
Story of *Sinuhe give us ample information
about the details of the life of officials of Pharaoh.
It is not unusual to find accounts of officials
who were elevated from lowly status
to high positions of authority. In Sinuhe’s
story he fled the royal court and lived in exile
for many years, finally returning and being
honored. As a result the description of Joseph’s
elevation and honors can be seen as
typical against the Egyptian background of
the time.
41:42. signet ring. Kings and royal administrators
used a signet ring to seal official documents.
This ring would have been distinctive
and would have contained the name (cartouche
in Egypt) of the king. Anyone using it
thus acted in the name of the king (see Num
31:50; Esther 3:10; Tobit 1:20; 1 Maccabees
6:15). The chains and linen garment are given
in a ceremony of investiture providing him
with the accessories that will signify his status,
rank and office.
41:43-44. Joseph’s perquisites. Riding in a
chariot with a set of guardsmen to clear his
path and proclaim his position as “second in
command” gave Joseph extremely high status
(see 2 Sam 15:1; Esther 6:7-9. The title of
second only to Pharaoh, or viceroy (*Akkadian
terdennu; Is 20:1 tartan), gave Joseph extraordinary
powers and would have required
all but the king to bow to him. Furthermore,
since Joseph had been given the king’s favor
or protection, no one was permitted to “raise
a hand or foot” against him or oppose his orders
(compare the powers granted in Ezra
7:21-26).
41:45. Egyptian name. The intent of giving Joseph
an Egyptian name is to complete the
transformation process of the investiture ceremony.
Egyptianized, he is more likely to be
accepted at court and by the Egyptian people
(see the Egyptian tale of *Sinuhe’s return to
Egypt and his consignment of his barbarian
clothing to the “sand crawlers”). This practice
of renaming a Semite official is also
found in the reign of Pharaoh Merenptah
(1224-1208 B.C.). The meaning of Joseph’s
Egyptian name is uncertain, but may be “the
God has spoken and he will live” or “the one
who knows.”
41:45. priest of On. The marriage arranged for
Joseph allied him with one of the most powerful
priestly families in Egypt. During the period
from 1600 to 1100 B.C., only the priests of
Ptah of Memphis were more influential. The
priest of On officiated at all major festivals
and supervised lesser priests who served the
sun god Re in the temple city of Heliopolis
(ten miles northeast of Cairo).
Genesis 41:33—42:17
42:1-38
The Brothers’ First Encounter with
Joseph
42:6-17. spying. Just as the Israelites later send
out spies to reconnoiter the land of Canaan, so
GENESIS 42:25—45:22 74
Joseph’s brothers are accused of working on
behalf of another country. Traders and merchants
would have been commonly employed
for such business, as they could move around
the country unnoticed or unsuspected. Some
governments are naturally suspicious of foreigners,
and the charge of spying is always
difficult to disprove.
42:25-28. trading of silver. Coined money was
not invented and put into common use until
the sixth century B.C. Thus precious metals,
gems, spices, incense and other luxury items
were bartered by weight. Their relative value
would also depend on scarcity. Silver was
used throughout antiquity as a common item
of exchange. Since Egypt lacked native silver
deposits, this metal was particularly desirable
as a standard for business transactions
Genesis 42:25—45:22
43:1-34
The Brothers’ Second Encounter with
Joseph
43:11. products of the land. The gifts that were
sent by Jacob to Joseph represent the costliest
and thus the most pleasing items available.
Only the balm, honey/syrup and nuts would
have been actual products of Canaan. The
spices and myrrh were imported and thus
were precious gifts intended to buy favorable
treatment from Pharaoh’s representative.
43:16. steward of the house. A high status and
large household, such as Joseph’s, would have
required a staff of servants headed by a chief
butler or steward. This person would have
been in charge of the maintenance of the
house, kept track of financial obligations and
supervised the other servants. Joseph’s use of
this man as his confidant (see Gen 44:1, 4 suggests
it was a position of high trust. Apparently,
he was also a person to whom supplicants
could go to intercede with his master (see Gen
43:19-23).
43:26. bowing to honor. The standard method
of demonstrating obeisance in the ancient
Near East was to bow to the ground. Egyptian
tomb art is filled with examples of servants
and royal officials prostrating themselves before
the Pharaoh. In the *El Amarna tablets
(fourteenth century B.C.), the format of each
letter contains a greeting, followed by a set
formula of honoring the Pharaoh by bowing
seven times forward and backwards.
43:32. eating procedures. The Egyptians considered
all other peoples barbarians. Thus
they would not associate with them directly
by eating at the same table. Joseph’s meal was
also separated from both the Egyptians and
the sons of Jacob because of his high rank.
44:1-34
Joseph’s Plot Is Hatched
44:5. divination cup. The cup that Joseph
plants in Benjamin’s sack is identified as being
used for *divination. Just as tea leaves are read
today, the ancients read omens by means of
liquid in cups. One mechanism involved the
pouring of oil onto water to see what shapes it
would take (called lecanomancy). More popular
methods of divination used everyday occurrences,
configurations of the entrails of
sacrificed animals or the movements of the
heavenly bodies. Lecanomancy was used in
the time of Joseph, as is attested by several
*Old Babylonian omen texts concerned with
the various possible configurations of the oil
and their interpretations. Another technique,
hydromancy, made its observations from the
reflections in the water itself. Not enough is
known about Egyptian divination techniques
to offer more specific information, but in these
early periods typically only people of status
had access to divination procedures.
45:1-28
Joseph Reveals His Identity
45:8. titles of Joseph. The use of the title “father
of Pharaoh” most likely is related to the
Egyptian title it-ntr, “father of the god,” used
to refer to a variety of officials and priests
who serve in the Pharaoh’s court. “Father”
represents an advisory relationship, perhaps
to be equated with the role of the priest hired
by Micah in Judges 17:10 or the role of Elisha
as the king of Israel’s counselor in 2 Kings
6:21.
45:10. Goshen. This Semitic place name most
likely refers to the delta region of Lower
Egypt in the area of the Wadi Tumeilat (from
the eastern arm of the Nile River to the Great
Bitter Lake). Egyptian texts from *Hyksos period
make reference to Semites in this region,
and it is an area which provides excellent pasturage
for herds. Also arguing in favor of its
location in Egypt proper is the use of the
phrase “in the district of Rameses” (47:11) as
an equation for Goshen.
45:19. carts. The provision of carts does not
contrast Egyptian carts to Canaanite carts but
is simply a thoughtful gesture so that the
women and children will not have to walk, for
seminomadic people would not usually keep
carts.
45:22. provision for Benjamin. Joseph’s role
as administrator of Egypt was to ration out
food and clothing to the people (a common
feature in ancient Near Eastern texts from
75 GENESIS 46:1—48:6
*Babylon and *Mari). He does this with his
family as well (an ironic turn of events, since
his story begins with his receiving a piece of
clothing, 37:3). Just as Jacob has singled out
Joseph for special favor, now Joseph shows
his favor to his full brother Benjamin by giving
him five times the amount as his other
half brothers, as well as a large quantity of
silver.
46:1-34
Jacob and His Family Travel to Egypt
46:1. sacrifice at Beersheba. Though the patriarchs
build many altars, there is little reference
to their offering sacrifices. The only
previous one mentioned was connected to Jacob’s
agreement with Laban (31:54). Isaac had
built an altar at Beersheba (26:25), but no
record is made of his offering of sacrifices on
that altar. Jacob is taking advantage of this trip
to the south to make a pilgrimage to the place
where he grew up and the shrine where his father
worshiped.
46:29. chariots. Chariots in Egypt during this
period were light, constructed of wooden
frames and leather with two spoked wheels.
The ornamental chariots of pharaohs (and undoubtedly
their high officials) are often depicted
in the art of the New Kingdom period.
46:34. shepherds in Egypt. It is unlikely that
native Egyptian herdsmen would be detested
by other Egyptians. Joseph’s advice to his father
is both a warning about Egyptian attitudes
toward strangers and a piece of
diplomacy in that they would claim independent
status (they had their own herds to support
them) and show they were not an
ambitious group who wished to rise above
their occupation as shepherds.
Genesis 46:1—48:6
47:1-12
Jacob’s Family Settles in Egypt
47:11. district of Rameses. An equation is
made here between the “district of Rameses”
and the land of Goshen (see 45:10). This
northeastern section of the Delta region was
known to be inhabited by Semites and it is
the center of *Hyksos activity during the
eighteenth to sixteenth centuries B.C. It will
also be equated with the Tanis district,
where the storehouse cities of Pithom and
Rameses were said to be constructed by the
Hebrew slaves Ex 1:11. Pharaoh Rameses
II, who did build and expand cities in this
region during the mid-thirteenth century
B.C., may be *anachronistically referred to in
this phrase.
47:13-31
Joseph’s Economic and Agrarian
Strategies
47:16-17. bartering. Bartering has been a means
of exchange from earliest times. The mutually
beneficial exchange of property, goods or manufactured
items was the basis of the ancient
nonmonetary economy. In this case, livestock is
used as payment for grain during the famine.
47:20-26. government ownership of land.
Government acquires land through forfeiture
of debt, through failure to pay taxes and because
a family lacks an heir. With nothing else
to pay for grain during the famine, the Egyptians
must sell their land to the government
and become tenant farmers for Pharaoh.
47:21-25. debt slavery. Debt slavery was fairly
common throughout the ancient Near East.
Peasants who had lost their land and would
sell themselves into short-term servitude to
support themselves and their families. This
might be for a day Ex 22:26-27 or a period of
years. In Israel the term of debt servitude could
not exceed six years Ex 21:2. The Egyptian example
in this text, however, suggests perpetual
servitude as tenant farmers for Pharaoh. Their
rent was paid with one-fifth of the harvest.
47:22. priests’ exemption. The observation
that the priests had an allotment of food from
Pharaoh and therefore did not have to sell
their land reflects a common situation of
priestly privileges in Egypt. The priesthood
often accumulated significant political power
to itself and used its sometimes extensive
economic resources to wield that power.
Many pharaohs found it advantageous to
curry favor with them. In contrast, the Israelite
system granted no land holdings to the
tribe of Levi.
47:24. 20 percent to Pharaoh. Taxation of 20
percent would not be unusual in the ancient
world, but too little is known of taxation in
Egypt to shed specific light on the levy imposed
by Joseph.
47:28-31. burials of ancestors. Once a family
tomb was established, it would have become
traditional for each family member to be entombed
with all of the others. This tied the
generations together and further strengthened
a family’s claim to the land where the tomb
was located.
48:1-22
Jacob’s Blessing on Ephraim and
Manasseh
48:5-6. Ephraim and Manasseh as firstborn.
While Jacob does not disinherit Reuben and
GENESIS 48:7—50:3 76
Simeon, he adopts Joseph’s sons, Ephraim
and Manasseh, and gives them prioritized
standing in inheritance. The adoption practice
and formula here are very similar to those attested
in the Code of *Hammurabi. Additionally,
one *Ugaritic text features a grandfather
adopting his grandson. In one sense this
adoption could be seen as the means by which
Joseph is given the double portion of the inheritance
due to the firstborn, since two of his
sons receive shares from Jacob’s inheritance.
48:7. Rachel’s tomb. Jacob’s reminiscence
about the death of his wife Rachel places her
tomb in the vicinity of Bethlehem and Ephrath
(see the discussion of this in 35:19-20).
48:12-19. reversed blessing. The younger son
has received privileged treatment in each generation
of the patriarchal narratives. Isaac received
inheritance over Ishmael, and Jacob
over Esau; Joseph was favored over his brothers,
and now Ephraim is favored over Manasseh.
In most ancient civilizations the
firstborn had certain privileges in the division
of the inheritance, and Israel was no different.
Nevertheless, exceptions could be made for
various reasons. For comments about deathbed
pronouncements see 27:1-4.
48:22. the land of the Amorites. It appears
that *Amorite is being used here as a generic
term for all of the peoples of presettlement
Canaan (see 15:19-21) and specifically those
in the vicinity of Shechem where Jacob had
purchased a piece of land (33:18-19). Although
this does not detail the ethnic diversity
of that region, certainly the Amorites,
whose primary area of influence was in
northern Mesopotamia and Syria, had a profound
effect on the customs and religious
practices of Canaan.
Genesis 48:7—50:3
49:1-33
Jacob’s Pronouncement Concerning
His Sons
49:1. patriarchal blessing. In the biblical material
the patriarchal pronouncement generally
concerns the destiny of the sons with regard
to fertility of the ground, fertility of the family
and relationships between family members.
Blessings or curses pronounced by the patriarch
of the family were always taken seriously
and considered binding, even though they
were not presented as prophetic messages
from God.
49:8-12. hand on the neck. Jacob’s blessing of
his son Judah is reflective of the great importance
attached to the tribe of Judah in later history.
One sign of its power is found in the
phrase “your hand will be on the neck of your
enemies,” which signifies control or subjugation
of Judah’s foes. The difficult term Shiloh in
the third line of verse 10 (NIV: “to whom it belongs”)
has been most plausibly explained as
reference to a gift offering (Hebrew shay) paid
in tribute, thus “until one brings him tribute.”
49:11. washing robes in wine. In this blessing
of Judah, the future prosperity of that tribe is
symbolized by abundant fertility. Wine will be
so plentiful that they will be able to wash their
clothes in it. It is also possible this is a reference
to the dyeing industry, but that would
figure into future economic prosperity.
49:13. haven for ships. As the coastline was
lacking natural harbors, the sea was generally
little more than a boundary to Israelites. Only
in the northern coastal regions would there
have been any inclination to develop seafaring
skills.
49:14-15. donkey habits. The blessing of Issachar
contains this characterization of a strong
animal, which is sometimes stubborn and lazy
and may sit down unexpectedly in an inconvenient
place. The idea may also be suggestive
of a tribe that allies itself with outsiders or
is forced to serve others (contra Judg 5:15.
49:17. horse domestication. Reference to a rider
on the horse assumes an advanced level of
domestication of the horse. This was achieved
in the third millennium. In Mesopotamia
horseback riders are depicted in the middle of
the third millennium, but in Egyptian materials
not until a millennium later. Horses were
usually used for pulling chariots, and horseback
riding was not common.
50:1-14
Jacob’s Burial
50:1-3. embalming. Although it was the usual
practice in Egypt for everyone who could afford
it, embalming of Israelites is found only
in this passage. This was an elaborate and *ritual-
filled procedure performed by a trained
group of mortuary priests. It involved removing
the internal organs and placing of the
body in embalming fluids for forty days. The
idea behind this is based on the Egyptian belief
that the body had to be preserved as a repository
for the soul after death. The bodies of
Jacob and Joseph are embalmed, and while
this may have been done to soothe the feelings
of the Egyptians, it also served the purpose of
preserving their bodies for later burial in
Canaan.
50:3. mourning period. This period of
mourning may include the forty days required
to embalm the body plus the traditional
thirty-day mourning period (see Deut
77 GENESIS 50:10—EXODUS 1:11
34:8). Since the Egyptians are also described
as mourning Jacob’s death, it would appear
he was accorded royal honors as a visiting
dignitary.
50:10-11. threshing floor of Atad. No exact location
has been identified for this site, said to
be east of the Jordan. It is strange that Jacob’s
remains would be taken east through Transjordan
instead of on a more direct route to Hebron.
Having the seven-day mourning ceremony
on a threshing floor is quite
appropriate. This is a place associated with
business, law and life and thus suitable as a
place for memorializing a tribal leader (see
Num 15:20; Ruth 3; 2 Sam 24:16-24.
50:11. Abel-mizraim. The renaming of the
threshing floor of Atad provides a lasting memorial
to Jacob and the remarkable sevenday
mourning ceremony conducted there.
The name itself contains a familiar element:
abel means “stream” and appears in several
other place names Num 33:49—Abel Shittim;
Judg 11:33—Abel Keramim). Here, however,
there is a pun on the Hebrew word ebel,
“mourning.”
50:15-26
The Last Years of Joseph
50:26. Joseph’s age. Joseph dies at the age of
110, considered the ideal age for an Egyptian.
Examination of mummies has demonstrated
that the average life expectancy in Egypt was
between forty and fifty years. The use of the
coffin or sarcophagus in mummification was
an Egyptian, not an Israelite, practice.
E X O D U S
1:1-22
Israelite Slavery in Egypt
1:8-14. king who didn’t know Joseph. The
book of Exodus maintains the anonymity of
the Pharaohs who have dealings with the Israelites.
Since Egyptian records have preserved
no accounts of the Israelite presence, enslavement
or exodus, identifying these Pharaohs
can only be attempted by using the vague
hints contained in the narrative. In the sixteenth
and seventeenth centuries B.C. a group
known as the Hyksos, who were not native
Egyptians, ruled the land. It is usually
thought that the Pharaoh referred to in this
verse represents either the first of the *Hyksos
rulers or the first of the native Egyptian rulers
after the *Hyksos were driven out. The difference
would be at least one hundred years (c.
1650 or 1550 B.C.), or up to two hundred years
if some of the early *Hyksos rulers with only
partial control subjected the Israelites to slavery.
1:10. reason for enslaving Israel. The argument
for enslaving the Israelites is that if they
are not enslaved they will join the enemy and
leave the country. This would suggest the period
when the *Hyksos are being driven from
the land. The Egyptians would have wanted
to keep the Israelite presence for economic
reasons.
Genesis 50:10—Exodus 1:11 1:11. forced labor. The sheer number of manhours
needed for the massive engineering and
construction projects undertaken in the ancient
world made the use of forced labor not
infrequent. It was used as a form of taxation
(for instance, the common people might work
one month out of the year without pay on
government building projects). When the government
projects proved too ambitious to staff
with native people and prisoners of war, and
too expensive to hire labor for, vulnerable
groups of people would be targeted for forced
labor.
1:11. Pithom. Pithom has been identified as
the Egyptian Pi(r)-Atum, “real-estate of
Atum,” currently known as Tell el-Rataba,
along the Ismalia Canal, approximately sixty
miles northeast of Cairo. The text’s identification
of the building projects as store cities
does not suggest they were only for storage of
grain. The store cities were centrally located
hubs in the region and could be capital cities.
1:11. Rameses. The location of the city of
Rameses, disputed for many years, has now
been positively identified as Tell ed-Dab’a,
about twenty miles north of Pithom. The site
has been extensively excavated by M. Bietak.
It served as the *Hyksos capital, Avaris, and
was rebuilt by Rameses II as his capital, Pi-
Ramesse, in the thirteenth century. It was dismantled
to build Tanis (about twelve miles to
the north) as the Delta capital in the Twentieth
Dynasty during the twelfth century B.C. (Judges
period). Rameses II used various peoples as
slave labor for building the city, including the
EXODUS 1:14—2:15 78
Apiru (a term used in the second millennium
to describe dispossessed peoples), a designation
that would have been applied to the Hebrews
as well as to other people.
1:14. brick making. The ancient records agree
that brick makers had a filthy job. A work
known as the Satire on the Trades attests to an
existence that is perpetually muddy and miserable.
Houses, public buildings, walls
around cities and even pyramids were at
times constructed of brick. Literally millions
of bricks were needed, and daily individual
quotas would vary depending on how many
were assigned to a crew. Crews operated by
division of labor, with tasks such as fetching
and breaking up straw, hauling mud and water,
shaping the bricks by hand or using
molds, setting the bricks to dry in the sun and
several days later hauling them to the building
site. The bricks for a large building would
be over a foot long and half as wide, and perhaps
six inches thick.
1:15-22. delivery stools. In the ancient world
women normally gave birth in a crouching or
kneeling position. Small stools, stones or
bricks could be used to support the mother’s
weight as she gave birth. Midwives did not
just aid in parturition but were advisers
through the whole process of conception,
pregnancy, birth and child care.
Exodus 1:14—2:15
2:1-10
The Birth of Moses
2:1-10. heroes spared at birth. In the ancient
world there are other accounts of heroes being
miraculously spared at birth or being raised in
unlikely circumstances. The most intriguing
such literary work is the Legend of Sargon’s
Birth (probably eighth century B.C.). Rather
than sacrificing her child (as priestesses were
supposed to do), Sargon’s mother hid him in a
reed basket by the bank of the Euphrates. After
being carried down the river, he was found
and raised by the royal gardener. He grew up
to become the founder of the dynasty of
*Akkad in the twenty-fourth century B.C. But
there are important differences. Most of these
stories feature a royal personage discarded to
his fate and raised by commoners, while
Moses, under careful supervision, is rescued
by royalty and raised in privileged circumstances.
There is no reason to assume that this
daughter of Pharaoh would have been in a position
of power or influence. Harem children
by the score existed in every court, and
daughters were considered less highly than
sons.
2:3. reed basket coated with tar. The Hebrew
word used for Moses’ basket is the same as
that used for Noah’s ark. The papyrus used to
make the floating cradle was also used in the
construction of light boats in Egypt and Mesopotamia,
a practice the biblical writers were
aware of Is 18:2. The reed bundles overlapped
in three layers, and the pitch would
make it watertight Gen 6:14 uses a different
word but shows the same concept). In a Hittite
myth titled A Tale of Two Cities: Kanesh and
Zalpa, the queen of Kanesh is said to have given
birth to thirty sons in a single year and
placed them in caulked baskets and sent them
down the river. The myth reports that the
gods took them out of the sea and raised
them.
2:8. wet nurse. Procurement of a wet nurse to
nurse and care for the child until it was
weaned was a normal procedure in wealthy
or aristocratic households. Though Egyptian
literature has provided little information, Mesopotamian
legal texts speak of the adoption
procedures for an abandoned child who has
been found. The wet nurse serves as the paid
legal guardian, with adoption taking place after
weaning.
2:10. the name Moses. The name Moses is
from the Egyptian ms(w), meaning “to beget.”
It is a common element in names, often connected
to a god’s name, so Thutmosis (“Thoth
begets” or “Thoth is born”) or Rameses (“Ra
begets” or “Ra is born”). Alternatively, since
ms in Egyptian means “boy,” Moses may simply
have been called by a generic name. Wordplay
occurs in that the closest Hebrew root
means “to draw out.”
2:10. growing up in Pharaoh’s court. Growing
up in the household of Pharaoh would have
involved certain privileges in terms of education
and training. This would have included
training in literature and scribal arts as well as
in warfare. Foreign languages would have
been important for any work in diplomacy
and probably were included. One of the qualities
that Egyptians prized most was rhetoric
(eloquence in speech and argumentation). Literary
works such as The Eloquent Peasant show
how impressed they were with someone who
could speak well. Though Moses would have
been trained in rhetoric, he did not consider
himself skilled in this area (4:10-12).
2:11-25
Moses’ Flight from Egypt to Midian
2:12-15. Moses’ crime. Egyptians maintained
a substantial sense of ethnic pride that caused
them to consider foreigners inferior. For a foreigner
to kill an Egyptian was a great crime.
79 EXODUS 2:15—3:8
2:15. flight from Egypt: Sinuhe. In one of the
most well-known Egyptian tales, The Story of
*Sinuhe, the main character fears disfavor
from a new pharaoh early in the second millennium
B.C. and flees through Canaan to Syria.
There he marries the daughter of a Bedouin
chieftain and becomes a powerful leader
among those people.
2:15. Midian. The Midianites were a seminomadic
people who are located in various regions
in different stories and sources, from the
Transjordan and the Negev in the region of
Palestine to the northern Sinai. But the region
east of the Gulf of Aqaba in northwest Arabia
has the strongest claim to being the central location
of the Midianite people.
2:16-19. shepherdesses. Normally women
would have been shepherdesses only when
there were no sons in the family. The disadvantages
of this situation are highlighted in
this account, where the other shepherds bully
the girls.
2:23. Pharaoh’s identity. Again the identity of
this Pharaoh is not given. Most conclude that
he is either Thutmose III or Rameses II.
Exodus 2:15—3:8
3:1—4:17
The Burning Bush and the Call of
Moses
3:1. name differences: Reuel (2:18); Jethro
(3:1). In the previous chapter Moses’ father-inlaw
was called Reuel, while here he is referred
to as Jethro and in Numbers 10:29 as Hobab
(see Judg 4:11. The difficulty can be resolved
once the ambiguity of the terminology is recognized.
The term designating male in-laws is
nonspecific. The term referred to a woman’s
male relatives and could be used for her father,
brother or even grandfather. Most solutions
take account of this. Perhaps Reuel is the
grandfather head of the clan, Jethro is the father
of Zipporah and technically the father-inlaw
of Moses, and Hobab is the brother-in-law
of Moses, Jethro’s son. Alternatively, Jethro
and Hobab could both be brothers-in-law, and
Reuel the father.
3:1. mountain of God. The mountain of God
is here designated Horeb and elsewhere Sinai,
though either one of those names could refer
to the general area, a particular range or a single
peak. Moses most likely calls it the mountain
of God in recognition of the status it is
going to achieve in the following chapters
rather than because of any prior occurrences
or superstitions. In the ancient and classical
world deities normally were believed to have
their dwelling places on mountains.
3:2-4. burning bush. Natural explanations for
the burning bush have been plentiful, from
bushes that exude flammable gas to those covered
with brightly colored leaves or berries. In
the late Egyptian Horus texts at the temple of
Edfu the sky god is envisioned as a flame
manifest in a particular type of bush, but this
is a full millennium after Moses.
3:2-7. Yahweh, God of your father. God’s
identification of himself with the “God of
your father” suggests that the concept of patron
deity may still provide the most accurate
understanding of how the Israelites thought
about *Yahweh. This title ceases to be used
once Yahweh becomes the national deity at Sinai.
It also serves to identify him as the God of
the *covenant.
3:5-6. taking off sandals. It was common
practice for priests to enter temples barefoot
to prevent bringing in dust or impurities of
any sort.
3:7-10. land of milk and honey. The land of
Canaan is described as a land “flowing with
milk and honey.” This refers to the bounty of
the land for a pastoral lifestyle, but not necessarily
in terms of agriculture. Milk is the product
of herds, while honey represents a natural
resource, probably the syrup of the date rather
than bees’ honey. A similar expression to this
is found in the *Ugaritic epic of *Baal and Mot
that describes the return of fertility to the land
in terms of the wadis flowing with honey.
Egyptian texts as early as the Story of *Sinuhe
describe the land of Canaan as rich in natural
resources as well as in cultivated produce.
3:8. peoples of Canaan. In the list of the six
people groups that inhabited Canaan, the first
three are well known while the latter three are
barely known at all. Canaan is mentioned as
early as the Ebla tablets (twenty-fourth century
B.C.), and the Canaanite people were the
principal inhabitants of the fortified cities of
the land, though they do not seem to have
been native to the land. The *Hittites were
from Anatolia, modern Turkey, but groups
had migrated south and occupied sections of
Syria and Canaan. *Amorites (known in Mesopotamia
as Amurru or Martu) are known
from written documents as early as the middle
third millennium B.C. Most scholars think
that they occupied many areas in the Near
East from their roots in Syria. There is still debate
as to whether the term Perizzites is ethnic
or sociological (those living in unwalled settlements).
The Hivites are sometimes connected
to the Horites, in which case they may be
*Hurrians. The Jebusites occupied the region
later associated with the tribe of Benjamin, notably
the city of Jerusalem, and are often related
to the Perizzites who were located in the
EXODUS 3:11—4:20 80
same region. There is no mention of the Perizzites,
Hivites or Jebusites outside the Bible.
3:11. Moses’ objection. Moses’ objection carried
little persuasiveness, given the training
provided for him in the household of Pharaoh
(see comment on 2:10).
3:13. revelation of divine name. Names in the
ancient world were believed to be intimately
connected to the essence of the individual.
Knowledge of a person’s name gave knowledge
of their nature and, potentially, power
over them. As a result, the names of gods were
at times carefully guarded. For instance,
Egypt’s sun god, Re, had a secret, hidden
name that only Isis, his daughter, knew. See
comment on 20:7.
3:13-15. I AM. The personal name of Israel’s
God, *Yahweh (usually rendered LORD, v. 15),
is built from the Hebrew verb “to be.” Verse
14 uses an alternate form of the verb in the
first person, “I am.” The name Yahweh for the
Israelite God is attested outside the Old Testament
in the Mesha Inscription, the Arad Ostraca,
the Lachish letters and inscriptions from
Khirbet el-Qom and Kuntillat Ajrud, to name
a few of the more prominent places. There are
a number of possible occurrences of Yahweh
or Yah as a deity’s name outside of Israel,
though all are debatable. One of the most intriguing
is the reference to “Yhw in the land of
the Shasu,” mentioned in some Egyptian inscriptions
in Nubia (modern Sudan) from the
mid-second millennium. The Shasu are Bedouins
related in the same inscriptions to the
area of Seir (see Deut 33:2; Judg 5:4. This
might find confirmation in the biblical indication
that Jethro the Midianite was a worshiper
of Yahweh (chap. 18). We must remember,
however, that Midian was also a descendant
of Abraham Gen 25:2-4, so this may not be
unrelated to the Israelite God.
3:16-17. elders. The elders here are the clan
leaders of Israel. Elders typically served as a
ruling assembly overseeing the leadership of a
village or community. The people would look
for the endorsement of Moses by the elders
before they would accept his leadership.
3:18-20. God of the Hebrews. “God of the Hebrews”
is a title that is used only in the context
of the exodus. Since the Israelites generally
only refer to themselves as Hebrews to foreigners,
some have related the term Hebrew to
the Apiru/*Habiru known from ancient texts
from this period. Apiru/Habiru is not an ethnic
designation but a sociological one, referring
to displaced peoples.
3:18. three-day journey to sacrifice. The request
to Pharaoh is for a three-day religious
pilgrimage into the wilderness. This would
generally consist of one day for travel each
way and one full day for the religious ceremonies.
The refusal adds religious oppression to
the crimes of Pharaoh.
3:19-20. mighty hand of God. The image of an
outstretched or mighty hand or arm is common
in Egyptian inscriptions to describe the
power of Pharaoh. It is used throughout the
exodus narratives to describe God’s power
over Pharaoh. See comment on Deuteronomy
26:8.
4:1-9. the three signs of Moses. The three signs
the Lord gave to Moses each most likely had
symbolic significance. The rod was the symbol
of authority in Egypt, and Pharaoh was represented
by the serpent figure, the uraeus, featured
prominently on his crown. The first sign
then suggests that Pharaoh and his authority
are completely in the power of God. The second
sign inflicts a skin disease, often translated
“leprosy,” on Moses’ hand. In fact, however,
the Hebrew term used describes many dermatological
conditions, most far less severe than
Hansen’s disease (leprosy; see comment on Lev
13). Nonetheless, when inflicted in the Bible it
is consistently a punishment for hubris—when
an individual in pride presumptuously assumes
a divinely appointed role Num 12:1-12;
2 Kings 5:22-27; 2 Chron 26:16-21, thus demonstrating
God’s intention to punish Pharaoh. Its
result is to drive the individual from God’s
presence, since it rendered the afflicted unclean.
The third, turning water to blood, shows
God’s control of the prosperity of Egypt, which
was entirely dependent on the waters of the
Nile. It also anticipates the plagues that God
will send.
4:17. Moses’ staff. Moses’ staff becomes the
symbol of God’s power and presence with
Moses. It is carefully distinguished from instruments
of magic in that Moses never uses it
in connection with incantations or words of
power. It is not used to manipulate God so, except
in one unfortunate incident Num 20,
Moses does not wield it but only employs it as
instructed.
Exodus 3:11—4:20
4:18-26
Moses’ Bloodguilt
4:19. Moses’ standing. The fact that Egyptians
are no longer seeking to kill Moses for his act
of murder does not mean that he has been absolved
of all guilt in the matter.
4:20-23. hardening Pharaoh’s heart. This section
contains the first reference to the hardening
of Pharaoh’s heart—a motif that occurs
twenty times over the next ten chapters (during
the plagues and up to the crossing of the
81 EXODUS 4:22—6:6
sea). Several different verbs are used, and
Pharaoh sometimes hardens his own heart,
while other times it is hardened by the Lord.
The concept has parallels to similar Egyptian
expressions that convey perseverance, stubbornness,
persistence and an unyielding nature.
These can be good qualities or bad,
depending on what type of behavior or attitude
one is persisting in.
4:22. Israel, the firstborn of God. The passage
artfully develops the issue of jeopardy to the
firstborn: God’s first-born, Israel; Pharaoh’s
firstborn; and Moses’ firstborn. Israel is God’s
first-born in the sense that they are the first
nation to enter into a relationship with him.
4:24-26. the Lord was about to kill him. The
text has told us that there was no one in Egypt
seeking to kill Moses (v. 19), but Moses still
stood guilty of bloodshed before God. Later,
cities of refuge were established to provide
shelter for someone who felt there were mitigating
circumstances in a homicide, but
Moses had sought refuge in Midian. By leaving
his place of refuge, Moses became vulnerable
to being called to account for his crime.
Others in the Old Testament whom the Lord
called on to go somewhere but then accosted
on the way include Jacob Gen 31—32) and
Balaam Num 22. In each instance God did
indeed want the individual to make the journey
but had an issue to settle before he could
proceed.
4:25. flint knife. A flint flake was used for to
perform *circumcision in Israel and Egypt
even after metal tools and weapons were
readily available. They were very sharp, easily
accessible and the traditional instrument for
age-old *rituals.
4:25. bridegroom of blood. One recent study
has plausibly suggested that *circumcision in
many cultures was done by the man’s in-laws
and extended the protection of the family over
the man and his children. If such was the Midianite
practice, this could serve as an extension
of the refuge that Moses had in Midian.
From the Israelite side, the dabbing of the
blood (v. 25) is seen also in the Passover *ritual
(12:7) and offers protection from the slaughtering
angel (12:44-48). Zipporah’s comment
that Moses was a bridegroom of bloodshed
would indicate both his need for protection by
the family and his need for expiating blood.
4:27-31
Moses’ Return to Egypt
4:29. elders. The elders here are the clan leaders
of Israel. Elders typically served as a ruling
assembly overseeing the leadership of a
village or community. The elders here accept
the legitimacy of Moses’ role and mission and
acknowledge that he carries the authority of
God.
5:1-21
Moses Confronts Pharaoh
5:1-5. festival in the desert. Festivals in the
ancient world centered around cycles of nature
(new year’s or *fertility festivals), mythological
events (enthronement or deity conquering
chaos), agricultural events (harvest),
or historical memorials (dedications or deliverances).
They celebrate what deity has done
and seek to perpetuate deity’s action on their
behalf. Often these elements were combined.
They usually are celebrated at a holy place
and therefore often require pilgrimage.
5:6-14. straw for bricks. Straw serves as a
bonding agent in the brick as it is heated.
Without sufficient straw or with poor-quality
stubble, the bricks would not form as easily
and a higher proportion would fall apart, thus
making the quota harder to achieve. Quotas
found in Egyptian literature often do not clarify
the number in the crew or the time period
involved, but we do know that the quotas
were often not met.
Exodus 4:22—6:6
5:22—6:12
God’s Determination to Deliver
6:3-8. LORD. A casual reading of verse 3 might
lead one to conclude that the name *Yahweh
(LORD) was unfamiliar to the patriarchs,
though Genesis 15:7 and 28:13 clearly suggest
otherwise. It is true that El-Shaddai (God Almighty)
was known to the patriarchs, and in
Genesis 17:1 and 35:11 it is El-Shaddai who is
connected to the aspects of the *covenant that
were realized during the lifetimes of the patriarchs.
In contrast, “Yahweh” is connected to
the long-term promises, particularly that of
the land, so it can rightfully be said that the
patriarchs did not experience him (that is, he
did not make himself known in that way). The
patriarchs probably did not worship God by
the name Yahweh, but the text does not require
the conclusion that the name was foreign
to them.
6:6. outstretched arm. The Egyptians were
used to hearing of the outstretched arm of
Pharaoh accomplishing mighty deeds. Now
Yahweh’s outstretched arm is going to overwhelm
Pharaoh. He is confirming this in fulfillment
of the oath he made to Abraham,
represented by the gesture of raising a hand
(toward heaven). Here we can see that naming
EXODUS 6:28—7:14 82
the gesture is simply another way of referring
to the oath, for there is no higher power for
God to swear by. See comment on Deuteronomy
26:8.
Exodus 6:28—7:14
6:28—7:13
Moses and Aaron Before Pharaoh
7:9. serpent. The serpent was considered a
wise and magical creature in Egypt. Wadjet,
the patron goddess of lower Egypt, is represented
as a snake (uraeus) on Pharaoh’s
crown. This came to symbolize the power of
Pharaoh. But additionally Apopis, the enemy
of the gods, in the form of a snake, represented
the forces of chaos. It is therefore not arbitrary
that the sign featured a serpent (whether
cobra or crocodile, see below), for in Egyptian
thinking there was no other creature so ominous.
7:11-13. magicians of Pharaoh. Pharaoh’s magicians
would have been specialists in spells
and incantations as well as being familiar with
the literature for omens and dreams. They
would have practiced sympathetic magic
(based on the idea that there is an association
between an object and that which it symbolizes;
for example, that what is done to a person’s
picture will happen to the person) and
would have used their arts to command the
gods and spirits. Magic was the thread that
held creation together, and it was used both
defensively and offensively by its practitioners,
human or divine.
7:11-12. staffs turning into serpents. Some
have reported that there is a type of cobra that
can be immobilized in rigid form if pressure is
applied in a certain way to the neck, perhaps
allowing the Egyptian magicians to appear to
have rods that turned into snakes. This procedure
is portrayed on Egyptian scarab *amulets
and is practiced even today. It must be
noted, though, that the word translated “serpent”
in this section is not the same as the one
used in 4:3-4. The creature referred to here is
usually considered a sizable monster (see Gen
1:21), though it is used parallel to “cobra” in
two places Deut 32:33; Ps 91:13. This same
creature is equated to Pharaoh in Ezekiel 29:3
and is thought by some to be a crocodile.
There is no need to attribute a mere sleight of
hand to Pharaoh’s magicians—these were
masters of the occult.
7:12. Aaron’s staff swallowing magicians’
staffs. When Aaron’s serpent swallowed the
magicians’ serpents, the symbolism would
clearly imply an Israelite triumph over Egypt.
So, for instance, an Old Kingdom Pyramid
Text uses the portrayal of one crown swallowing
another to tell of Upper Egypt’s conquest
of Lower Egypt. In Egyptian Coffin Texts
swallowing is a magical act that signifies absorption
of the magical powers of that which
was swallowed. Thus the Egyptian magicians
would have concluded that the power of their
rods had been absorbed into the rod of Moses.
7:13. hardening of heart. This second mention
of Pharaoh’s hardened heart (see comment on
4:20-23) reflects his resolve to pursue the
course he has chosen.
7:14—11:10
The Ten Plagues
7:14—11:10. plagues as attack on Egypt’s
gods and as natural occurrences. The plagues
have been viewed by many as specific attacks
on the gods of Egypt (see 12:12). This is certainly
true in the sense that the Egyptians’
gods were unable to protect them and that areas
supposedly under the jurisdiction of their
gods were used to attack them. Whether individual
gods were being singled out is difficult
to confirm. In another vein, some have suggested
that a sequence of natural occurrences
can explain the plagues from a scientific point
of view, all originating from an overflooding
in the summer months and proceeding
through a cause-and-effect process into
March. Those who maintain such a position
will still sometimes admit to the miraculous
nature of the plagues in terms of timing, discrimination
between Egyptians and Israelites,
prior announcement and severity. For each
plague we will cite the natural explanations
that have been offered as well as indicating
which gods have been considered targets of
the plague. It will be for the reader to decide
what role either of these explanations should
play in the understanding of the text.
7:14-24. water to blood. The Nile was the lifeblood
of Egypt. Agriculture and ultimately
survival were dependent on the periodic
flooding that deposited fertile soils along the
river’s 4,132 miles. The obese Hapi, one of the
children of Horus, was technically not the god
of the Nile but the personification of the inundation
of the Nile. The blood-red coloring has
been attributed to an excess of both red earth
and the bright red algae and its bacteria, both
of which accompany a heavier than usual
flooding. Rather than the abundant life usually
brought by the river, this brought death to
the fish and detriment to the soil. Such an occurrence
is paralleled in an observation in the
Admonitions of Ipuwer (a few centuries before
Moses) that the Nile had turned to blood and
was undrinkable. The biblical comment about
83 EXODUS 7:19—10:1
the Egyptians digging down (v. 24) would be
explained as an attempt to reach water that
had been filtered through the soil.
7:19. buckets and jars. In verse 19 most translations
make reference to wood and stone vessels,
suggesting that water in such vessels was
also changed. The Hebrew text says nothing
of vessels. The combination of “sticks and
stones” is used in *Ugaritic literature to refer
to outlying, barren regions. The text also includes
canals, which suggests the artificial
channels used for irrigation.
8:1-15. frog plague. It is natural that the frogs
would desert the waters and banks clogged
with decomposing fish. The goddess Heqet
was envisioned as a frog and assisted with
childbirth, but it is difficult to imagine how
this was seen as a victory over her. The Egyptian
magicians could not remove the plague,
only make it worse.
8:11. hardening heart. Here a different verb is
used than in the previous references (see comments
on 4:20-23; 7:13). This verb means “to
make heavy” and therefore is associated with
very familiar Egyptian imagery. In the judgment
scene from the Book of the Dead, the
heart of the deceased is weighed in the balance
against a feather (representing Maat,
truth and justice) to determine whether the individual
will be ushered into an afterlife of
happiness or be devoured. Increasing the
weight of Pharaoh’s heart is a way of expressing
that his afterlife doom is being sealed. The
expression is most similar to the English cliche
“driving another nail into his coffin.” It represents
simply accelerating the inevitable.
8:16-19. gnat plague. The type of insect (NIV:
“gnats”) involved in this plague is not clear,
since the Hebrew word is used only in this
context. Most studies have favored either the
mosquito or the tick as the likeliest identification.
The former would breed in all the stagnant
pools of water left from the flooding.
“Finger of God” may be an Egyptian expression
referring to Aaron’s rod. The failure of
the magicians and their admission that God is
at work begins to fulfill the Lord’s purpose:
They will know that I am *Yahweh.
8:20-32. land ruined by flies. The insect featured
in the fourth plague is not named. Instead
the text speaks of swarms, using a word
known only in relation to this context. Flies
are logical both to the climate and to the conditions
that exist with rotting fish and frogs
and decaying vegetation. Because it is a carrier
of skin anthrax (associated with later
plagues), the species Stomoxys calcitrans has
been the most popular identification. As both
pests and carriers, these insects brought ruination
on the land.
8:22. Goshen. This is the first plague that does
not afflict the Israelites living in Goshen. The
precise location of Goshen is still unknown,
though it is certainly in the eastern part of the
Delta region of the Nile.
8:26. sacrifice detestable to Egyptians. When
Pharaoh offers to let them make their sacrifices
in the land, Moses does not claim the need
to conduct the *rituals at a holy site but objects
that their rituals are unacceptable because
they sacrifice that which is detestable to the
Egyptians. Slaughter of animals to provide
food for the gods was prevalent in Egyptian
religious practice, as many reliefs portray, but
blood sacrifices of animals played little role in
the sun worship, king worship and *funerary
observances that constituted much of Egyptian
religion. Often the animal being slaughtered
was considered to represent an enemy of
the god.
Exodus 7:19—10:1 9:1-7. livestock plague. The plague on the cattle
is regularly identified as anthrax that was
contracted from the bacteria that had come
down the Nile and infected the fish, the frogs
and the flies. The Egyptian goddess of love,
Hathor, took the form of a cow, and the sacred
Apis bull was so highly venerated that it was
embalmed and buried in a necropolis with its
own sarcophagus at death.
9:8-12. handful of soot. While some have concluded
the ashes are taken from a brick kiln
(symbolizing the labor of the Israelites), the
Egyptians generally used sun-dried brick
rather than kiln-fired. The furnace spoken of
here is sizable and alternatively could be
viewed as the place where the carcasses of the
dead animals have been burned. The scattering
of ashes is sometimes used as a magical
*ritual in Egypt to bring an end to pestilence.
Here it may bring an end to the cattle plague,
but it translates into human misery.
9:10-12. boils plague. Skin anthrax would be
carried by the bites of the flies which had had
contact with the frogs and cattle, and would
produce sores, particularly on the hands and
feet.
9:13-35. effects of hail. Hail is destructive to
crops as well as to humans and animals. The
text’s designation of which crops were affected
(vv. 31-32) indicates that it was January or
February.
10:1-20. locust plague. Locusts were all too
common in the ancient Near East and were
notorious for the devastation and havoc they
brought. The locusts breed in the region of the
Sudan and would have been more plentiful
than usual in the wet climate that initiated the
entire sequence. Their migration would strike
EXODUS 10:19—12:5 84
in February or March and would follow the
prevailing winds to either Egypt or Palestine.
The east wind (v. 13) would bring them into
Egypt. A locust will consume its own weight
each day. Locust swarms have been known to
cover as many as four hundred square miles,
and even one square mile could teem with
over one hundred million insects. Certainly
anything that had survived the hail was now
destroyed, and if they laid their eggs before
being blown out to sea, the problem would recur
in cycles. The economy in Egypt was destroyed,
but the principal gods had yet to be
humiliated.
10:19. west wind. The plague was ended by a
“wind from the sea.” In Israel this is a west
wind, but in Egypt it would come from the
north or northwest and therefore drive the locusts
back to the sea.
10:21-29. darkness plague (that can be felt).
The comment that it was darkness that could
be felt (v. 21) suggests that the darkness was
caused by something airborne, namely, the
khamsin dust storms known in the region.
There would be excessive dust from all of the
red earth that had been brought down and deposited
by the Nile, as well as from the barren
earth left behind in the wake of the hail and
locusts. The three-day duration is typical for
this type of storm, which is most likely to occur
between March and May. The fact that the
text emphasizes the darkness rather than the
dust storm may indicate that the sun god,
Amon-Re, the national god of Egypt, the divine
father of Pharaoh, is being specifically
targeted.
11:1-10. tenth plague and Pharaoh. In Egypt
Pharaoh was also considered a deity, and this
last plague is directed at him. In the ninth
plague his “father,” the sun god, was defeated,
and now his son, presumably the heir to the
throne, will be slaughtered. This is a blow to
Pharaoh’s person, his kingship and his divinity.
11:2. ask for gold and silver. The instructions
for the Israelites to ask for gold and silver articles
and clothing (mentioned in other passages)
from the Egyptians would most likely
have correlated with the idea that the Israelites
were going to have a feast for their God.
Finery would be natural for such occasions,
and it would not be odd to think that the Israelite
slaves would not possess such luxuries.
By now the people of Egypt would have been
in despair from the plagues, and the thought
that Israel’s God might be appeased by a feast
would make them very cooperative.
11:4. the Lord going throughout Egypt. In
Egypt the most notable and anticipated event
of the major festivals was the god coming
forth among the people. Here, however, the
going forth of Israel’s God throughout the
land will be for the purposes of judgment.
11:4. hand mill. The slave girl at her hand mill
is portrayed as the lowest on the social ladder.
The hand mill, or saddle-quern, was made up
of two stones: a lower stone with a concave
surface and a loaf-shaped upper stone. The
daily chore of grinding grain into flour involved
sliding the upper stone over the grain
spread on the lower stone.
11:7. not a dog will bark. Dogs were not kept
as pets but were considered undesirable and a
general nuisance, perhaps as a rat would be
viewed today. The statement that no dog
would bark suggests unusual calm, for these
roaming curs were easily antagonized by the
slightest irregularity.
Exodus 10:19—12:5
12:1-28
Passover
12:1-28. roots of Passover. According to the
biblical account the Feast of Passover is instituted
in association with the tenth plague, but
that does not mean that its institution did not
build on a previously existing festival of some
sort. We should recall that God instituted *circumcision
as a sign of the *covenant using a
practice that previously existed with other
purposes. Many elements of the Passover *ritual
suggest that it may be adapted from a nomadic
*ritual that sought to protect herdsmen
from demonic attack and insure the *fertility
of the herd. Even if this is so, each of the elements
is suitably “converted” to the new context
of the tenth plague and the exodus from
Egypt. If such a conversion of a nomadic festival
took place, it would be similar to the early
western European Christians’ superimposing
Christmas on their pagan winter solstice festivals,
with tokens such as holly, mistletoe and
evergreen trees carried over.
12:1-11. calendar. This event established Abib
(later called Nisan) as the first month in the religious
calendar of Israel. By the civil calendar,
Tishri, six months later, was the first month,
and thus the month that “New Year’s Day”
was celebrated. The Israelite calendar was a
lunar calendar with periodic adjustments to
the solar year. Abib began with the first new
moon after the spring equinox, generally mid-
March, and went through mid-April.
12:5. year-old males without defect. As a
yearling, the male would have survived the
vulnerable period of early life (mortality rates
were between 20 and 50 percent) and would
be preparing to take on its role as a productive
member of the flock. A flock needs fewer male
85 EXODUS 12:6-22
members, however, and particularly among
goats many of the males were slaughtered as
yearlings for their coats and their meat. The
females were kept until about age eight for
bearing young and producing milk.
12:6. slaughtered at twilight. In Egypt’s civil
calendar each month was thirty days in length
and divided into three periods of ten days
each. The Egyptian religious calendar, including
festivals, remained in a lunar sequence.
The occurrence of the feast and the plague
corresponded to the eve of what Egyptians
called “half-month day.” More importantly,
since the month in lunar reckoning began at
the new moon, the feast occurred at the time
of the full moon, always the first after the
spring equinox. The slaughter would take
place at twilight, when the first full moon of
the Israelite year rose.
12:7. function of blood. In primitive religions
blood is often used to ward off evil powers,
whereas in Israelite *ritual the blood served as
a purifying element. While the former could
certainly have been superstitiously believed
by Israelites who retained these primitive elements
in their religious thought and practice,
the latter was the intended function. Door
frames of Mesopotamian houses were often
painted red because the color was believed to
ward off demons.
12:8. menu. The menu for the Passover meal is
one that would have been common in nomadic
herding communities. The prohibition of
yeast may additionally carry symbolic value.
In later rabbinic literature and the New Testament
it is associated with *impurity or *pollution.
It is difficult to discern whether it carried
such a connotation this early. The bitter herbs
are identified in later rabbinic literature as lettuce,
chicory, eryngo, horseradish and sow
thistle, all easily prepared. It is uncertain,
however, whether these are the ones included
in the biblical terminology. Lettuce is known
to have been cultivated in Egypt, and the Hebrew
word translated “bitter herbs” corresponds
to an *Akkadian (Babylonian) word
for lettuce. The command to roast avoids two
other possibilities. On the one hand, it has
been thought to contrast to pagan spring
feasts that sometimes included raw meat. On
the other hand, those in haste would not boil
the meat, for that would necessitate greater
preparation time to butcher, gut and dress the
meat. Since this is a sacral meal, the meat, may
not be eaten at any other time and must be
properly disposed of.
12:11. Passover. The English translation “Passover”
does not do justice to the Hebrew terminology
(pesah). That the verb has to do with
protection can be seen in Isaiah 31:5, where it
is parallel to shielding and delivering. The
Lord is not portrayed as “passing over” the
door but as protecting the entrance from the
slaughtering angel (see 12:23). The blood on
the doorposts and lintel can now be seen as
purifying the doorway in preparation for the
Lord’s presence.
12:12-30
The Tenth Plague
12:12-13. Egyptian kingship festival. There
may be some echo here of the famous Egyptian
Sed festival, which represented a renewal
of royal authority. Its celebration was intended
for all the gods to affirm the kingship of
Pharaoh, while here, as a result of the plagues,
all the gods must acknowledge the kingship
of *Yahweh—not a new enthronement, but a
recognition of his ongoing power. In the Sed
festival the king asserted his dominance of the
land by going throughout the land (symbolically)
as he desired. Pharaoh’s kingship is being
mocked even as Yahweh’s is being
asserted, for God goes throughout the land to
establish his dominance by the plague.
12:14-20. Feast of Unleavened Bread. The Feast
of Unleavened Bread is celebrated during the
seven days after Passover. As a commemoration
of the exodus from Egypt, it conveys that
in their haste the Israelites were not able to
bring any leaven and therefore had to bake
their bread without it. Leaven was produced
from the barley content of the dough that fermented
and served as yeast. Small amounts
would be kept from one batch, allowed to ferment,
then used in another. With no “starter”
set aside to ferment, the process would have to
begin again, taking seven to twelve days to
reach the necessary level of fermentation.
12:16. sacred assembly. Sacred assemblies or
proclamations were an important part of most
religious practice in the ancient world. They
were local or national gatherings for public,
corporate worship. The people were summoned
together away from their normal occupations.
Exodus 12:6-22 12:19. unleavened bread and barley harvest.
The Feast of Unleavened Bread also coincided
with the barley harvest and is the beginning
of the harvest season. In this context the significance
of the unleavened bread is that a
new beginning is being made, and the first
fruits of the barley harvest are eaten without
waiting for fermentation.
12:22. use of hyssop. The blood is spread on
the door frame with hyssop, a marjoram plant
that came to be associated with purification,
EXODUS 12:23-37 86
probably because of its use in *rituals such as
these. Its consistency made it very adaptable
for brushes and brooms.
12:23. the destroyer. The blood on the door
frame would signal the Lord to protect
those in that house from the destroyer. In
Mesopotamia the demon Lamashtu (female)
was seen as responsible for the death of children,
while Namtaru (male) was responsible
for plague. Egyptians likewise believed in a
host of demons who threatened life and
health at every level. In this passage, however,
this is no demon operating independently
of the gods, but a messenger of God’s
judgment. In Jeremiah the same term is used
for a destroyer and plunderer of the nations
Jer 4:7.
12:29-30. firstborn. In Israel the dedication
of the firstborn was a means of acknowledging
the Lord as the provider of life, fertility
and prosperity. By taking the firstborn of
both man and beast, Yahweh is again asserting
his rights to be viewed as the deity responsible
for life in Egypt—a role usually
attributed to Pharaoh.
Exodus 12:23-37
12:31-42
Leaving Egypt
12:34. kneading troughs. The easiest way to
transport the dough already mixed for the
next day’s bread was, as described, in the
troughs used for kneading, covered with a
cloth to keep the dust out.
12:37. route of journey. Rameses is Tell el-
Dab’a in the eastern Delta (see comment on
1:8-14), where the Israelites were working to
build a city for Pharaoh. Succoth has been
identified as Tell el-Maskhuta toward the
eastern end of the Wadi Tumilat. This would
be a normal route to take to leave Egypt going
east, as several Egyptian documents
demonstrate. It is approximately one day’s
journey from Rameses to Succoth. (For the
route of “The Exodus,” see map 1 on p. 87.)
12:37. number of Israelites. The size of the Israelite
population has been considered problematic
for several reasons. If there were six
hundred thousand men, the total group
would have numbered over two million. It is
contended that the Delta region of Egypt
could not have supported a population of that
size (estimates suggest the entire population
of Egypt at this time was only four or five million).
The modern population of the area of
the Wadi Tumilat is under twenty thousand.
Egyptian armies of this time period comprised
under twenty thousand. Indeed, for the
battle of Qadesh (thirteenth century) the *Hittites
amassed an army of thirty-seven thou-
THE DATE OF THE EXODUS
Assigning a date to the exodus has proven to be a difficult task over the years. Since neither of the Pharaohs
in the account are named, scholars have had to seek out other more circumstantial pieces of data
in order to make a case. These pieces of data can be divided into internal data (from the biblical text)
and external data (pieced together from archaeological and historical research).
The internal evidence, comprised primarily of genealogical or chronological time spans given in
the text (e.g., 1 Kings 6:1, suggests a date in the middle of the fifteenth century B.C. If this date is
adopted as having the support of the biblical text, it can be defended in historical/archaeological terms,
but has to assume that a number of the conclusions that archaeologists have reached are either suffering
from lack of data or are the result of misinterpretation of the data. For instance, if the Exodus took
place around 1450, the conquest would be assigned to the Late Bronze Age in Canaan. Unfortunately,
archaeologists excavating the sites of the Israelite conquest have found no remains of walled cities in
Late Bronze Age Canaan. Many of the sites show no evidence of occupation at all in the Late Bronze
Age. In response it has been suggested that the destruction of the great fortified cities of Middle Bronze
Age Canaan should be associated with the Conquest. However, archaeologists have usually dated the
end of the Middle Bronze to about 1550, and it is quite complex to try to shift the whole system of dating
one hundred years.
The external evidence is usually considered to be more supportive of a thirteenth century date,
during the time of Rameses the Great. This view has to assume that some of the numbers given in the
biblical text need to be read differently. For instance, the 480 years of 1 Kings 6:1 would have to be
viewed as suggesting twelve generations (12×40) which may be significantly less than 480 years.
Additionally, while it has been claimed that the historical/archaeological data of the thirteenth century
fits better with the Exodus, there are a number of difficulties that remain. Among them is the
inscription of Pharaoh Merenptah toward the end of the thirteenth century that mentions Israel as a
people group in Canaan.
Both dates have their difficulties and it is likely that there are still certain presuppositions that are
being held that prevent us from seeing how all the pieces fit together. It is likely that historical and archaeological
research will eventually be able to bring greater clarity to the issue. Until that time we will have
to be content with our uncertainty.
87 THE IVP BIBLE BACKGROUND COMMENTARY: OLD TESTAMENT
Map 1. The Exodus
The IVP Bible Background Commentary: Old Testament This map traces the possible route of the exodus from Egypt.
EXODUS 12:40—13:6 88
sand (thought to be exaggerated) that was believed
to be one of the largest fighting forces
ever assembled. Shamshi-Adad (1800 B.C. Assyria)
claimed to have amassed an army of
sixty thousand for the siege of Nurrugum. If
Israel had a fighting force of six hundred
thousand, what would they have to fear?
As it traveled, the line of people would
stretch for over two hundred miles. Even
without animals, children and the elderly,
travelers would not expect to make twenty
miles a day (though caravans could make
twenty to twenty-three). When families and
animals move camp, the average would be
only six miles per day. Whatever the case, the
back of the line would be at least a couple of
weeks behind the front of the line. This would
create some difficulties in the crossing of the
sea which seems to have been accomplished
overnight, though certainly some have calculated
how it could be done. The line, however,
would be long enough to stretch from the
crossing of the sea to Mount Sinai.
Furthermore, if a couple of million people
lived in the wilderness for forty years and
half of them died there, archaeologists expect
they would find more traces of them—especially
in places like Kadesh Barnea where
they stayed for some time. When we turn our
attention to their arrival in Canaan, the situation
is no better. The population of Canaan
during this period was far less than this Israelite
force, and all archaeological evidence
suggests there was a sharp decline in the population
of the region in the *Late Bronze Age,
when the Israelites took possession. Some
estimates for the eighth century B.C. suggest
there were still not a million people in the
entire land of Israel even by that time. The
modern population of Israel, even given the
extensive metropolitan regions, is only about
twice what the exodus population would
have been. Yet the text is consistent in its
reports of the size of the group (see Num 1:32;
11:21; 26:51). Many solutions have been
offered, but all have problems. All of the
above suggests that it is unlikely the numbers
should be read the way that they traditionally
have been. Studies of the use of numbers in
Assyrian inscriptions have suggested the possibility
that numbers were understood and
used within an ideological framework rather
than to offer a strict accounting. But it is very
difficult to step out of our own cultural expectations.
The most promising approach comes
through a recognition that the Hebrew word
translated “thousand” can also be translated
“military troop,” in which case there would
be six hundred military troops. For more
information see comments on Joshua 8:3 and
Numbers 2:3-32.
12:40. 430 years. The chronology of this period
is very difficult. First Kings 6:1 reports that
480 years separated the exodus from the dedication
of the temple in 966. This would place
the exodus in the mid-1400s. Adding the 430
years of this verse would suggest that the Israelites
came to Egypt in the first half of the
nineteenth century B.C. All sorts of variations
exist, and several different options are defensible
from both biblical and archaeological evidence.
For a longer discussion see “The Date
of the Exodus,” p. 86.
12:43-51
Passover Regulations
12:43. Passover regulations. Verse 38 mentions
many non-Israelites who have joined
the exodus, and so three additional regulations
for the Passover are addressed in this
section. First, only those who have been circumcised
may participate. This indicates
that it is a festival only for the community of
Israel. Second is the command that none of
the meat be taken outside the house, and
third is that no bones be broken. Both of
these concern ways that the meal might be
shared with other noncommunity members,
which is disallowed. The lamb must be
cooked whole, in the house.
Exodus 12:40—13:6
13:1-16
The Firstborn
13:1-3. consecration. The first male offspring
born to any mother is considered as belonging
to deity. In the ancient Near East this concept
sometimes led to child sacrifice to insure *fertility.
Alternatively, in ancestor worship the
firstborn would have inherited the priestly
function for the family. In Israel it leads to
consecration—transferring the firstborn to the
domain of deity for cultic service or to the
temple for holy use. From that status the son
may be redeemed, and Israelite law sees his
place being taken by the Levites Num 3:11-
13).
13:4. Abib. The month of Abib spans our
March and April. It is the ancient name for
what was later called Nisan in the Israelite calendar.
13:5. peoples of Canaan and land of milk and
honey. For the peoples of Canaan and the
land flowing with milk and honey, see comments
on 3:7-10 and 3:8.
13:6-10. Feast of Unleavened Bread. See comment
on 12:14-20.
89 EXODUS 13:9—22
13:9. amulets. *Amulets were often worn in
the ancient Near East as protection to ward off
evil spirits. Precious metals and gems were
considered particularly effective. At times amulets
would include magical words or spells.
Israelite practice disapproved of amulets, but
the concept was converted to reminders of the
law (such as this feast served), or at other
places (see Deut 6:8 consisted of physical reminders
that contained prayers or blessings
such as the small silver scrolls that were found
in a preexilic tomb just outside Jerusalem in
1979. These contain the blessing of Numbers
6:24-26 and represent the oldest copy of any
biblical text now extant.
13:11-16. sacrifice of firstborn. First-born livestock
were sacrificed in thanks to the Lord,
but donkeys were not approved for sacrifice.
In Canaanite practice donkeys were occasionally
sacrificed and a covenant confirmation
ceremony in the *Mari texts also features the
sacrifice of a donkey. The importance of the
donkey as a pack animal is probably responsible
for this exclusion. Therefore donkeys, like
sons, were to be redeemed—that is, another
offering given in their place.
Exodus 13:9—22
13:17—14:31
The Crossing of the Sea
13:17. road to the Philistines. The road
through the Philistine country is a reference to
the major route that ran through the Fertile
Crescent from Egypt to Babylonia and is
known as the Great Trunk road. It went along
the coast of the Mediterranean, which took it
through Philistine territory in southern Palestine
before moving inland through the valley
of Jezreel just south of the Carmel range.
Along the north of the Sinai peninsula the
Egyptians referred to it as the Way of Horus,
and it was heavily defended since it was the
route used by armies as well as trade caravans.
13:18. Red Sea. The body of water referred to
in translations as the “Red Sea” is termed in
Hebrew the “Reed Sea”—a term that can be
used for a number of different bodies of water.
The reeds it refers to are probably papyrus,
which used to proliferate along the marshy
section that extended from the Gulf of Suez to
the Mediterranean, now largely obliterated by
the Suez Canal. Such reeds grow only in fresh
water. Proceeding north from the Gulf of Suez,
one would have encountered the Bitter
Lakes, Lake Timsah, Lake Balah and finally,
right by the Mediterranean, Lake Menzaleh.
The Wadi Tumilat through which Israel is
traveling would have led to Lake Timsah, so
that is often identified as the Sea of Reeds in
this context, though each of the other lakes
has its supporters. If the Israelites originally
headed northwest, they may have turned
back and found themselves by Lake Balah. If
they were heading toward the region of Sinai,
they certainly would not have gone down the
west side of the Gulf of Suez, and, in any case,
that is further away than the narrative suggests
(about 120 miles from Succoth). So
though the translation “Red Sea” has led to
that being the popular identification, it is the
least likely. An alternative to “Reed Sea” as a
geographical distinction is the suggestion that
the translation should be “Sea of Extinction.”
In this case the waters that are being parted
are identified by imagery referring to a common
ancient Near Eastern creation motif of
the waters of chaos being harnessed and the
enemies of God being overthrown.
13:20. Succoth. Succoth is generally identified
as Tell el-Maskhuta toward the eastern end of
the Wadi Tumilat. In Egyptian literature this is
the area known as Tjeku, the Egyptian equivalent
of Hebrew succoth. Etham is the equivalent
of Egyptian htm, “fort,” and could refer to
any number of fortresses in this area. Since
God turns them back in 14:2, they may still be
following the way of the Philistines on this
first leg. If so, Etham would most likely be
Sile, modern Tell Abu Sefa, where the first fortress
guarding the passage onto the frontier
was located in ancient times. It was the normal
point of departure for expeditions to
Canaan. In this case, 13:17-18 is described in
detail in 14:1-3. The problem is that this is
some fifty miles from Succoth and would
have taken several days to reach. There is also
a fortress of Pharaoh Merenptah (end of thirteenth
century) mentioned near Tjeku in Papyrus
Anastasi VI. (For a possible route of the
exodus, see map 1 on p. 87.)
13:21-22. pillar of cloud/fire. Some have
thought the pillar of cloud and fire is best explained
as the result of volcanic activity. An
eruption on the Island of Thera (six hundred
miles northwest) in 1628 B.C. brought an end
to Minoan civilization, and it is possible that
its effects could have been seen in the delta.
But the date is far too early (see “The Date of
the Exodus,” p. 86), and this theory would offer
no explanation of the movements of the
pillar nor of the location described for it in the
biblical account (they are moving southeast).
The text does not suggest that the pillar was
supernaturally generated, only that it was the
means of supernatural guidance. For this reason
some have suggested that it was the result
of a brazier of some sort carried on a pole that
EXODUS 14:1—15:12 90
would be used by the vanguard scouts. This
was a method often used by caravans. On the
other hand, the pillar is always portrayed as
acting (coming down, moving) rather than being
operated (no human is ever said to move
it), so the vanguard theory is difficult to support.
In the ancient world a bright or flaming
aura surrounding deity is the norm. In Egyptian
literature it is depicted as the winged sun
disk accompanied by storm clouds. *Akkadian
uses the term melammu to describe this visible
representation of the glory of deity, which
in turn is enshrouded in smoke or cloud. In
Canaanite mythology it has been suggested
the melammu concept is expressed by the word
anan, the same Hebrew word here translated
“cloud,” but the occurrences are too few and
obscure for confidence. In any case, the pillar
here would then be one: smoke being visible
in the daytime, while the inner flame it covered
would glow through at night.
14:1-4. Pi Hahiroth. Pi Hahiroth is not otherwise
known, but many interpret it as meaning
“mouth of the diggings,” possibly
referring to canal work. It is known that a
north-south canal was being constructed
during this period (Seti I) and that it passed
through the region near Qantara, a few miles
west of Sile.
14:2. Migdol. Migdol means “tower” or “fort”
in Hebrew and was a term borrowed from
Semitic languages into Egyptian. There were
several locations so designated, and one is
known near Succoth in this period.
14:2. Baal Zephon. Baal Zephon is connected
to Tahpanhes in Jeremiah 44:1; 46:14, in turn
identified as Tell Dafana, about twenty miles
west of Sile. If they camped near here, Lake
Balah would be the closest sea.
14:5-9. Egypt’s army. Most chariot units of this
period range between 10 and 150, so 600 is a
large muster, and this represents only Pharaoh’s
unit. When Rameses II fought the *Hittites
at the battle of Qadesh, his enemy
boasted 2,500 chariots.
14:19-20. hidden by cloud. Annals from the
*Hittite king Murshili report that the storm
god provided a cloud to hide them from their
enemy, a claim also made by Priam, king of
Troy, as well as others in Homer’s Iliad.
14:21-22. sea driven back with east wind.
Any sea shallow enough to be dried up by an
east wind and shifting tides would not be sufficient
to drown the Egyptians or to make
walls of water. It is therefore difficult to devise
any natural scenario to account for the facts
reported by the text. This wind would not be
the same as the khamsin (sirocco) that we associated
with the ninth plague. That is a phenomenon
drawn by a strong low-pressure
system in North Africa, usually accompanied
by thermal inversion. The east wind referred
to here drives out of a high-pressure system
over Mesopotamia and—opposite to a tornado,
which rotates around a low-pressure system—
features a sharp rise in barometric
pressure.
14:23-25. the morning watch. The morning
watch was from two to six a.m. The image of
deity as flaming brilliance in the midst of a
cloud is common throughout the Near East as
well as in Greek mythology as early as Homer’s
Iliad, where Zeus sends forth lightning
and causes horses to stumble and chariots to
break. The Mesopotamian warrior god, Nergal,
and the Canaanite *Baal each asserts his
superiority in combat by means of his dazzling
brilliance and fire.
Exodus 14:1—15:12
15:1-21
The Song of Moses and Miriam
15:3. the Lord as warrior. The book of Exodus
has been developing the idea of *Yahweh
fighting for the Israelites against the Egyptians
and their gods, so here the Lord is
praised as a warrior. This is a concept that remains
significant throughout the Old Testament
and even into the New Testament. It is
especially prominent in the books of Samuel,
where the title “Yahweh of Armies” (Lord of
Hosts) is common. Yahweh is the king and
champion of the Israelites and will lead them
forth victoriously in battle. Ancient mythologies
often portrayed gods in battle, but these
depictions generally concerned the harnessing
and organizing of the cosmos. Both *Marduk
(Babylonian) and *Baal (Canaanite) subdue
the sea, which is personified in their divine
foe (*Tiamat and Yamm respectively). In contrast,
this hymn recognizes how Yahweh harnessed
the natural sea (not representing a
supernatural being) to overcome his historical,
human foes. Nevertheless, bringing secure
order out of conflict, being proclaimed
king and establishing a dwelling are common
themes both here and in the ancient Near
Eastern literatures concerning cosmic battle.
15:4. Red Sea. Here the reference to the Reed
Sea does not suggest further discussion of its
identity (see comment on 13:18) but may well
include a pun. The Hebrew word suph not
only means “reed” but also means “end” as a
noun and “swept away” as a verb (see Ps
73:19).
15:6-12. right hand. The right hand is the one
that holds the weapon, so that it is the one that
brings victory. In verse 12 the right hand is not
91 EXODUS 15:13—16:1
seen as literally causing the earth to open up.
In Hebrew the term for earth can occasionally
also mean “netherworld,” and that seems likely
here. To say that the netherworld swallowed
them is to say that they were sent to
their graves. It should also be remembered
that in Egyptian concepts of afterlife the wicked
are devoured by the “Swallower” when
they fail to convince the judges of their goodness.
15:13-16. terrified peoples. The terror of the
peoples becomes a standard theme in the account
of the conquest. While the peoples of
Canaan may have previously been terrified of
the Egyptians (as the *Amarna correspondence
from this period suggest some were), it
is now not the arm of Pharaoh, but the arm of
Yahweh, who has defeated Pharaoh, that poses
a threat to them.
15:17-18. mountain of your inheritance. The
combination of mountain, inheritance, dwelling
and sanctuary suggests that Mount Zion
(Jerusalem) is being referred to.
15:18. Yahweh as king. *Yahweh is not portrayed
as a mythological king, a king of the
gods who has subdued the cosmos and reigns
over the subordinate gods of the pantheon.
Rather he rules in the historical realm over his
people, whom he has delivered by means of
the forces of nature that he controls. This
hymn does not exalt his defeat of other gods
or of chaotic cosmic forces but his power over
historical peoples.
15:20-21. prophetess. Miriam, here hailed as a
prophetess and sister of Aaron (no mention of
Moses), takes up the song. This is the only
mention of Miriam by name in the book, and
the only place she is referred to as a prophetess.
The only other account that she is named
in is the challenge to Moses’ authority in
Numbers 12. Other prominent prophetesses in
the Old Testament include Deborah Judg 4
and Huldah 2 Kings 22. There is no reason to
think that it was odd for women to be found
in this role. In fact, the prophetic texts from
*Mari feature women in this role as often as
men. It was also common for musical troupes
to feature women. Music and prophecy also
were associated, since music was commonly
used to induce the trances from which prophetic
utterances proceeded 1 Sam 10:5;
2 Kings 3:15.
Exodus 15:13—16:1
15:22—17:7
God’s Provision in the Wilderness
15:22-27. Desert of Shur. The wilderness of
Shur is located in the northwest region of the
Sinai peninsula. An east-west route runs
through the region that connects Egypt to the
King’s Highway in Transjordan at Bozrah, or
leads up into Palestine through Beersheba, but
the Israelites did not take this route. Shur
means “wall” in Hebrew, so it is possible that
this term refers to the well-known Egyptian
line of fortresses in this region. This is supported
by Numbers 33:8, where it is called the
wilderness of Etham (etham means “fort”).
Built a few centuries earlier to protect the
northeastern frontiers of Egypt, this series of
garrisons was known as the Wall of the Ruler.
This marked *Sinuhe’s point of departure as
he fled from Egypt in the Story of Sinuhe.
15:22. archaeological evidence in the Sinai.
Although archaeological remains from the Bedouin
population that has inhabited Sinai for
ten thousand years have been found throughout
the peninsula, archaeology has produced
no evidence of the Israelites’ passage through
this region.
15:23. Marah. They traveled for three days before
reaching Marah (“bitter”). If they crossed
at Lake Balah, this would place them by what
are well known today as the Bitter Lakes. If
they crossed further south, Marah could be
identified with an oasis called Bir Marah,
where the water is saline with heavy mineral
content.
15:25. wood turning water sweet. It is not uncommon
for commentators to cite local traditions
about a type of thorn bush native to the
region that will absorb salinity, but no scientific
investigation has provided identification or
confirmed the existence of such a bush. In a
later period Pliny reported that there was a
type of barley that could neutralize saline content.
15:27. Elim oasis. The oasis at Elim with
twelve springs and seventy palm trees is often
identified as Wadi Gharandal, about sixty
miles down the coast of the Gulf of Suez. It
features tamarisks (elim) as well as palms and
springs. It remains a major resting place for
modern Bedouin. Closer to Marah is the site
of Ayun Musa, just a few miles south of the tip
of the Gulf of Suez. Besides having the appropriate
groves of tamarisks and palms, it also
features twelve springs and is probably to be
preferred.
16:1-3. Desert of Sin. The Desert of Sin is an
area in the west-central region of the peninsula.
Here the main route moves inland five to
ten miles for about the next seventy-five miles
until it rejoins the coast at Abu Zenimah and
the El Markha plain. This may be where they
camped by the sea Num 33:10-11. From there
they moved east and northeast across the wilderness
of Sin by way of the Wadi Ba’ba and
EXODUS 16:11—17:12 92
Rod el ‘Air to the region of Serabit el-Khadim,
which is likely where Dophkah was (Num
33:11).
16:1. time of journey. Thus far the journey has
taken about a month (the Israelites came out
the fifteenth day of the first month).
16:3. pots of meat. In their exaggerated recollection
of the situation in Egypt they refer to
large pots filled with meat—we might say
“meat by the bucketload.”
16:4-9. bread from heaven/manna. The bread
from heaven was called “manna” in verse 31,
where it is described (see also Num 11:7. The
fact that it came with the dew (v. 4) suggests
that God’s miraculous provision used a natural
process. The most frequent identification is
with the secretion of small aphids that feed on
the sap of tamarisk trees. When it hardens and
falls to the ground, it can be collected and
used for a sweetener. The problem is that this
occurs only during certain seasons (May to July)
and only where there are tamarisk trees. A
full season would normally produce only
about five hundred pounds, in contrast to the
biblical account that has the people gathering
about half a pound per person per day. Alternatively,
some would favor the sweet liquid of
the hammada plant, common in southern Sinai,
which is used to sweeten cakes. As with
the plagues, it is not necessarily the occurrence
of this phenomenon that is unnatural
but the timing and magnitude. Nevertheless,
these natural explanations seem to fall far
short of the biblical data. The comparison to
what most translations identify as the seed of
the coriander (rarely found in the desert) is
more likely to refer to a wider generic category
of desert plants with white seeds.
16:10-11. glory of the Lord in the cloud. “The
glory of the LORD” refers to the brightness that
was evidence of his presence. The concept of
deity appearing in this way was not limited to
Israelite theology, for in Mesopotamia the
gods displayed their power through their
melammu, their divine brilliance.
16:13. quail. Small, plump migratory quail often
come through the Sinai on their way north
from the Sudan to Europe, generally in the
months of March and April. They generally
fly with the wind and are driven to ground (or
water) if caught in a crosswind. In their exhaustion
it is not unusual for them to fly so
low that they can be easily caught. Quail looking
for a place to land and rest have been
known to sink small boats, and in the Sinai
they have been noted to cover the ground so
densely that some landed on the tops of others.
16:14-36. omer. An omer is a daily ration of
bread or grain and represents about two
quarts.
16:20. spoilage. If manna is the secretion of
aphids (see above on 16:4-9), ants are responsible
for carrying it off each day once the temperature
rises. They would also be the bugs
that got into any additional manna the people
tried to collect and save. The Hebrew word
translated “maggots” can refer to any number
of scale insects, but there is a different word
for ants. Furthermore, the insect secretions are
not subject to spoilage.
16:34. in front of the testimony. The testimony
in verse 34 can only refer to the ark of the
covenant, which has not been built at this
point in the narrative. This appendix (vv. 31-
36) is from the end of the wilderness wanderings
(see v. 35), and therefore the manna sample
was put in the ark later in the wilderness
experience.
17:1. Rephidim. If the theory that Mount Sinai
is toward the south of the peninsula is accepted,
the journey to Rephidim begins the move
inland to follow the most attractive route to
the mountain. Wadi Refayid intersects Wadi
Feiran a few miles north of the mountain and
has been often identified as the site of Rephidim.
17:5-7. rock at Horeb. The location of this provision
of water is identified with the rock at
Horeb, but Horeb most likely refers to the region
in the vicinity of Mount Sinai (Mount
Horeb) rather than to a specific location.
17:6. water from rock. Sedimentary rock is
known to feature pockets where water can
collect just below the surface. If there is some
seepage, one can see where these pockets exist
and by breaking through the surface can release
the collected water. Again, however, we
are dealing with a quantity of water beyond
what this explanation affords.
17:7. Massah and Meribah. Massah and
Meribah do not represent new places but refer
to this particular site at Rephidim.
Exodus 16:11—17:12
17:8-15
The Attack of the Amalekites
17:8. Amalekites. The Amalekites, who were
descended from Abraham through Esau (Gen
36:15), were a nomadic or seminomadic people
who inhabited the general region of the
Negev and the Sinai during the second half of
the second millennium B.C.
17:11-12. battle signals. Signals were often
used to deploy the various divisions in battle.
It is possible that Moses used the staff in just
such a way. When he was unable to relay divine
guidance through the signals, the Israel-
93 EXODUS 17:15—19:2
ites were not able to succeed. Alternatively, it
has been noticed that Egyptian texts speak of
the uplifted arms of Pharaoh to bring protection
as well as to signal the attack.
17:15. altar: “Lord my banner.” The altar
Moses builds is one of commemoration of the
victory. The name given it, “Yahweh is my
standard,” reflects the theology of Yahweh as
the leader of the armies of Israel. In the Egyptian
army the divisions were named for various
gods (e.g., the division of Amun, division
of Seth) and the standards would identify the
division by means of some representation of
the god.
18:1-27
Jethro and Moses
18:1-2. priest of what god? Jethro is identified
as a priest of Midian rather than as a priest of
a particular deity. Little is known of which
god or gods the Midianites of this period worshiped.
Priests were not necessarily affiliated
to only one god, and therefore Jethro’s recognition
of *Yahweh’s superiority does not suggest
he was a priest or worshiper of Yahweh.
Priests serving a sanctuary would be viewed
as servants of the god of that sanctuary, but
even these individuals were not monotheistic,
so they would acknowledge the power of other
deities when manifested.
18:5. mountain of God. “Mountain of God” is
used to describe Mount Sinai. At Rephidim
they are in the general vicinity of Sinai, but
this chapter probably records events that took
place after they had set up camp at the foot of
the mountain itself.
18:7. respectful greeting. Moses’ greeting of
Jethro follows standard practice. Bowing
down is a greeting to one who is of higher social
standing and is an act of respect. The kiss
on the cheek is the greeting of friendship. This
is the only recorded incident where both are
performed.
18:9-12. Yahweh and the gods. Jethro’s acknowledgment
of the superiority of *Yahweh
does not suggest that he was a worshiper of
Yahweh or that he became a worshiper of Yahweh.
The polytheism of the ancient world allowed
for the recognition of the relative
strengths of various deities and would expect
each deity to be praised in superlative terms
when there was evidence of his activity or displays
of his power. Regardless of Jethro’s religious
persuasions, Yahweh was accomplishing
his purpose that through his mighty acts
“all the world will know that I am Yahweh.”
18:12. sacrificial meal. Sacrifices in the ancient
world were often opportunities for communal
meals. Though communal meals were used to
ratify formal agreements, they were also a
part of offerings of thanksgiving, more suitable
to this context. This is like a banquet with
*Yahweh as the guest of honor.
18:13-27. Moses’ seat. The seat of the judge is
a designated seat of authority when the
judge’s “court” was “in session.” In cities this
seat was usually at the entrance to the gate.
Jethro advises Moses to establish a hierarchical
judiciary with Moses at the top, as a king
would have been in a monarchy, and as a
priest or family patriarch would have been in
tribal societies. In this structure it is recognized
that some disputes can be settled on
point of law or by objective discretion (for information
concerning the judiciary system in
the ancient Near East, see comment on Deut
1:9-18). Such cases can be settled in the lower
levels. In the absence of sufficient evidence in
complex or serious cases, the matter was handled
“prophetically”—that is, it was brought
before God. This was where Moses’ involvement
was essential. It separates the “civil” aspects
of the judiciary, in which Moses did not
have to be involved, from the “religious” aspects.
This system is not unlike that found in
Egypt, where Pharaoh guaranteed justice but
set up a system headed by the vizier, who was
the “Prophet of Ma’at” (Ma’at is the goddess
of truth and justice) and occupied the judgment
chair. The establishment of this system
formalized a sociological, if not political, role
for Moses that moved Israel beyond being a
purely tribal society to being a quasi-centralized
government.
Exodus 17:15—19:2
19:1-25
The Israelites at Mount Sinai
19:1-2. desert of Sinai. The Israelites reach the
wilderness surrounding Sinai three months
after leaving Egypt, though it is unclear
whether “to the day” refers to the new moon
or the full moon. Nevertheless, it is in the
month of June. The location of Mount Sinai is
far from certain, and at least a dozen different
alternatives have been suggested. The three
strongest contenders are Jebel Musa and Jebel
Serbal in the south, and Jebel Sin Bishar in the
north. Jebel Musa (7,486 feet) is in the cluster
of mountains in central southern Sinai. As one
of the highest peaks in the range it has enjoyed
traditional support as far back as the
fourth century A.D. It also features the er-Raha
plain to its north that would have been suitable
for the Israelite camp (providing about
four hundred acres), though it lacks ready access
to water. Jebel Serbal (6,791 feet) is about
EXODUS 19:4—20:1 94
twenty miles northwest of Jebel Musa and
separated from the range so that it rises isolated
above the Wadi Feiran. Its location near an
oasis and on the main road passing through
the region makes it an attractive choice,
though the area available for the camp is
much smaller than that at Jebel Musa. Some
have favored a northern location, assuming
that Moses’ initial request of Pharaoh for a
three-day pilgrimage (5:3) would take them to
Mount Sinai. They also point out that a northern
route is more directly linked to Kadesh
Barnea and the vicinity of Moses’ time in Midian.
19:4. carried on eagles’ wings. Though the eagle
cannot be ruled out, the bird named here is
more usually taken to be the griffin vulture,
with a wingspan of eight to ten feet. While Bible
reference books often report how the eagle
carries its young on its wings when they grow
weary of flying, or catches them on their
wings when they are fluttering in failure (see
Deut 32:11, this behavior has been difficult
for naturalists to confirm through observation.
In fact most eagles and vultures do not
take their first flight until they are three or
four months old, at which time they are nearly
full grown. Furthermore, observations by naturalists
have consistently confirmed that the
first flight is usually taken while the parents
are away from the nest. Alternatively, if the
metaphor here concerns a vulture, it may be
political in nature. In Egypt the goddess
Nekhbet is the vulture goddess who represented
Upper Egypt and served as a protecting
deity for Pharaoh and the land. Israel was
protected in Egypt until Yahweh brought
them to himself.
19:5-6. kingdom of priests. The phrase “treasured
possession” uses a word common in
other languages of the ancient Near East to
describe accumulated assets, whether through
division of spoils or inheritance from estate.
That people can be so described is evident in a
royal seal from *Alalakh, where the king identifies
himself as the “treasured possession” of
the god Hadad. Likewise in a *Ugaritic text
the king of Ugarit’s favored status as a vassal
is noted by naming him a “treasured possession”
of his *Hittite overlord. Additionally, the
Israelites are identified as a “kingdom of
priests,” which identifies the nation as serving
a priestly role among the nations, as intermediary
between the peoples and God. Additionally
there is a well-attested concept in the
ancient Near East that a city or group of people
may be freed from being subject to a king
and placed in direct subjection to a deity. So
Israel, freed from Egypt, is now given sacred
status (see Is 61:5.
19:7. elders. The elders here are the clan leaders
of Israel. Elders typically served as a ruling
assembly overseeing the leadership of a
village or community. They represent the people
in accepting a *covenant arrangement,
now a national agreement with commitment
expected beyond the family covenant made
with Abraham centuries earlier.
19:10-15. consecration. Consecration consisted
of steps taken to make oneself ritually
pure. This process primarily entailed washing
and avoiding contact with objects that would
render one unclean. The mountain was designated
holy ground, so much so that even
touching it would constitute desecration punishable
by death. Stoning was the most common
means of execution. In this way the
entire community took responsibility for the
penalty, though no single individual could be
considered to have brought about the death of
the criminal.
19:13. ram’s horn. The ram’s horn in verse 13
is referred to by a different word from that
used for the shofar (trumpet) in verse 16,
though it may be used for the same instrument.
The shofar is capable of a variety of
tones but cannot play a tune, so it is used primarily
for signals either in worship or in warfare.
The ram’s horn was softened in hot
water, bent and flattened to produce its distinctive
shape.
Exodus 19:4—20:1
20:1-17
The Ten Commandments
20:1-17. apodictic law. A number of collections
of legal material have been found from
ancient times, including *Sumerian, *Babylonian,
*Hittite and *Assyrian collections. The
most famous is the Code of *Hammurabi, dating
from several hundred years earlier than
Moses. These collections consist primarily of
sample rulings in particular types of cases. As
case law they present what penalties were assigned
to a wide range of offenses, rather than
indicating certain behavior to be right or
wrong or telling people what they should or
should not do. The type of law found in the
Ten Commandments that prohibits or requires
certain types of behavior is called *apodictic
law and is rarely found in the legal collections
of the ancient Near East.
20:1-17. Decalogue as covenant (not law). The
Ten Commandments not only are connected
to law but are also a part of the *covenant. The
literary formulation of the covenant is quite
similar to the formulations of international
treaties in the ancient Near East. In the stipu-
95 EXODUS 20:3-11
lations of these treaties, one often finds certain
behavior either required or prohibited. In this
sense it could be understood that the *apodictic
form of the Ten Commandments puts them
more in the category of covenant than in the
category of law.
20:3. first commandment. When the text says
that there should be no other god “before
me,” it does not refer to others having a higher
position than *Yahweh. The introduction in
verse 2 has already indicated as a preexisting
assumption that *Yahweh is their God. The
phrase “before me” means “in my presence”
and therefore prohibits other gods from being
considered to be in the presence of Yahweh.
This prohibits several concepts that were a
standard part of ancient beliefs. Most religions
of that day had a pantheon, a divine assembly
that ruled the realm of the gods, the supernatural,
and, ultimately, the human world. There
would typically be a deity who was designated
head of the pantheon, and he, like the other
gods, would have at least one consort (female
partner). This commandment forbids Israel to
think in these terms. Yahweh is not the head
of a pantheon, and he does not have a consort—
there are no gods in his presence. The
only divine assembly that is legitimate for
their thinking is made up of angels (as in
1 Kings 22:19-20, not gods. This commandment
also then effectively bans much mythology
that deals with the interactions of the
gods with one another.
20:4. second commandment. The second commandment
concerns how *Yahweh is to be
worshiped, for the idols that it prohibits are
idols of him (the previous commandment already
dismissed the thought of other gods).
The commandment has nothing to do with
art, though the graven images of the ancient
world were indeed works of art. They were
typically carved of wood and overlaid with
hammered sheets of silver or gold, then
clothed in the finest attire. But the prohibition
is more concerned with how they are employed,
and here the issue is power. Images of
deity in the ancient Near East were where the
deity became present in a special way, to the
extent that the *cult statue became the god
(when the god so favored his worshipers),
even though it was not the only manifestation
of the god. As a result of this linkage, spells,
incantations and other magical acts could be
performed on the image in order to threaten,
bind or compel the deity. In contrast, other
rites related to the image were intended to aid
the deity or care for the deity. The images then
represent a worldview, a concept of deity that
was not consistent with how Yahweh had revealed
himself. The commandment also prohibits
images of anything in heaven, earth or
under the earth. In contrast to Egypt, it was
not the practice in Syria-Palestine to worship
animals or to have gods in the form of animals.
Nevertheless, there were animals that
were believed to represent the attributes of deity,
such as bulls and horses, that would be
portrayed in art and sculpture to stand in the
place of deity.
20:5-6. punishing third and fourth generations.
Punishment to the third or fourth generation
is not granted to human judges but to
God. It expresses the fact that *covenant violation
brings guilt on the entire family. The third
and fourth generation is then a way to refer to
all living members of the family. But there is
also a contrast here in the loyalty that extends
over thousands of generations as over against
the punishment that extends only three or
four.
20:6. corporate solidarity. In the ancient Near
East a person found his or her identity within
a group such as the clan or family. Integration
and interdependence were important values,
and the group was bound together as a unit.
As a result, individual behavior would not be
viewed in isolation from the group. When
there was sin in a family, all members shared
the responsibility. This concept is known as
*corporate identity.
20:7. third commandment. As the second
commandment concerned the issue of exercising
power over God, the third turns its attention
to exercising God’s power over others.
This commandment does not refer to blasphemy
or foul language. Rather it is intended to
prevent the exploitation of the name of Yahweh
for magical purposes or hexing. It also
continues the concerns of the second commandment
in that someone’s name was believed
to be intimately connected to that
person’s being and essence. The giving of
one’s name was an act of favor, trust and, in
human terms, vulnerability. Israel was not to
attempt to use Yahweh’s name in magical
ways to manipulate him. The commandment
was also intended to insure that the use of
Yahweh’s name in oaths, vows and treaties
was taken seriously.
Exodus 20:3-11 20:8-11. fourth commandment. Sabbath observation
has no known parallel in any of the
cultures of the ancient Near East and is distinctive
in that it is independent of any of the
patterns or rhythms of nature. A similar term
was used in *Babylonian texts as a full moon
day when the king officiated at rites of reconciliation
with deity, but it was not a work-free
day and has little in common with the Israelite
EXODUS 20:12-16 96
sabbath. The legislation does not require rest
as much as it stipulates cessation, interrupting
the normal activities of one’s occupation.
20:12. fifth commandment. Honoring and respecting
parents consists of respecting their
instruction in the *covenant. This assumes
that a religious heritage is being passed on.
The home was seen as an important and necessary
link for the covenant instruction of
each successive generation. Honor is given to
them as representatives of God’s authority for
the sake of covenant preservation. If parents
are not heeded or their authority is repudiated,
the covenant is in jeopardy. In this connection,
notice that this commandment comes
with covenant promise: living long in the
land. In the ancient Near East it is not the religious
heritage but the fabric of society that is
threatened when there is no respect for parental
authority and filial obligations are neglected.
Violations would include striking parents,
cursing parents, neglecting the care of elderly
parents and failing to provide adequate burial.
EXODUS 20:12-16 20:12-17. commandments and community.
Commandments five to nine all deal with issues
of *covenant in community. They affect
the transmission of the covenant in the community
and the standing of individuals within
the covenant community. Injunctions concern
those things that would jeopardize the covenant’s
continuity from generation to generation
or that would jeopardize the family line
or reputation. The covenant must be passed
on in the family, and the family must be preserved.
In the ancient Near East the concerns
were similar, but the focus on preservation of
the community was viewed more in social
and civil terms. Lists of ethical violations are
found in Egypt in the Book of the Dead, where
the individual denies that he has committed
any of a long list of crimes. In Mesopotamia
the incantation series known as Shurpu contains
a list of crimes the individual confesses
to in order to absolve himself of unknown offenses
and thus appease an angry deity. But in
neither of these works are these actions prohibited.
They also include a wide range of other
types of offenses.
20:13. sixth commandment. The word used
here is not technically restricted to murder,
but it does assume a person as both subject
and object. It has been observed that it is used
only in the context of homicide (whether accidental
or intentional, premeditated or not, judicial,
political or otherwise) within the
*covenant community. Because of the nature
of the term used, this verse cannot easily be
brought into discussions of pacifism, capital
punishments or vegetarianism. Some law collections
of the ancient Near East do not treat
murder, while in others the punishment only
entails monetary compensation. Nevertheless
the murderer still ran the risk of being targeted
for execution by the victim’s family in a
blood feud.
20:14. seventh commandment. The purpose
of the legislation was to protect the husband’s
name by assuring him that his children would
be his own. The law does not insure marital fidelity;
its focus is paternity, not sexual ethics.
The integrity of the family is protected rather
than the integrity of the marriage. If a married
man had an affair with an unmarried woman,
it was not considered adultery. The offender
had to pay damages to the father (22:16-17).
This is a natural result of a polygamous society.
Promiscuous behavior is not acceptable
Deut 22:21; 23:2), but it is not called adultery
if the woman is not married. In the Bible the
wife is an extension of the husband, and his
name is damaged through adultery. In other
cultures the wife was considered property,
and this would merely have been a case of
damaged goods. Nonetheless, in Egypt (marriage
contracts), Mesopotamia (hymns to
Ninurta and Shamash) and Canaan (king of
*Ugarit extradites and executes his wife),
adultery was regularly referred to as “the
great sin” and was considered extremely detrimental
to society in that it was characteristic
of anarchy. *Hittite laws, Middle *Assyrian
laws and the Code of *Hammurabi all contain
legislation against adultery. The protection of
the integrity of the family unit was important
because the family was the foundation of society.
Compromise or collapse of the family
meant compromise or collapse of society.
20:15. eighth commandment. Property theft is
prevented by the tenth commandment one
step before the act. Though the verb used here
in the eighth commandment can be used of
stealing property, the command is much
broader in its focus. Issues such as kidnapping
(cf. Deut 24:7 as well as stealing intangibles
(dignity, self-respect, freedom, rights) are all
important. The word is also used for stealing
in the sense of cheating—by cheating someone
out of something, you are stealing from
him.
20:16. ninth commandment. The terminology
indicates the main focus is on formal
slander and libel and is concerned primarily
with the legal setting. The maintenance of
justice was dependent on the reliability of
the witness. Nevertheless, character assassination
in any of its forms, legal or casual,
would constitute false witness and would
97 EXODUS 20:12-17—21:2
be a violation of this commandment.
Exodus 20:12-17—21:2 20:17. tenth commandment. In the ancient
Near East the concept of coveting occurs in expressions
such as “to lift the eyes”—but it is a
crime that can be detected and punished only
when the desire is translated into action. Ancient
Near Eastern literature shows that offenses
such as theft and adultery can be
described generally in terms of the desire that
triggered the chain of events. Whatever action
it spawns, this illegitimate desire for something
that belongs to someone else is the core
of the problem and a threat to the community;
any action taken to fulfil such a desire is sin.
20:18. thunder and lightning. Thunder and
lightning were considered to regularly accompany
the presence of a deity in the ancient
Near East, though that is often in a battle setting,
not a revelation setting, since the gods of
the ancient Near East were not accustomed to
revealing themselves.
20:24-26
Altars
20:24. altar of earth. Some altars of this period
were made of mud bricks, and that is perhaps
what the text refers to when it speaks of
altars of earth. Another possibility is that it
refers to altars that had outer walls of stone
but were filled with earth. No altars in the Bible
are said to have been built of earth, and
no altars of earth have been found by archaeologists.
20:25. altar of stones. Stones, if used, were not
to be hewn. Unhewn stone was used for the
Israelite altar uncovered by archaeologists at
Arad, though altars at sites such as Dan and
Beersheba feature ashlar masonry (a type of
worked stone).
20:26. priestly modesty. Ritual nudity was
widespread in the ancient Near East, whereas
here every precaution is taken to assure modesty.
Early Canaanite altars with steps are
known from sites such as Megiddo. Israelite
law also preserved modesty by legislating
longer tunics and prescribing undergarments
for the priests.
Exodus 20:17—21:2
21:1—23:19
The Book of the Covenant
21:1—23:19. casuistic law. The principal form
of law found throughout the ancient Near
East was case or *casuistic law. It is characterized
by an “if . . . then” clause, which is based
on the idea of cause and effect. In the Israelite
law codes, case law assumes the equality of all
citizens, and thus punishment for crime is not
hindered or magnified by class or wealth. This
is not the case, however, in ancient Mesopotamia,
where in *Hammurabi’s code (c. 1750
B.C.) different degrees of punishments (from
fines to execution) were prescribed for slaves,
citizens and members of the nobility. Case law
can be traced in its origins to *apodictic (command)
laws, such as those found in the Ten
Commandments. As persons committed
crimes under varying circumstances, it became
necessary to go beyond the simple statute
“Do not steal” to take into account such
things as time of day and the value of what
had been stolen.
21:1—23:19. nature of the book of the covenant.
The law code found in Exodus 21—23 is
referred to as the “book of the *covenant” and
is probably the oldest example of *casuistic
law in the Bible. It deals with a wide variety of
legal situations (slavery, theft, adultery) and
tends to impose fairly harsh sentences (nine
require execution), many of which are based
on the principle of lex talionis, “an eye for an
eye.” The laws anticipate the range of life situations
that would be faced in the village culture
of the settlement and early monarchy
period. They regulate business, marriage
practice and personal responsibility. Their
tone is less theological than the law collections
in Leviticus and Deuteronomy.
21:2. Hebrew. The term Hebrew is used to designate
an Israelite who has become landless
and destitute. Although this person may be
forced to sell himself or his family into debt
slavery, he retains his rights as a member of
the community and cannot be held in perpetual
servitude. He is to be released, debt-free,
after six years of labor.
21:2-6. debt slavery. Because of the fragile nature
of the environment in much of the ancient
Near East, farmers and small landowners often
found themselves in debt. Their problems
could magnify if a drought and resulting poor
harvests continued over more than one year,
and they could be forced to sell their land and
property and eventually even their family and
themselves. Israelite law takes this situation
into account by providing a fair period of labor
service to the creditor as well as a time
limit on servitude for the debt slave. No one
could serve more than six years, and when
they were freed they went out debt-free. This
would have been a good solution for some,
but without their land to return to, many may
have chosen to remain in the service of their
creditor or to move to the cities to find jobs or
join the military.
21:2-6. slave laws compared to ancient Near
East. Israelite slave laws tend to be more hu-
EXODUS 21:5-19 98
mane than those found elsewhere in the ancient
Near East. For instance, no slave could
be kept in perpetual servitude without the
permission of the slave. Escaped slaves did
not have to be returned to their masters. In
Mesopotamia a slave (generally obtained
through warfare) could be freed by his master
or he could purchase his freedom. Hammurabi’s
laws set a time limit of three years on a
debt slave, compared to six years in Exodus
21:2. Slaves were not given equal rights, and
their punishment for injuring a free man was
much more severe than if a free man injured
him.
21:5-6. ear pierced on doorpost. Entrance
ways are sacred and legally significant spots.
When a slave chose to remain in slavery in order
to preserve a family that he had established
while in servitude, it would be appropriate
to bring him to his master’s doorway
and then symbolically attach the slave to that
place by driving an awl through his earlobe
into the doorpost. It is possible that a ring was
then placed on the ear to mark him as a perpetual
slave.
21:7-11. sale of daughter into slavery. When a
daughter was sold into slavery by her father,
this was intended both as a payment of debt
and as a way of obtaining a husband for her
without a dowry. She has more rights than a
male in the sense that she can be freed from
slavery if her master does not provide her
with food, clothing and marital rights. Selling
children into slavery is attested across Mesopotamia
in nearly every time period.
21:10. minimum provision. Since perpetual
slavery was generally reserved for foreigners
and prisoners of war, those persons who sold
themselves into slavery because of debt were
protected by law from being abused by their
creditors. The law determines that six years is
sufficient to pay off any debts and that the
debt slave is to be released in the seventh year
(a clear parallel with the seven-day creation
cycle). *Hammurabi’s law requires that a debt
slave be released after three years of service,
thus providing a Mesopotamian precedent for
this procedure.
21:10-11. wife’s provisions. Provision for a
woman in one’s charge throughout the ancient
Near East consisted of food, clothing and
oil. The third in the series here (NIV: “marital
rights”) is an attempt to translate a word that
occurs only here in the Old Testament. The
frequent occurrence of “oil” in that position in
numerous ancient Near Eastern documents
has led some to suspect that the word in the
Hebrew text might also be an obscure term for
oil (compare Hos 2:7; Eccles 9:7-9.
21:12. capital punishment. Capital punishment
is required in those cases where the culprit
is a threat to the well-being and the safety
of the community. Thus murder, disrespect for
parents (abuse), adultery and false worship
are capital crimes, because they injure persons
and corrupt the fabric of society. The principle
involved assumes that leniency would encourage
others to commit these crimes. Stoning
is the usual form of execution. In this way
no one person is responsible for the culprit’s
death, but the entire community has participated
in the elimination of evil.
21:13. place of sanctuary. In those instances
where unintentional homicide is committed,
the person involved is given a chance to claim
sanctuary in an appointed place, usually an
altar or a shrine (see Num 35:12; Deut 4:41-43;
19:1-13; Josh 20. This protects him from the
deceased’s family and gives the authorities
time to hear witnesses and make a judgment.
The continued grant of sanctuary would then
depend on whether the killing was judged a
murder or an accidental death. Eventually, the
number of places of sanctuary had to be increased
as the size of the nation grew.
21:15, 17. cursing parents. Contrary to the NIV
translation, studies have demonstrated that
the infraction here is not cursing but treating
with contempt. This is a more general category
and would certainly include the prohibition
of 21:15 that forbids striking a parent and
would be the opposite of the fifth commandment
to “honor your father and your mother”
(20:12). Each injunction is designed to protect
the cohesion of the family unit as well as insure
that each subsequent generation provide
their parents with the respect, food and protection
they deserve (see Deut 21:18-21. Mesopotamian
law codes and legal documents
are also clear on the issue of treating parents
with contempt. The *Sumerian laws allow a
son who disowns his parents to be sold as a
slave. *Hammurabi requires the amputation
of the hand of a man who strikes his father. A
will from *Ugarit describes a son’s behavior
using the same verb used in this verse and
stipulates disinheritance.
Exodus 21:5-19 21:16. kidnapping (slave trade). Kidnapping
occasionally occurred because of the failure to
pay a debt, but more often it was simply a part
of the illicit slave trade. Mesopotamian and
biblical law both require the death penalty for
this crime. Such a harsh penalty reflects concern
for individual freedom as well as protection
against the raiding of weak households.
21:18-19. personal injury laws compared to
ancient Near East. Liability for personal injury
done as a result of a quarrel and not due to
99 EXODUS 21:20—22:1
premeditated action is similar in the Bible and
the codes of the ancient Near East. In both cases
the injured party is entitled to compensation
for medical expenses. There are some
additions to this provision in each of the
codes. The Exodus passage hinges on whether
the injured person recovers enough to walk
without a staff. *Hammurabi deals with the
subsequent death of the injured person and
the fine to be paid, based on social status. The
*Hittite code requires that a man be sent to
manage the injured person’s house until he recovers.
21:20-21. human rights (slave as property).
The basic human right to life means that no
death can go unpunished. Thus when a
slave’s owner beats him to death, an unspecified
penalty is imposed. Such an assurance of
punishment is designed to prevent such extreme
abuse. However, there is no penalty if
the slave recovers from his beating. The assumption
is that the owner has the right to
discipline his slaves, since they are his property.
Their human rights are restricted, in this respect,
because of their status.
21:22. miscarriage. Several ancient law codes
include this statute penalizing a man for causing
a woman to have a miscarriage. The variation
between them generally depends on the
status of the woman (*Hammurabi’s laws indicate
a small fine for injuring a slave woman;
*Middle Assyrian laws specify a large fine, fifty
lashes and a month’s labor service for injuring
a citizen’s daughter), or the intent behind
the injury (*Sumerian laws prescribe a fine for
accidental injury and impose a much larger
fine for deliberate injury). The Exodus law
hinges on whether there is any further harm
to the mother beyond the loss of the fetus and
imposes a fine based on the claim of the husband
and the pronouncement of the judges.
The object of the fine is to compensate for the
injury to the mother rather than the death of
the fetus. However, Middle Assyrian law demands
compensation for the death of the fetus
with another life.
Exodus 21:20—22:1 21:23-25. lex talionis. The legal principle of lex
talionis, “an eye for an eye,” is based on the
idea of reciprocity and appropriate retaliation
(see Lev 24:10-20. Ideally, when an injury is
done to another person, the way to provide
true justice is to cause an equal injury to the
culprit. Although this may seem extreme, it in
fact limits the punishment which can be inflicted
on the person accused of the injury. It
cannot exceed the damage done. Since most
personal liability laws involve the payment of
a fine rather than a retaliatory body injury, it is
most likely that the talion statement is a designated
limit on compensation, with a value assigned
to each item injured (see the laws of
*Eshnunna, which set fines for the nose, finger,
hand and foot). The talion is also found in
its basic form in *Hammurabi’s code 196-97,
but the laws following that section contain
variations based on the social status (free or
slave or member of nobility) of the persons involved.
In most cases the talion is applied
when there is premeditated intent to do harm.
21:22-36. personal liability. There is a great
emphasis placed on personal liability in the
ancient Near East. In order to protect the person
and that person’s ability to work, very detailed
statutes are written to deal with every
conceivable injury done by human hand or by
a person’s property. The classic example is the
case of the goring ox. In addition to Exodus, it
is found in the laws of *Eshnunna and *Hammurabi,
where the penalty for allowing a
known gorer to run loose is a fine. The biblical
example, however, requires that both the ox
and his owner be stoned to death. Similar
laws involving failure of an owner to deal
with a known danger, include vicious dogs
(Eshnunna), building code violations (Eshnunna;
Ex 21:33-34, and injury to valuable animals
by another animal or a human (*Lipit-
Ishtar; Hammurabi—veterinary malpractice).
Generally, these crimes are punishable by
fines based on the degree of injury and the
value of person or animal injured.
21:26-36. penalties for personal liability. The
penalties imposed in cases of personal liability
generally depend on who or what was injured.
If a slave owner abuses his slaves to the
point that he mutilates them—destroying an
eye or knocking out a tooth—then the slave is
freed in compensation. In cases where a death
occurs, the circumstances decide the punishment.
If an owner is aware of a dangerous situation
and fails to do anything, then his life is
forfeited if someone is killed due to his negligence.
Similarly, if valuable animals are
harmed or destroyed, then the owner who is
responsible must provide equal compensation.
There is latitude in the law, however, in
cases where an owner is unaware of a potential
danger and is thus not fully responsible
for loss or injury.
22:1-4. theft in the ancient Near East. Theft
can be defined as appropriation of goods or
real property without legal consent. The number
and specificity of the laws regarding theft
in the ancient Near East suggest that it was a
real problem. There are cases of burglary
(22:2-3; *Hammurabi), robbery (Hammurabi),
looting during a fire (Hammurabi), and use of
property or natural resources without permis-
EXODUS 22:1—22:18 100
sion (e.g., illegal grazing in 22:5 and Hammurabi).
The “paperwork-oriented” Mesopotamian
culture placed a great deal of importance
on contracts, bills of sale and the corroboration
of witnesses to the sale (Hammurabi).
These business practices, which were designed
to prevent fraud, are also mentioned in
the biblical text, but more often in narrative
Gen 23:16; Jer 32:8-15 than in the law codes.
There are also instances where an oath is taken
in cases where physical evidence is unavailable
or responsibility for loss is uncertain
(22:10-13; Hammurabi). In this way, God is solicited
as a witness and the person taking the
oath is laying himself open to divine justice.
22:1-4. penalties for theft. Prescribed punishments
for theft vary based on the identity of
the owner and the value of the property stolen.
In *Hammurabi’s laws the death penalty
is required for persons who steal from the
temple or the palace. However, this is reduced
to a fine of thirty times the value of the property
stolen if the victim is a government or
temple official and ten times the value for
property of a citizen. This same law imposes
the death penalty for a thief who fails to pay
the fine. Exodus 22:3 tempers this by having
the thief sold as a slave to compensate for the
loss. These penalties, with their heavy fines or
death sentences, suggest how seriously the society
took this crime.
22:2-3. burglary. It is assumed that people
have a right to defend themselves and their
property from theft. Thus when a burglar enters
a house at night and is killed by the homeowner,
this is considered a case of selfdefense
(for instance in *Ur-Nammu’s laws).
That changes, however, if the break-in occurs
during the day, because the homeowner could
more clearly see the degree of threat and
could call for help. *Hammurabi’s laws add a
symbolic deterrent to its burglary injunction
by having the body of an executed burglar
walled up in the hole he had dug in the mudbrick
wall of his intended victim.
Exodus 22:1—22:18 22:5-15. property liability. In most cases, liability
for property damage or loss was based
on circumstances or contracts. Restitution was
generally based on the loss of real property
(animals, grain, fruit) or the loss of productivity,
if fields or orchards were damaged or taken
out of production. There was also a clear sense
of responsibility in cases based on negligence.
Examples include the unchecked spread of
fire, rampaging animals or the failure to maintain
dams or irrigation systems. In each of
these cases the person who allowed dangerous
defects to persist or who did not keep a
rein on the movement of his animals was required
to pay restitution for any loses incurred
(as in *Hammurabi and *Ur-Nammu).
Not all loss was covered, however. In some
cases, claims for loss were dismissed due to
unforeseeable events or because they were included
in rental agreements (22:13, 15).
22:5-15. penalties for property liability. Since
loss of or damage to property can be computed
in real terms, penalties in cases involving
property liability were designed to provide
just restitution of monetary value. According
to the biblical statutes, this would sometimes
be left up to the judges to determine. In other
cases a set amount of double the value of the
lost item is imposed. There is more specificity
in the Mesopotamian codes, where the exact
nature of the damage to a rental animal is listed
with the appropriate compensation (as in
*Lipit-Ishtar) and the exact amount of grain
per acre in a flooded field is prescribed
(*Hammurabi).
22:16. marriage pledge. Families negotiated
marriage contracts that provided a bride price
from the groom’s family and a dowry from
the bride’s household. Once the couple was
betrothed or pledged to each other, they were
considered legally bound to the contract. Thus
the penalty for rape depended on whether the
woman was (1) a virgin and (2) pledged to be
married.
22:16-17. bride price. The groom’s household
paid the bride price as part of the marriage
agreement. This price would vary based on
whether the woman was a virgin or had been
married before. In this case the price for a virgin
is required even though she has been
raped.
22:16-17. premarital sex perspective. Premarital
sex was discouraged for several reasons:
(1) it usurped the authority of the father to arrange
the marriage contract, (2) it diminished
the potential value of the bride price, and (3) it
prevented the husband from being assured
that his first child was indeed his offspring.
This law regulated illicit premarital sex by imposing
a forced marriage on the culprit and/
or a fine equal to the bride price for a virgin.
In this way the father would be spared the
embarrassment and loss of revenue when negotiating
a contract for a daughter who is no
longer a virgin.
22:18. sorceress. Practitioners of magic were
outlawed on pain of death within the Israelite
community (see Lev 19:31; 20:27). Each law
concerning them is in *apodictic or command
form. This total intolerance may be due to
their association with Canaanite religion or
simply because their arts represented a challenge
to God’s supremacy over creation.
101 EXODUS 22:19-27
22:19. bestiality. Also written in command
form are the laws forbidding sexual relations
with animals (see Lev 21:15-16; Deut 17:21.
Bestiality, like homosexuality, violates the basic
injunction to be fruitful and multiply (Gen
1:28; 9:1). It also blurs the categories of creation
by intermixing species. Such acts are
also forbidden in the *Hittite laws.
22:21. vulnerability of aliens. The injunction
to protect the “alien” is always based on the
remembrance of the exodus and the alien status
of the Israelites before they settled in Palestine
(see Deut 24:17-22. It is also based on
the image of God as the ultimate protector of
the weak—whether that be the entire nation
or the most vulnerable members of society.
Humane treatment of aliens follows the spirit
of the hospitality code, but it also recognizes a
class of persons who are not citizens and who
could be subject to discrimination or abuse if
special provision were not made for them.
22:22-24. vulnerability of orphans. Orphans,
aliens and widows formed the three classes of
powerless persons in ancient society. God
took special care of these people because of
their basic vulnerability, requiring that they
not be oppressed and cursing those who did
oppress with the threat of becoming orphans
themselves. The frequency of war, famine and
disease insured that there would always be a
large number of orphans. Although they
could contribute to the general work force,
they would have had to be adopted for them
to inherit property or to learn a skill as an apprentice
(as in *Hammurabi’s laws).
Exodus 22:19-27 22:22-24. vulnerability of widows. Like aliens
and orphans, widows were often dependent
on charity for survival. All three groups needed
protection under the law because they
were powerless to protect themselves. They
were allowed to glean in fields, orchards and
vineyards Deut 24:19-21, and they retained
their dignity as a protected class through divine
statute. They could not inherit their husband’s
property, and their dowry would have
been used to support their children (as in
*Hammurabi’s laws). In some cases they were
owed levirate obligation by their deceased
husband’s family (see Deut 25:5-10; *Hittite
laws), but otherwise they would be forced to
seek employment or attempt to arrange a new
marriage (see Ruth).
22:22-24. treatment of vulnerable classes.
Based on the statements in the prologues of
the *Ur-Nammu code and the Code of *Hammurabi,
it is clear that kings considered it part
of their role as “wise rulers” to protect the
rights of the poor, the widow and the orphan.
Similarly, in the Egyptian Tale of the Eloquent
Peasant, the plaintiff begins by identifying his
judge as “the father of the orphan, the husband
of the widow.” Individual statutes (seen
in several Middle *Assyrian laws) protect a
widow’s right to remarry and provide for her
when her husband is taken prisoner and presumed
dead. In this way the vulnerable classes
are provided for throughout the ancient
Near East. Only the “alien” is not specifically
mentioned outside the Bible. This is not to say
that hospitality codes did not apply elsewhere,
but this category is tied in the Bible to
the unique exodus experience.
22:25. charging interest. Two principles are
evident in the restriction on charging interest
on loans: (1) a village-based, agricultural people
realize they must depend on each other to
survive, and (2) interest payments are a phenomenon
of the city-based merchants with
whom farmers sometimes had to deal and
who were not concerned with the village community
(see Hos 12:7-8. Thus to maintain
their sense of the equality of all Israelites and
to prevent growing antagonism between rural
and urban citizens (see Neh 5:7, 10-11 and
Ezek 22:12 for violations of the law), charging
interest of Israelites had to be outlawed (see
Lev 25:35-38; Deut 23:19. Only loans to non-
Israelites could accrue interest Deut 23:20.
This stands in contrast to the more familiar
business practices employed elsewhere and to
the systematic listing of interest that can be
charged on loans in the laws of *Eshnunna
and *Hammurabi.
22:25. moneylending practices. Just as is the
case today, farmers, craftsmen and businessmen
borrowed amounts from moneylenders
to finance the next year’s planting, an expanded
working area or a new business venture.
All of these loans were made at interest, and,
if the law codes are to be taken as community
standards, the interest rates were set by law.
The laws of *Eshnunna provide technical details
on the rate of exchange on interest payments
in either barley or silver. The produce
of a field could be given as collateral on a loan
(*Hammurabi), but if a natural disaster occurred,
provision was made to cancel interest
payments (Hammurabi). To prevent fraudulent
practices, moneylenders were not allowed
to harvest fields or orchards to claim
what was owed to them. Instead the owner
did the harvesting and thus insured that only
the proper amount was paid; interest could
not exceed 20 percent (Hammurabi).
22:26-27. cloak as pledge. Day laborers regularly
pledged their garment as collateral
against a full day’s work. In many cases it was
their only extra covering besides their loin-
EXODUS 22:28—23:11 102
cloth. Thus the law requires it to be returned
at the end of the day so that they are not left
without protection against the night’s chill
(see Deut 24:12-13; Amos 2:8. If it were not returned
to them, they would have to give up
their free status and sell themselves as slaves.
A late-seventh-century B.C. Hebrew inscription
from Yavneh-Yam contains a plea by a
field worker that his garment had been unjustly
taken. He asks that his rights and his
free status be returned to him along with the
robe.
22:28. blasphemy of God or ruler. The Hebrew
here allows for a translation of either
“God” or “the judges,” neither of whom
should be ignored or slighted. Both judges
and rulers (a chieftain was elected by the elders
and certified in the position by God prior
to the monarchy) were to be respected. Failure
to do so cast doubt on the authority of the elders
and God to chose a ruler and thus was
punishable by death (see 2 Sam 19:9; 1 Kings
21:10). Blasphemy, the rejection of God’s divine
presence and power, is also a capital offense
Lev 24:15-16.
22:29. offerings from granaries. Cities stored
the harvest in huge, stone-lined granary pits,
and villagers had smaller versions cut out of
the native limestone near their houses. A portion
of every harvest was to be set aside as an
offering to God. This injunction reminds the
people to provide that offering before they
filled and sealed their storage containers.
22:29. sacrifice of firstborn. The common belief
was that fertility could be assured only if
the firstborn of the flock and of every family
was sacrificed to God (see 13:2; Lev 27:26. Israelite
religion forbade human sacrifice, substituting
an animal in place of the child (see
Gen 22, and the service of the Levites in place
of the dedicated firstborn Num 3:12-13.
22:30. eighth day. The requirement that animals
not be taken from their mothers and sacrificed
until the eighth day after birth (see Lev
22:27) may be (1) a parallel with the *circumcision
of sons on the eighth day Gen 17:12, (2)
a sign of humane treatment of animals or (3)
an attempt to key sacrifice to the completion
of a seven-day creation cycle.
Exodus 22:28—23:11 22:31. meat from dead animal. As a sign that
they are “set apart” as a people of God, the Israelites
are restricted from eating food which
may ritually contaminate them. Thus an animal
that has been killed by other beasts may
not be eaten because of the contact of the flesh
with predators, which may be impure, and the
uncertainty that its blood has been completely
drained (see Lev 17:15.
22:31. dogs. Packs of feral dogs are often associated
with eating carrion Ps 59:6; 1 Kings
14:11). They scavenged in the streets and in
the refuge piles on the outskirts of towns and
villages. Dogs are often identified as impure,
and the word is used in taunting an enemy or
taking an oath 1 Sam 17:43; 2 Sam 16:9.
23:1-9. preserving integrity in justice system.
Any justice system is subject to abuse when its
officials are corrupt. To preserve the integrity
of the legal process in Israel, judges are admonished
to provide equal justice to all, not
execute judgment on the guiltless and not take
bribes. Witnesses are warned against giving
false testimony and thus contributing to the
conviction of the innocent. All Israelites are reminded
of their responsibility to help their
neighbor and to treat the alien with hospitality
and fairness. In this way persons will feel
confident in speaking to judges and can be assured
of getting a fair hearing. Additionally
everyone can rest easier knowing that their
person and their property are the concern of
all citizens.
23:1-9. vulnerability of the poor in ancient
Near East. Because most cultures of the ancient
Near East were class conscious, the poor
were not always treated with the same equity
as the rich and powerful. *Hammurabi did describe
himself as a “devout, god-fearing
prince” who brought justice to the land and
protected the weak, but there are sufficient
suggestions of abuse in the law codes and in
wisdom literature to suggest that all was not
well. The Egyptian Teachings of Amenemope includes
admonitions against stealing from the
poor, cheating the cripple and poaching on a
widow’s field. The speech of the “eloquent
peasant” (Middle Kingdom Egypt, 2134-1786
B.C.) reminds a magistrate that he is to be a father
to the orphan and a husband to the widow.
23:8. bribes in ancient world. Bribes include
any income which is acquired by government
officials and judges through illegal means.
They are generally received in support of a legal
claim and are designed to influence the decision
on that claim. Because this is a
subversion of justice, this practice is universally
and officially condemned in the ancient
world. The Code of *Hammurabi disbars a
judge who changes a sealed judgment, and
Hammurabi’s royal correspondence refers to
the punishment of an official who received a
bribe. The biblical text includes legal prohibitions
(23:8; Deut 16:19, and bribery of judges
is condemned in the prophets Is 1:23; Mic
3:11).
23:10-11. fallow year. Leaving the land fallow
in the seventh year follows the pattern of the
103 EXODUS 23:13-21
creation story and God’s rest on the seventh
day. It is likely that Israelite farmers set aside
as fallow one-seventh of their fields each year
rather than leaving all of their land fallow for
an entire year. In Mesopotamia fields were left
fallow even more frequently to limit the impact
of the salt in the water used for irrigation.
The practice also helps to prevent exhaustion
of the nutrients in the soil. The social welfare
aspect of the law (more directly explained in
Lev 25:1-7, 18-22; see comments there) provides
one more expression of concern for the
poor.
23:13. invoking the names of other gods. In
making sacrifices and participating in everyday
activities like plowing or building a
house, it was common practice in the ancient
Near East to invoke the name of a god to bless
their actions. To prevent the Israelites from
practicing polytheism, it was necessary to ban
the use of the names of other gods or to acknowledge
their existence (see 20:3). Only
Yahweh could be called upon for help and
blessing.
23:15. Feast of Unleavened Bread. The Feast
of Unleavened Bread signals the beginning of
the barley harvest (March-April). Unleavened
bread was made from the newly harvested
grain and celebrated as the first sign of coming
harvests that year. What was probably
originally a Canaanite agricultural celebration
was associated with the exodus and the Passover
festival by the Israelites.
23:16. Feast of Harvest. This second of the
three harvest festivals comes seven weeks after
the harvest of the early grain (34:22; Deut
16:9-12) and is better known as the Feast of
Weeks or Pentecost. In the agricultural cycle it
marks the end of the wheat harvest season,
and by tradition it is tied to the giving of the
law on Mount Sinai. It is also associated with
*covenant renewal and pilgrimage. Celebration
includes the bringing of a “wave offering”
of two loaves of bread and a basket of
ripe fruit in thanksgiving for a good harvest.
23:16. Feast of Ingathering. The final harvest
of the year occurred in the autumn prior to the
onset of the rainy season and marked the beginning
of a new agricultural year. At this
time the last of the ripening grain and fruits
were gathered and stored. The seven-day
event is also known as the Feast of Tabernacles
and is symbolized by the construction of
booths for the harvesters. The festival was tied
into Israelite tradition as a commemoration of
the wilderness wanderings. It was also the occasion
for the dedication of Solomon’s temple
in Jerusalem 1 Kings 8:65.
23:17. pilgrimage obligation. The requirement
that all Israelite families (see Deut 16:11,
14) appear before God at the temple three
times a year is tied to the agricultural calendar
and the three major harvest festivals: Feast of
Unleavened Bread, Feast of Harvest and Feast
of Ingathering. This religious obligation
would have been the occasion for fairs, the adjudication
of legal disputes, the contracting of
marriages and the rites of purification for
those who had been physically or spiritually
contaminated.
23:18. no yeast mixed in blood sacrifice. Yeast
and leavened dough were strictly prohibited
from use in animal sacrifice. This is based on
the association of yeast with the process of
corruption. Sacrificial blood, associated with
life, might therefore be debased or corrupted
if brought into contact with leaven.
23:18. handling of fat. The fatty portions of
the animal sacrifice which were attached to
the stomach and intestines were reserved for
God’s portion (29:12-13; Lev 3:16-17. They
were not to be saved or put aside for the night,
because they, like blood, contained the essence
of life.
23:19. first fruits. The first produce of the harvest,
associated with the Feast of Harvest, was
to be brought to God as a sacrifice. This represented
both thanksgiving as well as a symbolic
portion of what was to come in the
autumnal harvest (see Deut 26:2-11.
23:19. goat in mother’s milk. The prohibition
against cooking a young goat (perhaps symbolic
of all young animals) in its mother’s
milk has been interpreted as a reaction against
Canaanite or other foreign religious practices
(see 34:26 and Deut 14:21. The regular birth of
goats near the Feast of Ingathering and their
inclusion in celebratory meals may be the basis
of this law. It may also be based on an injunction
to treat animals humanely, since an
animal still nursing may have mother’s milk
in its stomach. There is also the consideration
that mother’s milk contains blood and would
therefore corrupt either sacrificial meat or
meals.
Exodus 23:13-21
23:20-33
Bringing Israel to the Land
23:20. angel preparing way. The promise of an
angel preparing the way for the people follows
the narrative pattern of divine presence
and guidance that is first set by the pillar of
cloud and the pillar of fire in the exodus event
(13:21-22).
23:21. my Name is in him. The “messenger”
or angel sent by God is an extension of God
himself, representing a continuous presence
EXODUS 23:23—24:8 104
with the people of Israel. Since names and
naming (see Gen 2:19; 17:5) were considered
powerful in the ancient world (see 9:16; Lev
19:12), to say that Yahweh has invested his
Name in this angel is to say that it is to be
obeyed just as God is to be obeyed. All of
God’s presence and power is to be found in
this messenger. He is to be trusted to do what
God has promised.
23:23. peoples of Canaan. The list of peoples
who inhabit Canaan is representative of the
diverse ethnic character of that area. Because
Canaan serves as a land bridge between Mesopotamia
and Egypt, it has always attracted
settlers from many different groups.
23:24. sacred stones. Among the objects that
were erected at cultic sites in Canaan were altars,
sacred poles and sacred stones. The latter
were huge standing stones that represented
the power of a local god. They occur alone as
well as in groups.
23:28. hornet. The term which is translated
“hornet” (see Deut 7:20; Josh 24:12 may be a
form of divine “terror” like the plagues in
Egypt. Egyptian and *Assyrian texts and reliefs
portray the god as a winged disk terrifying
the enemy before the arrival of their own
armies. It may also be a pun based on its similarity
to the word for Egypt (zirah and
mizraim) and thus reflect Yahweh’s use of
Egyptian military campaigns in Canaan that
weakened the area and made the Israelite settlement
possible.
23:31. borders of the land. The limits of the
Promised Land are set at the Red Sea (Gulf of
Aqaba) or the border of Egypt to the southwest,
the coast of the Mediterranean Sea on
the west, and the Euphrates River and Mesopotamia
on the east. At no time, even during
Solomon’s reign, did the nation actually include
this much territory. However, given an
ideal image, which includes all of the land between
the two superpowers of the time, these
borders are logical.
Exodus 23:23—24:8
24:1-18
Ratification of Covenant
24:1. seventy elders. These men are the appointed
representatives of the tribes. Their
place here with Moses, Aaron and Aaron’s
sons is as *covenantal representatives. Their
voice, like their number (seventy), stands for
the nation as a whole accepting the covenant.
24:4. writing. Evidence of writing systems
does not appear until about 3100 B.C. in the
ancient Near East. Both Egyptian hieroglyphic
and Mesopotamian *cuneiform scripts were
syllabic and complex, thus creating the need
for professional scribes who would read and
write for the illiterate majority. The earliest examples
of alphabetic script in the world are
found in the region of Sinai (Serabit el-
Khadim) during the mid-second millennium
(these inscriptions are designated proto-Sinaitic;
the Canaanite counterparts are called
proto-Canaanite). Every alphabet in the world
derives from this early script. The invention of
alphabetic writing dramatically increased the
literacy rate. Writing was used from its inception
for business documents, treaties, histories,
literature and religious works. The
medium for writing was baked clay tablets in
Mesopotamia and papyrus scrolls in Egypt.
Monumental inscriptions were carved into
stone in both areas. Unfortunately most of the
documents written on papyrus or animal
skins have decayed or been destroyed over
the centuries. Writing something down was
not only a way of preserving the memory of a
transaction but also represented the conclusion
of a treaty or *covenant (as in the case of
this verse), and the act itself initiated the
terms of the agreement.
24:4. altar and twelve pillars. The erection of
an altar and pillars is part of the *covenantmaking
ceremony. They represent the presence
of God and the twelve Israelite tribes
who have come together to solemnly pledge
their allegiance to each other through written
treaty and sacrificial act (see Gen 31:45-54 and
Josh 24:27 for similar commemorative pillars).
24:5. fellowship offering. This type of offering
fits well into a *covenant ceremony, since
it is designed to be shared with the participants.
Only a portion was completely burned
on the altar while the rest served as a meal
consummating the treaty agreement between
the people and God.
24:6. sprinkling blood on the altar. Blood, as
the essence of the life force, belongs to God
the Creator. Thus the blood drained from sacrificial
animals was nearly always poured
back on the altar. In this way the people were
reminded of the sanctity of life and the giver
of life.
24:7. book of the covenant. A public reading
of the terms of the *covenant was a part of every
covenant-renewal ceremony (see Josh
24:25-27; 2 Kings 23:2; Neh 8:5-9. In this way
the law which had been given to them was recited,
acknowledged and put into effect from
that point on for the people of Israel. A number
of *Hittite treaties from this time also stipulate
that the agreement should be read aloud
periodically.
24:8. sprinkling blood on the people. The use
105 EXODUS 24:10—25:6
of sacrificial blood to sprinkle the people is
unusual and occurs elsewhere only in the ordination
ceremony of Aaron and his sons (Lev
8). A special bond is established through these
symbolic acts marking the people as God’s
own. It may be that the twelve standing stones
actually received the shower of blood, since
they represented the people and could all be
sprinkled at once.
24:10. saw the God of Israel. Seeing God face
to face (a *theophany) is always described as
dangerous Gen 16:7-13; 28:16-17; 32:24-30;
Judg 6:22-23. Here the representatives of the
Israelites conclude the *covenant ceremony
with a meal. God’s presence, in this instance,
however, raises no danger to them. They are
there at God’s bidding and under divine protection.
24:10. sapphire pavement. Since the blue
gemstone sapphire was unknown in the ancient
Near East, this richly decorated pavement
was most likely made of lapis lazuli
(brought by traders from Afghanistan). It was
used to trim royal audience chambers and
thrones (see Ezek 1:26. Some first-millennium
Mesopotamian texts whose traditions are
thought to go back to the Kassite period speak
of three heavens. Each level of heaven is described
as having a particular type of stone as
its pavement. The middle heavens are said to
be paved with saggilmud-stone, which has the
appearance of lapis lazuli. This was believed
to give the sky its blue color. The middle heavens
were where most of the gods had their residence.
24:12. tablets of stone. It was common practice
in the ancient Near East to record important
documents, law codes and the heroic military
campaign annals of kings on stone (see comment
on 32:15-16 for more on stone tablets).
The stone tablets given to Moses by God on
Mount Sinai follow this pattern. Unfortunately,
there is no certainty about what was written
on them, although the tradition that it is the
Ten Commandments is very old. The original
tablets are destroyed (32:19) and then replaced
by God (34:1). The second set were housed in
the ark of the *covenant Deut 10:5.
24:18. 40 as approximation? The number forty
appears many times as a number of completion,
signifying the passage of the appropriate
amount of time: a generation Gen 25:20, the
age of a mature man (2:11), the period in the
wilderness (16:35; Num 14:33, the rule of a
judge or chief Judg 3:11; 13:1). The regularity
with which this symbolic number is used suggests
it has both cultural and literary significance
and is therefore not to be taken precisely
in most instances.
25:1—27:21
The Tabernacle and Its Furniture
25:3. precious metals. Gold, silver and bronze
represent the most important metals and alloys
available to the Israelites in the premonarchic
period. They were commodities of
exchange and were used to fashion jewelry,
cultic objects and incense altars. In this instance
they represent the willingness of the
people to contribute their most precious items
to the construction and furnishing of the tabernacle.
25:4. colored yarns. Only the most precious
items were to be used to decorate the tabernacle.
Dyes, some made from the glandular fluid
of sea mollusks and certain plants, were extremely
expensive and were generally imported.
The colors listed here are in descending
order of expense and desirability: blue, purple,
scarlet.
25:4. linen. Like other fabrics, the linen made
from beaten flax was produced in various
grades of fineness. Coarser linen was used for
sailcloth, headgear and tunics. The term used
here is for the “finest linen,” which was used
to garb Egyptian officials (Joseph in Gen
41:42) and in this case is to be used to furnish
the tabernacle (see 26:31, 36; 38:9).
25:5. red dye. The tanning process is not often
mentioned in the biblical text. It involved the
use of lime, tree bark and plant juices, and required
a ready water supply. In this case, it is
possible that the ram skins were either tanned
or dyed red or both through the manufacturing
process.
Exodus 24:10—25:6 25:5. sea cows (dolphins?). Both sea cows (a
herbivorous mammal—dugong) and dolphins
are found in the Red Sea, and their hides
could have been tanned and used for decoration.
These creatures had been hunted for
their hides along the Arabian Gulf for millennia.
This word may also be compared to an
*Akkadian word which refers to a semiprecious
yellow or orange stone and thus to the
color of dye used.
25:5. acacia wood. A variety of desert tree
found in the Sinai with extremely hard wood,
suitable for use in the construction of the tabernacle
and its furnishings. The word used
here may be an Egyptian loan word, since acacia
was widely used in Egypt.
25:6. anointing oil. The spices which were to
be used for anointing purposes were myrrh,
cinnamon, cane and cassia (see recipe in 30:23-
25). Their purpose was to remove all trace of
secular odors and to transform the interior of
the tabernacle into a sanctuary suitable for
worship and God’s presence.
EXODUS 25:7-30 106
25:7. onyx stones. Although translated “onyx”
here, the exact identity of this precious gemstone
is unknown. It is also mentioned in Genesis
2:12 as native to the land of Havilah near
or in the Garden of Eden. Among the possibilities
for this engravable stone are lapis lazuli
and onyx, a chalcedony with milky-white
bands alternating with black.
25:7. ephod. A priestly vestment reserved for
the high priest (see chap. 28). It is constructed
of gold and elaborately decorated with gemstones
and is attached to the breastplate and
one of the priest’s outer garments (28:25, 31).
It is associated with both the authority of the
high priest and the presence of Yahweh.
25:8. temple ideology. The temple was not a
structure for corporate worship but a place for
God to dwell in the midst of the people. It had
to be maintained in holiness and purity so
that God’s continuing presence could be
vouchsafed. The priests existed to maintain
that purity and to control access. The temple
idea was not invented so that there would be a
place to offer sacrifices. Rather, several of the
sacrifices existed as a means of maintaining
the temple. God’s presence was the most important
element to preserve. The sacrifices
such as the purification offering (see comment
on Lev 4:1-3 and the reparation offering (see
comment on Lev 5:14-16 were designed for
that purpose.
Exodus 25:7-30 25:10-22. the ark (size, design, function). The
ark was a wooden box, open at the top, approximately
3 feet in length and 2 feet in both
width and height based on eighteen inches to
the cubit. It was overlaid inside and out with
sheets of the finest gold and had four rings (also
gold-covered) attached to the sides for the
insertion of two gold-encrusted poles, which
were used to carry the ark and to protect it
from the touch of all but the high priest. A
golden cover, decorated with two winged
cherubim, sealed the ark, securing the tablets
of the law within it. Its primary function was
to store the tablets and to serve as a “footstool”
for God’s throne, thereby providing an
earthly link between God and the Israelites. In
Egypt it was common for important documents
that were confirmed by oath (e.g., international
treaties) to be deposited beneath the
feet of the deity. The Book of the Dead even
speaks of a formula written on a metal brick
by the hand of the god being deposited beneath
the feet of the god. Therefore the footstool/
receptacle combination follows known
Egyptian practice. In Egyptian festivals the
images of the gods were often carried in procession
on portable barques. Paintings portray
these as boxes about the size of the ark carried
on poles and decorated with or flanked by
guardian creatures. A similar-sized chest with
rings (for carrying with poles) was found in
Tutankhamen’s tomb.
25:10. cubit. The standard dimension for the
Israelite cubit was measured from the elbow
to the tip of the middle finger. Using the measure
of the Siloam tunnel, which is described
as 1,200 cubits, and its actual length of 1,732.6
feet, this places the length of the cubit as between
17.5 and 18 inches. Since no cubit markers
have been discovered by archaeologists,
the actual length of a cubit is still uncertain.
25:16. the testimony. This term refers to the
tablets of the law which were given to Moses.
It was common practice in the ancient Near
East to house law codes in specially constructed
containers to represent their presentation
before deity.
25:17. the kapporet (size, design, function).
The kapporet, “atonement cover,” is a sheet of
solid gold which served as the lid of the ark
(with the same dimensions specified in the
text), but because it appears as a separate item
from the ark, it has special significance. Decorating
the kapporet were two facing cherubim,
whose uplifted wings nearly met above
the ark and served to symbolically uphold the
invisible throne of God. Thus with the ark as
the “footstool” and the kapporet as the support
for the throne, God’s presence is demonstrated
to the people.
25:18-20. cherubim. Biblical descriptions as
well as archaeological discoveries (including
some fine ivory pieces from Nimrud in Mesopotamia,
Arslan Tash in Syria and Samaria in
Israel) suggest the cherubim are composite
creatures (having features of a number of different
creatures, like the Egyptian sphinx), often
four-legged animal-bodies with wings.
The cherubim appear in ancient art with some
regularity flanking the thrones of kings and
deities. The combination of cherubim as
throne guardians, chests as footstools and
statements in the Old Testament concerning
Yahweh being enthroned on the cherubim
(e.g., 1 Sam 4:4 supports the concept of the
ark as representing the invisible throne of
Yahweh. The use of empty thrones was widespread
in the ancient world. They were provided
for use by deities or royal personages
when they were present.
25:23-30. table of bread of the Presence. The
table of the Presence was a gold-encrusted,
four-legged table, also carried by poles
slipped through rings on each side. It held the
twelve loaves of “show bread” (see Lev 24:5-
9), which were perpetually displayed and replaced
at the end of each week.
107 EXODUS 25:31—26:1
25:31-40. lampstand. The seven-branched
golden menorah, or lampstand, stood in the
outer sanctum of the tabernacle opposite the
table of the Presence. Although its dimensions
are not given, the lampstand was to be hammered
from a single block of gold. Its function
was to illumine the sacred precinct, and only
Aaron and his sons were allowed to tend it.
Numerous reliefs and even mosaics of menorahs
have been found from New Testament
times, when it had come to be used as a symbol
for Judaism and for eternal life, but it is
generally believed that these do not take the
same form as the menorah of the Old Testament
period. The earliest representation of the
menorah is on a coin from the first century
B.C., which depicts a very plain-looking sevenbranched
lampstand with a sloping base.
Some believe that the lampstand represented
the Tree of Life—a popular symbol in artistic
work.
26:1-6. linen curtains with cherub design. Of
the four layers which cover the tabernacle,
this is the innermost. It consists of ten multicolored
sheets of fine linen, decorated with a
cherubim design. Each sheet measures twenty-
eight cubits by four cubits (42 feet by 6
feet). They are sewn together in paired sets of
five, producing two longer sheets, which are
in turn clipped together with blue loops and
gold clasps (total measurement, 60 feet by 42
feet).
26:7-13. goat-hair curtains. The layer of goathair
curtains served as a protective covering
over the linen curtains that cover the tabernacle.
Like the linen curtains, they consisted of
eleven separate sheets sewn together and then
connected with loops and bronze clasps (measuring
66 feet by 45 feet).
26:14. ram-skin covering. No measurement is
given for this third layer covering the top of
the tabernacle, which was made of tanned
ram’s skin. These two middle layers may
serve the dual purpose of protecting the tabernacle
and of symbolizing the two animals
most important to the economy (sheep and
goats).
Exodus 25:31—26:1 26:14. sea cow covering. The progression of
coverings over the tabernacle is from finest
fabric to strongest leather, thus providing an
impermeable seal to the sacred precinct within.
No measurements are given for the fourth
layer of “sea cow” or dolphin hide (this would
have served best as waterproofing; see 25:5).
26:15-30. the frame. The skeletal structure
which held up the drapes screening the tabernacle
was made of acacia wood. It consisted of
three walls of upright planks connected by
tenons and crossbars, which were inserted
into gold or silver-lined slots. The entire structure
measured thirty cubits (45 feet) in length
and ten cubits (15 feet) in height and width.
26:31-35. the veil. The veil curtained off a
cube-shaped section of the tabernacle, creating
an inner sanctum known as the Holy of
Holies where the ark of the covenant was
housed. It measured ten cubits (15 feet) on
each side, was hung from four gold-inlaid
posts standing in silver bases and was made
of multicolored yarns and fine linen. A cherubim
design was stitched into it, as on the innermost
hanging over the tabernacle.
26:1-36. design, size and layout of tabernacle.
The tabernacle was a rectangular structure (50
cubits wide and 100 cubits long, or 75 feet by
150 feet) divided into two equal, sacred
squares (75 feet by 75 feet), comprising three
separate zones of holiness: the holy of holies
containing the ark; the holy place, outside the
veil, which housed the lampstand, the altar of
incense and the table of the bread of presence;
and the outer court, where the sacrificial altar
was placed. Both the ark and the sacrificial altar
were located at the exact center of their respective
sacred squares. The entrance to the
outer court was located at the eastern end and
was 20 cubits (30 feet) wide. The most sacred
zones of the tabernacle (oriented on an eastwest
axis) could only be reached through the
outer court. Portable structures of similar design
(curtains hung over gold-gilded beams or
poles) are found in Egypt as early as the midthird
millennium in both sacred and secular
use. Egyptian royal tents of the nineteenth dynasty
were a two-roomed tent with the outer
chamber twice the length of the inner.
26:1-36. portable sanctuaries in ancient Near
East. Although there is no evidence of a portable
sanctuary quite as elaborate as the tabernacle,
it is clear that Bedouin groups (both
ancient and modern) do carry sacred objects
and portable altars with them from one encampment
to another. Ancient Near Eastern
texts also describe the itineraries of priestly
processions that took the images of gods,
along with their various divine accoutrements,
from one town to another within a
kingdom. This allowed the god to visit
shrines, make inspection tours of facilities
owned by the principal temple community
and participate in annual festivals outside the
capital. Canaanite religious texts also speak of
pavilions used for the dwelling of the gods.
Archaeologists have found the remains of a
Midianite tent shrine at Timnah that dates to
the twelfth century B.C. It too was composed
of curtains draped over poles, though it was
not portable.
EXODUS 26:1—28:1 108
26:1-36. direct axis design of sanctuaries. The
architectural symmetry of ancient sanctuaries
suggests the importance placed in antiquity
on the geometry of sacred space. The divine
being was considered the center of power in
the universe. Therefore the sanctuary, at least
symbolically, should reflect this central role by
mapping the sacred precinct into zones of progressive
holiness and placing both the altar
and the object associated with the god’s presence
at the exact center of the most holy spot
within the sanctuary. In this way a nexus of
power and majesty was created that made the
prayers, sacrifices and invocations to the god
more effective. Temples are typically classified
by archaeologists on the basis of the arrangement
of the chambers through which one
gains access to the inner recesses and by the
orientation of the main chamber, where the
presence of the god is represented. “Direct axis”
architecture allowed one to walk in a
straight line from the altar to the inner shrine
(cella). “Bent axis” required a ninety-degree
turn between the altar and the place where the
image stood. The door through which one entered
the rectangular cella in the direct access
arrangement could either be on the short wall
(“long room”) or the long wall (“broad
room”). The tabernacle was of the “direct axis”
style, but it was neither long room nor
broad room because the holy of holies (cella)
was square, not rectangular.
27:1-8. altar. The altar was the place for the
burning of sacrifices. Because it had to be portable,
it was constructed as a hollow square (5
cubits by 5 cubits; 3 cubits high) made from
acacia logs, with horns at each corner, and
overlaid with a bronze sheath and a bronze
grate. A variety of utensils (firepans, shovels,
meat forks and sprinkling bowls) were used
in dealing with sacrificial meat and ash. Like
the ark it had attached rings and poles for
easy transport. Although not as sacred as the
ark, the altar also served as a touch point with
God, placed at the I-axis of the outer court of
the tabernacle. Its service was restricted to
Aaron’s priestly family, and its function tied
the people to the *covenant promise of fertility
and the Promised Land. Through sacrifice the
people acknowledged the bounty provided by
God. Thus the altar brought them into communion
with the power that protected and
blessed them.
27:9-19. courtyard. Temple architecture demands
that the most sacred precincts be separated
from the profane world of everyday life
by an area of enclosed space—in the case of
the tabernacle, by the courtyard. This area was
marked off by linen screen walls (7 feet high),
enclosing an area of approximately 11,250
square feet (100 cubits by 50 cubits). Since the
inner portion of the tabernacle was fifteen feet
high, these walls only screened the view from
ground level and left the symbol of God’s
presence clearly visible. The draperies of the
courtyard were held up by fifty-six columns
placed in copper sockets. The use of these less
valuable materials is reflective of the progression
from precious to commonplace in the
construction of the tabernacle.
27:21. the tent of meeting. Aaron and his sons
are to place olive oil lamps before the “tent of
meeting,” which was the “holy place” immediately
outside the veil separating that area
from the Holy of Holies. Here God’s presence
was to be made manifest to Moses, and instruction
was to be given to the people
through these oracular messages (see 39:32;
40:2, 6, 29). The function of this space is therefore
symbolic as well as utilitarian. The presence
of God is acknowledged with the
perpetually burning lamps. Aaron’s servicing
of the lamps provides a role for the priestly
community here, and the assumption of guidance,
first promised to Moses and thus to the
people, is implicit in its name.
27:20-21. continually burning lamps. The
clearest refined olive oil was to be used to provide
a perpetual light before the entrance to
the Holy of Holies. These lamps, serviced by
Aaron and his sons, symbolized the presence
of God. The continuation of this priestly function
is seen in 1 Samuel 3:3.
Exodus 26:1—28:1
28:1-43
The Priests’ Garments
28:1. priesthood. The creation of a professional
priesthood is a mark of a maturing religious
system. By singling out Aaron and his sons,
God designates who is worthy to serve in the
tabernacle and establishes a hereditary succession
for future generations of high priests in
Israel. Their lineage derives from the tribe of
Levi and specifically through Aaron. Because
their task will be to perform sacrifices for the
people and officiate at major religious festivals,
the priests have certain rights and responsibilities
that no other Israelite will have.
Special garments are worn only by priests. A
portion of the sacrifice is set aside for them.
They are not allowed to own land or to perform
nonpriestly functions. They are held to a
higher standard of obedience and are subject
to swift punishment for failure to perform
their duties or to provide the proper example
to the people.
28:1. priests in ancient Near East. Every cul-
109 EXODUS 28:6-31
ture in the ancient Near East developed a
priesthood. Only the Bedouin tribes did not
set these individuals aside to perform priestly
duties exclusively. Their role was to function
as a part of a priestly community, serving temples,
performing sacrifices, conducting religious
services and staging festivals. Priests
would have been educated within the temple
from an early age, and their position in the
priestly class was hereditary in some cases.
They would have been among the few literate
persons in their society and thus were relied
upon to keep records of major events and tie
them to the will of the gods. This process was
known as *divination, and it, along with *ritual
sacrifice, was the chief source of priestly
power and authority. There was a distinctive
hierarchy among priests—ranging from a
chief priest, who sometimes rivaled the king
in power, to midlevel individuals who performed
daily *rituals and sacrifices, to musicians,
and on down to temple servants, who
performed the mundane housekeeping and
custodial tasks necessary in any large community.
28:6-14. ephod. The most important of
Aaron’s priestly garments is the ephod, which
was either a linen robe covering the upper
body or a frontal piece attached to the shoulders
and sashed at the waist. The use of all
five colored yarns indicates its importance, as
does the use of gold filigree and engraved
stones. Placing the names of six tribes on each
stone provided a continual reminder to all
that he was representing the nation before
God. The fact that the ephod is related to idols
and false worship in later passages Judg 17:5
and 8:24-27) suggests that it was a garment
borrowed from Mesopotamian society—perhaps
worn by priests or used to clothe idols.
The breastpiece (28:15), the Urim and Thummim
(28:30), and the ephod are used in *divination
1 Sam 23:9-11. Thus the high priest is
clothed in garments that aid in the discernment
of God’s will.
Exodus 28:6-31 28:15-30. breastpiece. Using a piece of the
same multicolored linen as in the ephod, a
nine-inch square pouch is created by doubling
it over. This breastpiece is then securely attached
to the ephod by means of gold braid
and blue cords which attach to the rings on
the breastpiece, the shoulder pieces of the
ephod and the sash of the ephod. Embedded
in gold settings on the breastpiece are twelve
semiprecious stones in four rows of three
stones (compare the list of precious stones in
Ezek 28:13. Each stone is engraved with the
name of one of the tribes of Israel and thus
provides an additional reminder to all (including
God) of the priest’s responsibility as
the people’s representative. In the pouch, lying
against the priest’s heart, are placed the
Urim and Thummim. Both these objects and
the breastpiece itself are to be used as oracular
devices to discern God’s will. In the ancient
Near East stones (including gemstones of various
sorts) were believed to have *apotropaic
value (offering protection from spirit forces).
A seventh-century B.C. *Assyrian handbook
preserves a list of various stones and what
they “do”—possibilities range from appeasing
divine anger to preventing migraine headaches.
One ritual text lists twelve precious and
semiprecious stones that are to be used to
make a phylactery to be worn as a necklace.
28:30. Urim and Thummim. Unlike most of
the other objects in this passage, there is no
mention of “making” the Urim and Thummim.
This suggests that they were already in
use prior to this time and now were to be
housed in the breastpiece and used by the
high priest (see Lev 8:8 and Deut 33:8. No description
of these objects is found in Scripture,
although traditions from the Hellenistic and
later periods suggest they were markers
whose appearance and presentation when
cast like lots would determine God’s will (see
Num 27:21; 1 Sam 14:37-41 and 28:6). There is
no negative character attached to the Urim
and Thummim as there are to other divinatory
practices, and they are never mentioned in
passages describing non-Israelite worship or
*ritual. Nevertheless the practice of posing
yes-no questions to the gods (asking *oracles)
is known throughout the ancient Near East.
Particularly of interest are the *Babylonian
tamitu texts, which preserve the answers to
many oracular questions. Positive and negative
stones (thought to be bright stones and
dark stones) were also used widely in Mesopotamia
in a procedure called psephomancy.
In one *Assyrian text alabaster and hematite
are specifically mentioned. The yes-no question
would be posed and then a stone drawn
out. The same color stone would have to be
drawn out three times consecutively for the
answer to be confirmed. Urim is the Hebrew
word for “lights” and therefore would logically
be associated with bright or white stones.
One recent study has pointed out that hematite,
because of its use for weights and seals,
was termed the “truth stone” in *Sumerian.
The Hebrew word Thummim could have a
similar meaning.
28:31-35. robe. Under the ephod, the high
priest was to wear a loose-fitting, pullover
blue robe that fell almost to the ankles. The
collar was reinforced to prevent tearing, and
EXODUS 28:33—29:4 110
there were only armholes, no sleeves. The
hem was richly decorated with embroidered
pomegranates, and bells were attached between
the pomegranates.
28:33-34. pomegranates. Pomegranates were
embroidered around the hem of the priest’s
robe in blue, purple and scarlet thread. This
fruit is commonly mentioned in narrative and
songs Num 13:23, 20:5; Song 4:3, 6:7) and was
used in decorating Solomon’s temple (1 Kings
7:18). They generally are symbolic of the fertility
of the Promised Land. Pomegranates were
also used for decoration of ritual accessories
in *Ugarit.
28:33-35. gold bells. Tiny gold bells were attached
to the priest’s robe between the embroidered
pomegranates. Their function was
to signal the high priest’s movements within
the Holy of Holies. They reminded the priest
to perform his duties exactly according to the
law and indicated to the people that he was
within the holy precinct.
28:36-38. engraved plate. As a continuous reminder
of his special role as priest, an engraved
golden plate with the words “Holy to
the LORD” is attached to his turban. It would
parallel the diadem in the king’s crown as
symbolizing his authority. The plate of office
also placed responsibility for infractions on
the person in charge of all *rituals.
28:38. bearing guilt. As the person in charge
of all religious *rituals, it was important that
the high priest took his office seriously. Thus
an engraved plate was attached to his turban
as a sign of his authority and as a signal to
him that he would bear the blame and the
punishment for any failure to obey the laws of
*ritual and sacrifice.
28:39-41. tunic. The standard garment worn
by both men and women in the biblical period
was a linen tunic. Worn next to the skin, ankle
length, with long sleeves, it provided protection
from the sun and sometimes was embroidered
or given a fancy hem by the wealthy
Gen 37:3 and 2 Sam 13:18-19 or by priests.
28:39. turban. The turban was made of linen
and, according to Josephus, was nonconical in
shape (Antiquities of the Jews 3.7.6). It may be
assumed that the turban of the high priest
would have been more elaborate then that of
ordinary priests (28:40). It had the engraved
plate attached to it and would have been more
colorful.
Exodus 28:33—29:4 28:42-43. linen undergarments. Unlike the
common people, the priests were required to
wear linen undergarments beneath their tunics
in order to cover their genitals. Thus they
would not expose their nakedness when
climbing the altar stairs or cleaning around it.
Nudity, although common among Mesopotamian
priests, was prohibited in Israelite practice.
29:1-46
Ordination Instructions
29:1-46. consecration ceremony. Having ordered
the manufacture of the tabernacle, the
ark, the altar and all the associated utensils
and decorations, Moses now gives instruction
about their consecration, and that of the
priesthood, to the service of God. Moses functions
as priest in orchestrating and performing
the rituals of consecration, which will
hereafter be handled by Aaron and his descendants.
This is a seven-day *ritual designed
to set precedents for the use of tabernacle
and altar, the types of sacrifices that are
to be made in these sacred precincts, and the
role and privileges attached to the priests. One
of the most significant items in the ritual is
blood, which is the symbol of life and is sprinkled
both on the altar and on the garments of
the priests. Sacrificial items (wheat, cakes and
oil) as well as animals are presented and burnt
on the altar. In this way the tabernacle and altar
are purified, preparing them for use. Some
pieces of the meat are used for a wave offering
and then set aside as the portion reserved for
the priests. Throughout the ceremony the
sense of continuity is drawn between the first
consecration and all future priestly action.
29:2-3. fine wheat flour. The items used to
consecrate the tabernacle, altar and priests are
representative of the fertility of the land, the
gifts of God to the people. The wheat flour
used to make unleavened bread and cakes
would be of finest quality and thus a fitting
sacrifice by a people who were dependent on
farming for most of their food.
29:2-3. cakes with oil. Wheat and olive oil
were the chief cash crops of ancient Israel. By
mixing them into a sacrificial cake, the people
recognized the role of God in providing them
with fertility each year. The sequence of offerings
also signifies the seasonal events of planting
and harvest and the agricultural festivals.
29:2-3. wafers spread with oil. The presentation
of grain and meat offerings together signify
the people’s acceptance of the *covenant
and the acknowledgment of God’s role as the
provider of fertility. While the significance of
providing unleavened bread, cakes and wafers
is not clear, it may represent either the
standard baked goods of the time or items set
aside for *ritual use.
29:4. wash with water. It would not be appropriate
for the new priests to clothe themselves
111 EXODUS 29:5-20
in their new sacral garments without first taking
a ritual bath. They were to be fully immersed
as a part of the consecration ceremony.
After this only their hands and feet had to be
washed before performing their duties (30:17-
21).
29:5. waistband. Only the high priest has a
specially designed and woven waistband to
sash his garments. The lesser priests use ordinary
sashes (29:9). This would be a mark of
rank and would also serve the utilitarian function
of keeping his robes bound when he had
to bow or make sacrifices.
29:7. anointing. In this passage and in Leviticus
8:12, only the high priest was consecrated
in his office by having his head anointed with
oil. However, both Aaron and his sons are
anointed in Exodus 30:30 and 40:15. Anointing
their heads with oil would compare with the
anointing of kings in later periods 1 Sam 10:1;
16:13). In both cases the oil would symbolize
the gifts of God to the people and the responsibilities
now laid on their leaders through
this ceremony. In Israelite practice anointing
was a sign of election and was often closely related
to endowment by the Spirit. See the
comment on Leviticus 8:1-9.
29:8-9. tunics, headbands, sashes. Aaron’s
sons, who will serve as lesser priests under
their father, have less elaborate priestly garments.
They have distinctive clothing which
sets them aside from other Israelites, but their
consecration does not involve as much ceremony,
just as their duties will be less important
than those of the high priest.
29:10, 15, 19. laying hands on animals. As
each sacrificial animal is brought to the altar, it
is necessary for the priests to examine it to
make sure it is suitable. Once that is done, a
symbolic certification *ritual is performed in
which the priests lay their hands on the animal,
taking responsibility for its death and the
purpose for which it is sacrificed. Some would
also suggest that this constitutes an affirmation
of ownership. See comment on Leviticus
1:3-4 for discussion of various possibilities.
29:12. blood on the horns of the altar. The
horns of the altar are specifically symbolic of
the presence of God in any sacrificial act. By
placing the blood of the sacrificed bull on the
horns, the priests are acknowledging that
presence, the power of the God who gives life,
and purifying themselves of their sin (see
comment on Lev 4:7.
Exodus 29:5-20 29:12. blood at the base of the altar. The altar
is the focal point of animal sacrifice. It is the
platform associated with giving God his due.
For it to be fully consecrated to this service its
very roots (base) must be purified with the
blood of the sin offering (v. 14).
29:13. fat parts burned. No portion of the bull
was to be saved, since this was a sin offering.
Thus the fatty parts as well as the kidneys and
liver, which might have been used for *divination
(as was the practice in Mesopotamia) or
given to the participants, were instead to be
burned on the altar.
29:14. other parts outside the camp. Impurities
and waste were to be disposed of outside
of the camp (see Deut 23:12-14. Since this bull
had been used for a sin offering, its meat, hide
and offal had become contaminated and thus
could not be consumed or used in any way
(see Lev 4:12.
29:14. sin offering. There are various kinds of
sacrifices and offerings performed by the Israelites:
generally for thanksgiving or expiation.
A sin offering was designed to purify a person
who had become unclean through contact
with *impurity (physical or spiritual) or because
of some event (nocturnal emission in
Deut 23:10. It was also used in consecrating
priests, since they were required to maintain
an even higher standard of *purity than ordinary
Israelites. The animals which were used
in these *rituals received the sin and *impurity
of the persons for whom they were sacrificed.
Thus their entire substance was contaminated
and could not be consumed or used to produce
anything. Every portion of the sacrificed
animal must be disposed of, with the organs
and fat burnt on the altar and the flesh, hide
and bones burned to ash outside the camp.
This latter act prevented the people’s habitation
from becoming polluted. For more information
see comment on Leviticus 4:1-3.
29:15-18. ram as a burnt offering. The first
ram sacrificed in the *ritual of consecration is
to be completely consumed by fire on the altar.
Its carcass is cut up and washed so that it
fits on top of the altar and retains no contaminating
offal. Meat was precious to these pastoral
people, but the ram and the bull, both
symbols of fertility, must be totally destroyed
so that the sacrificial offering to God is complete.
There can be no holding back when the
sacrifice is made in honor of God’s power.
29:18. pleasing aroma. The gods of Mesopotamia
could also be attracted to the smell of sacrifices
(as in the *Gilgamesh flood story).
However, additionally they had to consume
the sacrifice to sustain themselves. In Israelite
tradition, a “pleasing aroma” signified a proper
sacrifice that would please God (see Gen
8:21). It becomes a technical term for a sacrifice
acceptable to and accepted by God (compare
Lev 26:31, not something he eats.
29:20. blood on earlobe, thumb, big toe. Just
EXODUS 29:20-38 112
as blood is used to make the altar fit for service,
so too it is used to designate the faculties
of the priest: to hear the word of God, perform
sacrifices with his hands and lead the people
to worship with his feet. There is also an element
of purification of each of these abilities
through the blood of expiation (compare Lev
14:14).
29:20. blood on sides of altar. The blood of the
three sacrificial animals is used to care for the
sins of the newly consecrated priests. By
sprinkling the first ram’s blood on the altar,
they also acknowledge God’s power to grant
life and the significance attached to their service
as well as their commitment as God’s servants
(compare 24:5-6).
29:21. sprinkling priests with blood and oil.
Blood and oil are the chief elements of the sacrificial
process. By sprinkling the priests and
their garments with these items, the ordination
ceremony is completed, and the priests
are physically marked for service (compare
the marking of the people as guarantors of the
*covenant in 24:8) as well as purified.
29:22-25. wave offering. In the third stage of
sacrificial *ritual, portions from the basket of
cereal offerings and the ram of ordination are
to be elevated as a “wave offering.” It is more
likely that the ungainly pile of sacrificial gifts
was elevated rather than actually waved,
since that act would be less likely to unbalance
and/or drop the sacred items. The terminology
used in the text is more appropriately
rendered “elevation offering” and such treatment
of offerings is likewise depicted in Egyptian
reliefs. This gesture physically signifies
that all sacrificial items derive from and belong
to God. In this case the cakes and wafers
are elevated and then burnt on the altar. However,
the meat from the ram will be used as the
basis for a *covenantal feast that Aaron and
his sons will consume, unlike the first ram,
which was totally burned. A precedent is also
set here regarding which portions of the sacrifice
belong to the priests (note that Moses
takes his share since he serves as the officiating
priest—v. 26).
Exodus 29:20-38 29:26-28. parts of sacrifice as food for priests.
Since the priests were restricted entirely to religious
duties and they did not own land, they
were sustained through a portion of the sacrifices
brought to the altar. Certain portions, the
breast and the leg of the ram, were set aside
specifically for the priests. Because this food
had been presented for sacrifice and offered
up to God, only the priests were allowed to
consume it. What they did not consume was
for the same reason to be destroyed.
29:29-30. priestly garments hereditary. In this
section, which interrupts the discussion of
sacrificial meat, provision is made for the ordination
of future generations of priests. The
original high priestly vestments created for
Aaron were to be passed on to his successor at
Aaron’s death. Thus when Aaron dies Moses
strips his body of all of his sacral garments
and in a seven-day *ritual invests them on
Aaron’s son Eleazer Num 20:22-29.
29:31. cooked in a sacred place. Since the
meat of the wave offering and presentation offering
was now sacred, it could not be prepared
in ordinary precincts. Thus it is taken
into the courtyard of the tabernacle to be
cooked. In this way sacred items retain their
power and authority by only being used or
dealt with in similarly sacred areas.
29:34. burning leftovers. Because of its sacred
nature, the sacrificial meat which has been set
aside for the nourishment of priests cannot be
used for any other purpose or consumed by
ordinary individuals. Thus the portion which
is not immediately consumed must be destroyed
by fire to prevent any misuse of sacred
substance.
29:36-37. making atonement. Basic to the
transformation process that the sacrificial altar
undergoes is the idea of purification. No item
made by humans can, by definition, be pure
enough to be used for God’s service. Only
through a lengthy (twice a day for seven days)
and prescribed *ritual of daily sacrifices of
valuable animals (bulls) can the altar be sufficiently
purified to become holy and sacred itself.
Through this process the inherent sin of
the men who built the altar and the contaminated
materials (in the sense that they are not
holy) of which it is constructed become usable
for God’s service. Hereafter everything that
comes in contact with the altar must be pure
(both priests and sacrifices). If the level of *purity
is maintained, then the sacrifices will be
accepted and the people will benefit from
their service. See comment on Leviticus 1:4.
29:37. whatever touches it will be holy. Because
of the superior quality of the sacrificial
altar’s level of holiness (second only to the
Holy of Holies in the tabernacle), anything
that touches it becomes holy. Similarly, it is
important that the altar be guarded from
those persons or things which are impure so
that the holiness is not lost or corrupted.
29:38. daily offerings. Caring for sin and the
giving of thank offerings by the people are required
daily, not just on special occasions
(such as ordination). Thus the priests are to
sacrifice two year-old lambs each day (known
as the tamid, “perpetual” offering), one in the
morning and the other in the evening. This
113 EXODUS 29:40—30:11
daily *ritual signals to the people the continual
presence of God among them as well as
their constant obligation to obey the *covenant.
The constant flow of movement to the
sacrificial altar also maintains its holiness and
reinforces the role of the priests as religious
professionals.
29:40. tenth of an ephah. The principal dry
measure in Israel was the homer, which
equaled the load carried by a donkey. This
weight varies in the sources from 3.8 bushels
to 6.5 bushels. The ephah (an Egyptian loan
word) equaled one-tenth of a homer (Ezek
45:11), or three-eighths to two-thirds of a
bushel. One-tenth of an ephah (about 1.6
quarts) of fine flour was part of the daily sacrificial
offering.
29:40. fourth of a hin. The hin (an Egyptian
loan word) was a liquid measure equal to
about a gallon. One-fourth of a hin (one quart)
of olive oil was to be mixed with the flour as
part of the daily sacrificial offering. In addition,
a drink offering of a quart of wine was to
be given daily.
29:40-41. drink offering. A libation or drink
offering was part of the daily sacrifices in the
tabernacle. They were presented with the
lamb and the mixture of flour and oil in the
morning and in the evening to signify God’s
protection and favor throughout the day. The
pouring out of libations was a common
household practice before meals, and that *ritual
is carried over in the daily sacrifices as
part of a communal, *covenant meal between
God and the people.
Exodus 29:40—30:11
30:1-38
Incense, Oil and Water
30:1-10. incense altar. Once the tabernacle was
furnished and cleansed and the priesthood
was ordained, the Presence of God entered the
Holy of Holies to meet regularly with Moses
(29:42-43). An additional object was therefore
needed that would both represent the Presence
and protect humans by veiling the Presence
from their eyes. This was the incense
altar, a small table (18 inches square and 3 feet
high) constructed of acacia wood, with horns
like the sacrificial altar, and covered with
gold. It was placed in the area immediately
outside the veil closing off the Holy of Holies.
Like the ark, this inner altar had rings for carrying
it with poles. A special blend of incense
was burned on this altar every morning and
evening. On the Day of Atonement blood
from the sacrifice was to be daubed on each of
its horns as a yearly repurification process.
30:7-8. burning of incense. The use of incense
has been attested archaeologically from the
earliest periods in Israelite history, although
few incense altars have yet been excavated *in
situ in Israelite shrines (Arad is the exception).
The incense used probably consisted of a mixture
of frankincense and other aromatic gums.
The practice of burning incense has both practical
and religious purposes. The smell of
burning flesh from the sacrificial altar would
have been unpleasant, and incense would
have helped to mask that odor. The smoke
from incense was also used to fumigate sacred
precincts and to cast a veil of mystery within
them to represent the presence of God or to
mask God’s presence from human eyes. It is
also possible that the billowing of incense
smoke signified the prayers of the people rising
to God.
30:10. yearly atonement. The Day of Atonement
was a special day set aside each year to
remove the contamination from the sins of the
past year. According to Leviticus 23:27-32 it
fell ten days after the opening of the new year.
On that day the high priest was to enter the
inner precincts of the tabernacle and burn incense
on the golden incense altar. Blood from
the special sacrifice of the day was also to be
daubed on the horns of the incense altar to tie
this holiest of altars and its flow of incense to
the need for cleansing of the nation’s sins. A
more elaborate description of this yearly *ritual,
including the casting of the people’s sins
on the scapegoat, is found in Leviticus 16.
30:11-16. census temple tax. Every male aged
twenty years and older was to pay a per capita
tax of one-half shekel to help support the
tabernacle. There is a sense of equality in this
that no distinction is made between rich and
poor—all pay the same amount. However,
there is also a darker image here based on the
threat of a plague and divine displeasure if
they do not all submit to this census. Comparison
with other such countings Num 1 and
2 Sam 24 suggest that there is a real fear of
taking a census because of its use for drafting
men into the military and in the levying of
taxes. However, in this case, at least, the
“passing over” of the men as they paid their
fee and were counted seemed to signify their
acceptance of their responsibility to provide
support for the construction and maintenance
of the tabernacle.
30:11-16. census superstition. Taking a census
was a practical measure utilized by governments
in the ancient Near East as early as the
Ebla tablets of around 2500 B.C. The benefits
derived from this practice were not necessarily
appreciated by the people since they led to
increased tax levies as well as military or
EXODUS 30:13—31:12 114
forced labor service. Viewed in this light, it is
not surprising that popular notions existed
that the census was a source of bad luck or the
basis of divine displeasure. *Mari texts (eighteenth
century B.C.) from Mesopotamia describe
men fleeing to the mountains to avoid
being counted. In 2 Samuel 24 God punishes
David and Israel with a plague after a census
is taken. The explanation for such a calamity
could be that the census was motivated by human
pride.
30:13. shekels. The half-shekel payment made
by each Israelite male as temple tax, at least
until the sixth century B.C., would have been
made in a measure of precious metal, not
coined money. The average shekel weighed
11.4 grams, but this text refers to a “sanctuary
shekel,” which is believed to be a smaller fraction
of the common shekel. Weights discovered
in archaeological finds evidence a shekel
weighing 9.3-10.5 grams. The sanctuary
weight listed here may also refer to a shekel of
more standard value and weight than the
“marketplace” shekel.
30:13. gerah. The gerah (an *Akkadian loan
word) is the smallest of the Israelite measures
of weight. It weighed approximately half a
gram and was equivalent to one-twentieth of
a shekel.
30:17-21. bronze basin. A water-filled bronze
basin was to be placed near the entrance to the
courtyard between the sacrificial altar and the
tabernacle proper. It was to be used by the
priests to wash their hands and feet each time
they entered this holy precinct, in preparation
for their holy service. In this way they washed
the impurities of the outside world from their
hands before making sacrifices and cleaned
their feet so that they did not track in the dust
and grime of the street. This item is added to
the list of tabernacle utensils after the ordination
and consecration since it was to be used
daily, not just on special occasions.
30:22-33. anointing oil. A special formula is
prescribed for the mixture of precious spices
(myrrh, cinnamon, cane, cassia) with olive oil
into a substance for anointing the tabernacle
and all of its furnishing as well as the priests.
The process involved soaking the spices in
water, boiling the water, then aging the concoction
with the oil until the fragrance permeated
the whole. To insure its exclusivity, the
anointing oil is to be concocted by a professional
perfumer and is designed to mark the
sacred precincts and priests as holy.
30:23-24. spices. Since all of the spices listed in
the anointing oil are imported products, they
would have been expensive and extremely
precious. They came from southern Arabia
(myrrh), India or Sri Lanka (cinnamon), and
other distant lands (see Jer 6:20 for fragrant
cane) by sea and by way of the established
caravan routes. They were mixed into aromatic
oils by guilds of professional perfumers and
were used for personal enhancement as well
as to anoint priests and sacred places.
30:30-33. sacred recipe. The recipe for the
anointing oil was reserved for sacred use. The
special fragrance of the holy substance was
only for the tabernacle and its personnel and
was not to be used for secular purposes.
30:34-38. incense recipe. The incense burned
on the golden incense altar in the tabernacle
was mixed according to a special recipe that
was not to be duplicated or used for other
purposes. The recipe includes four specific
items: gum or resin, perhaps from balsam
trees; onycha from the glands of mollusks;
galbanum, a resin native to Persia which adds
pungency to other scents; and frankincense
from southern Arabia.
Exodus 30:13—31:12
31:1-18
Preparation for Construction of the
Tabernacle and Its Furnishings
31:1-11. wood and metal craftsmanship. Having
given instructions on how to construct the
tabernacle and its furnishings, Moses now singles
out craftsmen to carry out the task. They
are said to have been given by God great skill
in metalworking, engraving and carpentry.
The idea of a deity lending expertise to the
craftsmen involved in a sacred task is also attested
in the god Ea guiding the skills of the
experts who produced the cult statue of Sippar
(ninth century). These two will then supervise
the team of trained workers who will
shape the various pieces of the tabernacle;
cover many of its sacred objects with bronze
and gold, stitch the fabrics used for the canopy,
veil, and vestments of the priests; and engrave
the stones for the ephah and
breastplate.
31:12-17. sabbath as a sign of the covenant.
While the individual’s sign of participation in
the *covenant is *circumcision, the sign of Israel’s
corporate participation in the covenant
is the keeping of the sabbath. Like circumcision,
the keeping of the sabbath is a continuous
obligation required of each generation.
Unlike circumcision, it is not a single act but
an attitude to be consistently maintained and
periodically expressed in action. With instruction
given for construction of the tabernacle
and workmen chosen to perform the task, it is
now necessary to tie even this sacred work to
the law of sabbath. Even this work must cease
115 EXODUS 31:14—32:19
every seventh day as a sign of respect for
God’s role as the Creator and in acceptance of
the covenantal promise to obey God’s command
(see 20:8-11). Although refraining from
work may be an economic burden, this is
counterbalanced by the rejuvenation of the
spirit and the body through rest. The commandment
to rest on the sabbath is so important
that the death penalty is imposed on all
violators.
31:14-15. work as criterion (profane vs. holy).
The sign of obedience to the *covenant is the
willingness to cease work on the sabbath. Neither
profane nor holy work may be done on
this day of total rest. No specific examples are
given here, but the text cites both exclusion
from the community and execution as punishment
for violators. This may mean that each
individual case would have to be examined to
determine if the act performed was to be defined
as “work” (see examples in Num 15:32-
26 and Jer 17:21.
31:18. two tablets of the testimony. This statement
in which God gives Moses the two stone
tablets returns the narrative to the point
where it was broken off at 24:18. It also provides
the narrative indicator that the parenthetical
material on the construction of the
tabernacle and the consecration of the priesthood
is at an end and that the storyteller is
about to resume the narrative of the events on
Mount Sinai. The term “tablets of the testimony”
also appears in 32:15 and is the basis for
the name “ark of the testimony” (25:16-22).
Exodus 31:14—32:19
32:1-35
The Golden Calf
32:1. make us gods who will go before.
Moses was the Israelites’ sole contact with
Yahweh and was the mediator of Yahweh’s
power and guidance, and, for all the people
knew, he might be dead. With him gone it was
believed that contact with Yahweh was lost
and that they therefore needed a replacement
mediator to serve the role of “going before
them.” This role is filled by an angel in 33:2.
The calf is formed to likewise fill the role of
Yahweh’s representative.
32:2-4. calf idol. Bull or calf figurines, made
either of bronze or of a combination of metals,
have been found in several archaeological excavations
(Mount Gilboa, Hazor and Ashkelon),
but they are only three to seven inches
long. The calf symbol was well known in the
Canaanite context of the second millennium
and represented fertility and strength. The
gods were typically not depicted in the form
of bulls or calves but portrayed standing on
the back of the animal. Nevertheless worship
of the animal image was not unknown, and
there is little in the biblical text to suggest the
Israelites understood the figure merely as a
pedestal (not unlike the ark). The fact that the
calf is worshiped in the context of a feast to
Yahweh suggests that this may be a violation
of the second commandment rather than the
first.
32:4. manufacture of calf. When the heated
gold was pliable enough, Aaron began to
shape it, probably around a carved wooden
figure.
32:4. these are your gods. The proclamation
“These are your gods” implies that the calf is
in some way representative of Yahweh—history
is not being rewritten to suggest that a
different deity was responsible for the deliverance.
32:5-6. altar for festival to Yahweh. Since the
altar was built for the celebration of a sacred
feast, it may be concluded that the altar was
for sacrificial use, as verse 6 states. But just as
the worship of Yahweh had been corrupted by
introducing an image to represent him, so it
was also corrupted in the conduct of the Israelites
in worship. Their coarse and excessive
carousing was a typical feature of pagan *fertility
festivals.
32:9-14. anger of God. In ancient Near Eastern
religions it was believed that gods habitually
became angry with their worshipers (for both
unknown and unknowable reasons) and
lashed out at them. Moses’ plea is thus focused
on preserving the distinctiveness of
Yahweh’s reputation.
32:15-16. inscribed front and back. The use of
two tablets probably indicates that Moses was
given two copies, not that some of the commandments
were on one tablet and some on
the other. The fact that they were stone suggests
a larger size than clay tablets would
have been, though inscribed stone tablets such
as the Gezer calendar were small enough to fit
in the palm of the hand. The Egyptian practice
of this period was to use flakes of stone
chipped from rocks. Inscription on front and
back was not unusual. When the writing
reached the bottom of one side, the scribe
would often continue around the bottom edge
and move onto the second side. Even flakes
that fit in the palm of the hand could contain
fifteen to twenty lines.
32:19-20. dancing. Dancing was often connected
with cultic festivals in the ancient world
and, especially in *fertility contexts, was often
sensual in nature, though not necessarily so.
Dancing is also known in the context of celebration
of military victories, which would fit
EXODUS 32:19—34:13 116
with this being a celebration of the deity who
brought them out of Egypt.
32:19. breaking of tablets. The breaking of the
tablets, though a result of Moses’ anger, is not
a fit of temper. The severance of a *covenant
was typically symbolized by the breaking of
the tablets on which the terms of the agreement
were inscribed.
32:20. drinking idol-dust brew. The sequence
of burn-grind-scatter-eat is also found in a
*Ugaritic text to indicate total destruction of a
deity. That gold does not burn is insignificant
(the gold was probably shaped around a
wooden figure; see comment on 32:4)—a very
destructive action is being carried out. The
forced drinking by the Israelites is not specified
as punishment against them but represents
the final, irreversible destruction of the
calf.
32:30-35. the book. The concept of divine ledgers
is well known from Mesopotamia, where
the ledgers concern both the decrees of one’s
destiny and one’s rewards and punishments.
For further information see comment on
Psalm 69:28.
32:35. the plague. Epidemic disease is known
from numerous sources throughout the ancient
Near East, but specific identification is
impossible in the absence of symptoms.
33:1-6
Preparing to Leave Sinai
33:2. peoples of the land, flowing with milk
and honey. For the peoples of the land see the
comment on 3:8, and for the description of
Canaan as “flowing with milk and honey” see
the comment on 3:7-10.
Exodus 32:19—34:13
33:7-23
Moses’ Meeting with the Lord
33:7-10. tent of meeting. The system prescribed
in the law (chaps. 25-30) was for a
sanctuary to be built so that the Lord could
dwell in their midst. Given the present situation,
however, the Lord is not going to dwell
in their midst, but the tent of meeting was to
be set up outside the camp where Moses
would receive guidance. Nothing is said to
take place inside this tent, but the Lord meets
with Moses at the door of the tent when the
pillar of cloud descends. There are no sacrifices
offered there, and it contains no altar. It is a
place for prophetic, not priestly, activity. Once
the tabernacle is constructed and takes its
place in the middle of the camp, it also serves
as a tent of meeting.
33:11. speaking face to face. Speaking face to
face is an idiom suggesting an honest and
open relationship. It does not contradict 33:20-
23. Numbers 12:8 uses a different expression
with the same meaning, “mouth to mouth.”
33:18-23. God’s glory, God’s back, God’s face.
Moses’ request to see the glory of God is not a
request for God to do what he has never done
before. In 16:7 the people were told they
would see God’s glory (see also Lev 9:23.
Moses has negotiated for God’s presence to
accompany them (actually, to precede them).
Moses requests that he might see the presence/
glory of God taking his place in the lead.
God agrees but warns that his face may not be
seen. The concept of deity having an awesome,
unapproachable appearance was not
limited to Israelite theology, for in Mesopotamia
the gods displayed their power through
their melammu, their divine brilliance.
34:1-35
New Tablets and More Laws
34:6-7. God’s attributes and willingness to
punish to third and fourth generation. Moses
had asked to “know” God’s ways (33:13), and
this list of the thirteen attributes of God (according
to Jewish tradition) serve as his answer.
It is not unusual in the ancient world to
find lists of various deities’ attributes. While
mercy and justice figure prominently among
them, many lists are more interested in attributes
of power, while this one focuses on
the benevolent graciousness of God. This list
is quoted many times in the Scriptures (Num
14:18; Neh 9:17; Ps 86:15; 103:8; 145:8; Joel 2:13;
Jonah 4:2; Nah 1:3 and forms a sort of confessional
statement. The litany of God’s characteristics
is still used in Jewish liturgy today
and was probably an established part of the
temple worship prior to the exile. Although
compassion, constancy and the reliability of
God’s love are stressed, the conse-quences of
failure to obey God’s command are made perfectly
clear by the magnification of punishment
on future generations (see Deut 5:9.
Punishment to the third or fourth generation
expresses the fact that *covenant violation
brings guilt on the entire family. “The third
and fourth generation” thus refers to all living
members of the family. This is a stark reminder
of communal guilt after the incident of the
golden calf (32:19-35).
34:12-13. destruction of pagan worship objects.
In this section, which reiterates the importance
of obedience to the commandments,
special attention is given to the destruction of
all forms of pagan worship, especially *cult
objects and idols. This may be another re-
117 EXODUS 34:13-24
sponse to the golden calf incident (32:19-35). It
is clear that the inhabitants of the Promised
Land will have other gods and other ways of
worshiping them. The Israelites are warned
not to be enticed into alliance with these people
or into worshiping their gods. Thus they
are not to leave any sign of foreign worship
intact. Carrying out this command would be
evidence of great faith, for the destruction of
sacred objects was considered a grave offense
to a deity and was believed to result in the severest
of punishments. The obedience of the
Israelites would be tangible expression of
their confidence that God could protect them
from reprisals.
34:13. Asherah poles. The goddess *Asherah
(under various related names) appears to be
the divine consort of the principal male deity
in a number of Mesopotamian and Syro-Palestinian
pantheons: the *Babylonian storm god
Amurru; the *Ugaritic god *El; and perhaps
even the Canaanite god *Baal. She was often
represented in the Bible by sacred poles erected
near an altar. Her popularity among Israelites
still tainted by a polytheistic worldview
may be suggested by the inscription from
Kuntillet ‘Ajrud in the northwest part of the
Sinai, “Yahweh and his Asherah.” The order
to cut down these cultic poles signified the
need to purify the nation of foreign influence.
It also follows the theme in this section of obedience
to the commandments of a “jealous
God” who would not countenance the worship
or the symbols of rival deities (20:4-5).
34:16. sacred prostitution. One can distinguish
between several different categories. In
“sacred” prostitution, the proceeds go to the
temple. In “cultic” prostitution, the intent is to
insure *fertility through sexual *ritual. We
must also differentiate between occasional sacred/
cultic prostitution (as in Gen 38 and
professional sacred/cultic prostitution (as in
2 Kings 23:7. The evidence for cultic prostitution
in ancient Israel or elsewhere in the ancient
Near East is not conclusive. Canaanite
texts list prostitutes among the temple personnel,
and *Akkadian literature attests those
who were dedicated for life to serve the temple
in this way. Although the Hebrew word
used here is related to an Akkadian word for
prostitute, this does not prove that any religious
ritual or cultic practice is involved. It is
quite possible for prostitutes to be employed
by temples as a means of raising funds without
their having any official status as priestesses.
Furthermore, since women often did
not have personal assets, sometimes the only
way of earning money by which to pay a vow
appeared to be prostitution. The injunction
against bringing the wages of a prostitute to
the temple may, however, be a reaction
against practices like that of the *Ishtar temple
servants in the Neo-Babylonian period, who
hired out female members of their community
as prostitutes. Their wages would have been
placed in the temple treasury. All of this demonstrates
the existence of sacred prostitution,
both occasional and professional, in Israel and
the ancient Near East. But the existence of cultic
prostitution on either level is more difficult
to prove. Cultic prostitution is not easily confirmed
in Mesopotamia, unless one includes
the annual sacred marriage ritual. But it is
hard to imagine that prostitutes serving at the
temple of Ishtar (who personified sexual
force) were not viewed as playing a sacred
role in the fertility cult.
34:17. cast idols. It was a fairly common practice
(attested by archaeological data) to mass
produce images of many of the gods of the ancient
Near East using cast molds. They could
thus be manufactured in a variety of metals or
clay and sold to individuals, who would in
turn establish private shrines in their homes
(see Judg 17:4-5. The prohibition here is a
specific example further clarifying the commandment
in 20:4 and speaks to the case of
the casting of the golden calf in 32:2-4.
34:18. Feast of Unleavened Bread. This is a reiteration
of the commandment in 23:15. It
gains greater authority here by being included
in the ritual version of the Ten Commandments
(see 34:28).
34:19-20. first-born offerings. This commandment
in the ritual version of the Ten Commandments
is a repetition of the injunction
given during the exodus narrative to redeem
the first-born sons and the first-born of their
livestock (13:11-13).
34:21. sabbath. This command to rest on the
sabbath is a repetition of 20:9 (see comment
there).
Exodus 34:13-24 34:22. Feast of Weeks. This is the same wheatharvest
festival that is described as the Feast
of Harvest in 23:16, one of the three major festivals
of the agricultural year. It gains extra
authority from its inclusion in the ritual version
of the Ten Commandments.
34:22. Feast of Ingathering. This is the same
spring-harvest festival that is described in
23:17. These major agricultural festivals are
also mentioned in Deuteronomy 16:9-17. The
additional promise to protect the harvesters
from attack by neighboring peoples is a further
incentive to the people to comply with
the commandment to bring their harvest offerings
three times a year.
34:23-24. pilgrimages. This is the same com-
EXODUS 34:25—35:4 118
mand to come with their harvest offerings
that is set out in 23:17 and Deuteronomy 16:11,
14. Every male is required to appear before the
Lord three times a year with the fruits of his
labor in order to insure the future fertility of
the land and to demonstrate compliance with
the *covenant.
34:25. no blood with yeast. This command in
the ritual version of the Ten Commandments
is a repetition of the law in 23:18. Yeast allows
bread to rise but is also associated with the
corruption or spoiling of food and so must not
be mixed with the blood, a symbol of life.
34:25. Passover leftovers. This command regarding
the Passover meal first appears in
12:8-10 and is reiterated in 23:18. Its inclusion
here follows the sequence established of laws
concerning the major agricultural festivals
and reinforces the tie between this group of
laws and the exodus event. The prohibition of
keeping leftovers is a sign of the sacred character
of the feast.
34:26 first fruits. This command is a repetition
of the law in 23:19. Just as the first-born son is
redeemed through sacrifice, so too is the cereal
and fruit harvest redeemed for the people’s
use by bringing the first of the harvest to God
as a sacrifice.
34:26. kid in mother’s milk. This command is
a repetition of the law in 23:19. It is the basis
for the prohibition against the mixture of milk
and meat in cooking and in sacrifice. It may
also reflect a reaction against such practices in
Canaanite worship.
34:28. Ten Commandments, ritual version.
The first set of Ten Commandments, which
were written on two stone tablets by God, was
destroyed by Moses in his disgust over the
unfaithfulness of the people in the golden calf
incident (32:19). Thus a second set of tablets is
inscribed in 34:28, but the laws do not exactly
correspond to those found in Exodus 20 and
Deuteronomy 5. There is a greater emphasis
on the exodus event in the laws included in
this second list. It is also much more heavily
balanced toward proper worship practices (including
nearly verbatim sections from chap.
23) than the first set of the commandments.
34:29. Moses’ “horns.” The radiance of God is
reflected in the shining texture of Moses’ face
when he returns with the tablets of the law.
Although he is at first unaware of this phenomenon,
Moses and the people recognize it
as evidence that Moses has had direct contact
with God. Subsequently, he wears a veil over
his face to hide the radiance of his skin from
the people. Jerome used the word cornuta,
“horns,” in translating Hebrew qaran, “radiant,”
in the Vulgate (c. A.D. 400) because the
Hebrew term often refers to horns. Consequently
tradition held that Moses grew horns
as a result of this experience. The mistake is
graphically portrayed in the horned statue of
Moses sculpted by Michelangelo in the sixteenth
century. The relatedness of horns and
radiance can be seen in the ancient Near Eastern
iconography that depicts rays or horns as
symbols of power on the crowns of deities.
These are related to the divine glory (Akkadian
melammu) that emanated from the gods, especially
from their heads or crowns. So, for
instance, the goddess Inanna in a *Sumerian
hymn is portrayed as having a terrible countenance
that glows radiantly and intimidates all
those around her. A closer parallel may be
found in the instance of Samsuiluna (son of
*Hammurabi), who receives messengers from
the god *Enlil whose faces are radiant. One
text makes reference to the god Enlil “whose
horns gleam like the rays of the sun.”
35:1-4
Sabbath
35:2-3. lighting a fire on the sabbath. This
command repeats the injunction against any
form of sabbath labor found in 31:15, with the
additional statement prohibiting the lighting
of a fire on the sabbath. It is another expansion
on the theme of those types of work that could
not be performed on the sabbath (see 34:21).
Later rabbinic pronouncement required the
kindling of a light prior to the sabbath so that
the house would not be left in darkness. However,
no further fueling of the fire was allowed
on the sabbath.
Exodus 34:25—35:4
35:4—39:31
Carrying Out the Instructions
These chapters discuss the actual construction
of the tabernacle. They include the gathering of
the materials (35:4-29) and the introduction of
Bezalel and Oholiab as the chief craftsmen and
the selection of their crew (35:30—36:7; cf. 31:1-
10). Exodus 36:8-38 describes the building of
the tabernacle to the exact dimensions outlined
in 26:1-36. This is followed by the construction
of the ark (37:1-9; see 25:10-22), the lampstand
(37:17-24; see 25:31-40), the altar of incense
(37:25-29; see 30:1-10), the altar of burnt offering
(38:1-8; see 27:1-8) and the courtyard (38:9-
20; see 27:9-19), and a summary of the materials
used by the craftsmen (38:21-31). The final
section describes the creation of the vestments
for the priests: the ephod (39:2-7; see 28:6-14),
the breastpiece (39:8-21; see 28:15-30) and the
other priestly garments (39:22-31; see 28:31-43).
119 EXODUS 38:8—LEVITICUS 1:2
Moses then inspects everything, certifies it is
correct and according to God’s command, and
gives it his blessing (39:32-43).
38:8. women who served at the entrance. In
the ancient Near East there are many examples
of women serving temples in various capacities.
From menial tasks to priestly duties,
from celibacy to prostitution, from short-term
vows to lifelong dedication, examples of all
sorts are available. It is therefore difficult to
identify the nature of the service that the
women mentioned here are performing. In 1
Samuel 2:22 the indictment of the sexual misconduct
of Eli’s sons suggests that the women
either were involved in some duty of piety or
were virgins. It must be noted, however, that
there is no evidence of religiously motivated
celibacy in Israel, and the text does not describe
the women as virgins.
38:24. gold from the wave offering. The metals
used in the construction of the tabernacle
are listed in descending order of their value.
As was done with the sacrificial meat set aside
for the use of the priests (29:27), these materials
were first presented as a wave offering to
God as a way of consecrating them to their
purpose.
38:24. 29 talents, 730 shekels of gold. The total
amount of gold used in the decoration of
the tabernacle’s furnishings is described in talents
(the largest unit of Israelite weight measure,
equaling 3,000 shekels). The talent
weighed 75.6 pounds, while the shekel
weighed 0.4 ounces. Thus the total weight of
gold used was 2,210.65 pounds.
38:25. 100 talents, 1775 shekels of silver. The
total amount of silver given and used for the
embellishment of the tabernacle’s furnishings
was 7,601 pounds (based on 3,000 shekels at
0.4 ounces equaling one talent and weighing
75.6 pounds). This amount is also linked to the
total atonement tax (30:11-16) collected from
each Israelite male.
38:26. beka. The beka is a weight of measure
equal to one half of a shekel, that is, 0.2 ounces.
This was the amount of the atonement tax exacted
from every man twenty years old and above
to provide funds for the construction and maintenance
of the tabernacle (see 30:11-16).
38:26. number of Israelites. The number of
men counted in the census and paying the
atonement tax (see 30:11-16) of one-half shekel
of silver is 603,550. This is the same number
listed in the census in Numbers 1:46, which
was used to determine the number of males
who were twenty years old and thus able to
serve in the military.
38:29-31. 70 talents, 2,400 shekels of bronze.
With the equation of 3,000 shekels (0.4 ounces)
per talent (75.6 pounds), the total amount of
bronze presented as a wave offering and used
in the construction of the tabernacle was 5,350
pounds. This more durable metal was used
for the bases of the entranceway, the bronze
altar and its grating, and the altar utensils, as
well as the bases for each of the poles supporting
the tent and the tent pegs.
Exodus 38:8—Leviticus 1:2
39:32—40:38
Completion of the Tabernacle
40:17. timing. The tabernacle was erected on
New Year’s Day, two weeks short of the anniversary
of the exodus event and exactly nine
months after the people arrived at Mount Sinai.
The construction process had been carried
out with no deviation from the instructions
given by God. It was only appropriate that a
new era in the manner of worship should begin
on New Year’s Day.
L E V I T I C U S
1:1-17
The Burnt Offering
1:1-2. tent of meeting. Prior to the construction
of the tabernacle in Exodus the tent of
meeting was outside the camp and served as
aplace of revelation (see the comment on Ex
33:7-10). However, now that the tabernacle is
in operation, it also is referred to as the tent of
meeting.
1:1-2. revelation of rituals. In the ancient Near
East the priests undoubtedly claimed deity to
be the source of the ritual procedures they
used, though documents preserving such rituals
do not present themselves as divine revelation
as here. Some ritual procedures were
prescribed through divination or by prophetic
oracle, but they were not permanently established
by those mechanisms. Early Sumerian
literature portrays the mother goddess giving
instructions for purification, petition and appeasement.
1:2. animal sacrifice. There have been many
LEVITICUS 1:3-5 120
theories about what thinking was represented
in the sacrificial system. In some cultures sacrifice
was viewed as a means of caring for the
deity by providing food. Others saw the sacrifice
as a gift to please the god and request his
aid. In other contexts the sacrifices have been
viewed as a means of entering into relationship
with deity or maintaining that relationship.
These are only a few of over a dozen
possibilities. The history of animal sacrifice is
difficult to trace. Earliest *Sumerian literature,
specifically the Lugalbanda Epic, attests that
sacrifices (better considered “ritual slaughter”)
originated as a means of permitting meat
consumption. Sharing the meat with the deity
allowed people to slaughter the animal for
their food. Earliest archaeological evidence for
sacrifice comes from the altars of the Ubaid
period in fourth millennium B.C. Mesopotamia.
Through most of *Assyrian and *Babylonian
history, *ritual slaughter was carried out
in order to obtain the entrails, believed to provide
omens.
1:3-4. burnt offering. The burnt offering is always
a male animal that is completely burned
on the altar, except for the skin. This is the
type of sacrifice that was offered by Noah and
the type that Isaac was supposed to be. Other
peoples are portrayed in the Bible as making
burnt offerings (e.g., Num 23:14-15, and texts
from Syria (*Ugarit and *Alalakh) and Anatolia
(the *Hittites) testify to the practice in Syro-
Palestine. In contrast there is not yet any evidence
of this type of sacrifice in Egypt or Mesopotamia.
The burnt offering serves as a
means to approach the Lord with a plea. The
plea could concern victory, mercy, forgiveness,
purification, favor or any number of other
things. The purpose of the offering is to
entreat the deity’s response. At least one each
day was offered up on behalf of the people of
Israel. Special ceremonies and festival days
also generally featured burnt offerings.
1:3. male. Male animals were both more valuable
and more expendable. A herd could be
sustained with only a few males in proportion
to the many females needed to bear the
young. This would mean that a large percentage
of the males that were born could be used
for food or sacrifice. On the other hand, the
good strong males were desirable because
their genetic traits would be reflected in a
large portion of the herd.
1:4. laying hand on the head. The laying on of
the hand is an important part of the sacrificial
*ritual. It is not designed to transfer sin, for it
is used in sacrifices that do not deal with sin.
Other possibilities are that the offerer in some
way identifies with the animal, perhaps as his
substitute, or identifies the animal as belonging
to him. Most occurrences of the ritual confirm
that either transferring or designating is
taking place (or both), but it is not always
clear what is being transferred or designated,
and it may vary from one situation to another.
1:4. atonement. The function of this sacrifice
as well as others is “to make atonement”
(NIV). Many scholars now agree, however, that
“atonement” is not the best translation for the
concept on either the *ritual or the theological
level. Perhaps most convincing is the fact that
in the ritual texts the object of “atonement” is
neither the sin nor the person, but a holy object
connected with God’s presence, such as
the ark or the altar. A second important observation
is that in a number of cases this “atonement”
is necessary even though no sin has
been committed (for instance, the ritual *impurity
of women each month). For these and
other reasons recent scholars have preferred
“purification” or, more technically, “purgation,”
as the translation. So the altar would be
purged on behalf of the offerer whose sin or
*impurity had ritually tarnished it. The purpose
was to maintain the sanctity of God’s
presence in their midst. The ritual, like a disinfectant,
is normally remedial, but it can be
preventative. The agent is usually blood, but
not always. This decontamination of the sanctuary
renders the offerer clean and paves the
way for his reconciliation with God. The purging
of objects (including cities, houses, temples
and persons) from ritual contamination
or evil influence by wiping or rubbing on a
substance is also known in ancient Near Eastern
practice, though these are mainly magical
rites.
Leviticus 1:3-5 1:5-9. role of priests. Some aspects of the *ritual
were performed by the priests, because only
the priests had access to the altar and the holy
place. (See comment on Exodus 28:1 for general
information.) The priests of the ancient
Near East were involved not only in sacrificial
rituals but also in *divination and other magical
rites. Incantations and general advice concerning
appeasement of the gods were also
under the jurisdiction of the priests. Priests
were expected to be skilled in the knowledge
of which rituals were to be used for any desired
results and in the appropriate performance
of the rituals.
1:5. importance of blood. Blood serves as the
mechanism for ritual cleansing in Israel—a
concept not shared by its ancient Near Eastern
neighbors. The blood represented the life or
life force of the animal, so the animal had to be
killed for the blood to have efficacy. See the
comment on 17:11 for more information.
121 LEVITICUS 1:5—2:13
1:5. sprinkling on the altar. The sprinkling of
the blood on all sides of the altar is the symbolic
means of applying the death of the animal
to the purging of any contamination that
might interfere with the entreaty that is being
made on the occasion of the sacrifice. The
blood represents the life/death of the animal,
and the altar represents the sanctuary (God’s
presence) and is specifically the place where a
request before God would be made.
1:8-9. parts. The pieces include the head as
well as the suet (the fat that surrounds the internal
organs). The only parts washed are the
entrails (intestines) and the legs, both so that
no dung is present on the altar.
1:9. pleasing aroma. It is typical for sacrifices
to yield what is identified as the pleasing aroma
of roasting meat. While it is certainly anthropomorphic
(picturing God in human
terms) to phrase it this way, cooked meat
would have generally been used only for communal
meals and special occasions, so important
concepts of community were associated
with the scent (like the smell of a Thanksgiving
meal). It would be no different from God’s
being pleased by a sight or sound. In surrounding
ancient Near Eastern thought the
anthropomorphism is much stronger, for there
the gods need and receive sustenance from
food, and the smell is associated with their anticipation
of a meal.
1:10-13. north side of altar. The north side of
the altar is indicated, most likely because that
is where there was the most room for this
work to be done.
1:14-17. birds as offering. Birds, mainly domesticated
doves, were the offering used by
those who were too poor to own or to give up
one of the larger herd animals. Texts from
*Alalakh and Anatolia show that birds were
also suitable sacrifices in surrounding cultures.
Recent study has suggested it is not the
crop that was removed but the crissum, including
the tail, anus and intestines. Again,
then, this is a matter of cleaning the animal in
preparation for sacrifice.
1:16. east side where the ashes are. As early
as the rabbis, it was suggested that the ash
heap was on the east side because that was
farthest away from the sanctuary, but the text
never offers a reason.
Leviticus 1:5—2:13
2:1-16
The Grain Offering
2:1-3. grain offering. The rabbis considered
the grain offering to be a substitute for the
burnt offering for poor people. Mesopotamian
practice is known to have made similar provision
for the poor. The word used to describe
this offering means “gift” or tribute. The offering
is used in situations where respect or honor
are intended. The same term is used the
same way in *Ugaritic and *Akkadian
(Canaan and Mesopotamia). It is typically
found on occasions of celebration rather than
the context of sadness or mourning. Generally
a small portion was burned on the altar as a
token of the gift to the Lord, while the remainder
was given to the officiating priest. Sometimes
it was offered in conjunction with other
offerings.
2:1. fine flour with oil and incense. The ingredients
of this offering were grain, oil and incense.
The grain was the grits or semolina left
in the sieve after wheat was ground into flour.
The oil was olive oil. The best-quality oil was
extracted by crushing the olives. But for the
grain offerings the lower quality was acceptable;
this was extracted through pressing and
grinding. Oil was used as shortening in cooking
and was easily combustible. The incense
was frankincense, which was made from the
gum resin of a type of tree found only in
southern Arabia and Somaliland, on either
side of the Gulf of Aden. This Boswellia tree
will grow only where there is a very particular
combination of rainfall, temperature and soil
condition. Its fragrant aroma made the demand
for frankincense high throughout the
Near East, where it was used widely in both
Mesopotamia and Egypt (some was found in
Tutankhamen’s tomb). This demand, along
with its rarity, made it very expensive and one
of the staples of the camel caravan trade. The
grain offerings used a small amount that was
entirely burned in a slow smolder.
2:3. the portion of the priests. As was the case
with many offerings, the priest received a portion
of the grain offering to eat. This was a
means of providing for the needs of the priesthood.
For fuller discussion of this practice, see
comment on 6:14-18.
2:4-10. baked grain offering; cakes, no yeast,
with oil. The grain offering that is for the
priests’ consumption can be prepared in oven,
griddle or pan. The same oil and semolina are
used, but no incense. Here it is specified that
no yeast is to be used. Sacred use typically
prohibited yeast of any sort, perhaps because
it introduced a principle of spoilage (fermentation).
2:11-13. honey. Honey represents a natural resource,
probably the syrup of the date rather
than bees’ honey. There is no evidence of bee
domestication in Israel, though the *Hittites
had accomplished that and used bee honey in
their sacrifices (as did the Canaanites). In the
LEVITICUS 2:13—4:4 122
Bible honey occurs in lists with other agricultural
products (see 2 Chron 31:5.
2:13. salt. Salt was used widely as symbolic of
preservation. When treaties or alliances were
made, salt was employed to symbolize that
the terms would be preserved for a long time.
*Babylonian, Persian, Arabic and Greek contexts
all testify to this symbolic usage. In the
Bible, likewise, the *covenant between the
Lord and Israel is identified as a covenant of
salt—a long-preserved covenant. Allies entering
into such an agreement would generally
share a communal meal where salted meat
was featured. Thus the use of salt in the sacrifices
was an appropriate reminder of the covenant
relationship. Additionally, salt impedes
the action of yeast (leaven), and since leaven
was a symbol of rebellion, salt could easily
represent that which inhibited rebellion. Finally,
salt is symbolic for that which is infertile
and therefore is used in curse pronouncements
in treaties. In a Hittite treaty, the testator
pronounces a curse: if the treaty is broken
may he and his family and his lands, like salt
that has no seed, likewise have no progeny.
2:14-16. first-fruits grain offering. Besides the
grain offerings that substituted for burnt offerings
and those that accompanied other sacrifices,
some grain offerings were made in
connection with the first fruits of the harvest.
This grain has not undergone any processing
but involves roasting from the sheaf in the
green stage of ripening. It is likely that this offering
used barley rather than wheat.
3:1-17
The Fellowship Offering
3:1-5. fellowship offering. The fellowship offering
often accompanies the burnt offering
and also involves an animal sacrifice. It is often
present in conjunction with shared *covenantal
meals Ex 24:5; Josh 8:31 and, once
kingship is instituted, often recognizes the
role of the king in relation to either God or the
people. A similar word referring to a gift between
dignitaries also occurs in conjunction
with festive meals from *Ugarit and *El Amarna
(Canaanite). The three types of sacrifices in
this category are the freewill offering, the vow
offering and the thanksgiving offering. The
common ground between them is that they
provide the occasion for a meal with the offerer
and his family and friends. The suet was
burned on the altar, but all the meat became
part of the meal.
3:4. fat covering the inner parts. The suet is
the layer of fat around the internal organs,
mainly the intestines, liver and kidneys. This
can easily be peeled off and is inedible. Mesopotamians
did not include the suet in their
sacrifices, but many other cultures of the ancient
Near East did. The description in the text
is quite technical. J. Milgrom translates it in
his commentary as follows: “The suet that
covers the entrails and all the suet that is
around the entrails; the two kidneys and the
suet that is around them, that is on the sinews
[not “loins” as in NIV]; and the caudate lobe of
the liver, which he shall remove with the kidneys.”
3:6-11. fat tail. When a flock animal is offered,
the “fat tail” is included in the sacrifice. The
sheep of this region had long tails, as long as
four or five feet, weighing up to fifty pounds.
3:11. burned “as food.” The language here
again shows that the sacrificial terms used in
Israel were influenced by non-Israelite notions
of sacrifice. It is clear from passages such as
Psalm 50:12-13 that the Israelites were not to
consider sacrifices as food needed by God.
Since the terminology is used only in this particular
offering, perhaps it represents God’s
inclusion in the communal meal more than
the meeting of any need for nourishment.
3:12-17. fat is the Lord’s. The suet is grouped
with the blood as the portion belonging to the
Lord. Just as the blood is a token of the life of
the animal, the suet is a token of the meat of
the sacrifice.
Leviticus 2:13—4:4
4:1—5:13
The Purification Offering
4:1-3. sin offering. The purification offering
has traditionally been called the “sin offering.”
The terminology has shifted as it has
been recognized that the offering did not deal
just with moral offenses but also with purification
in cases of significant ritual uncleanness.
In personal circumstances as well as in
public services of consecration and in connection
with certain festivals, the offering purified
or purged the sanctuary (not the offerer)
from the effects of the offense or condition. In
the ancient Near East the purification of temples
was a constant need, because the people
felt that *impurity made the temple vulnerable
to destructive demons. In Israel the preservation
of the *purity of the sanctuary had to
do with the holiness of God. If the Lord was to
remain in their midst, the holiness of his sanctuary
must be maintained.
4:4-12. laying on of the hands. The laying on
of the hand is an important part of the sacrificial
*ritual. It is not designed to transfer sin,
for it is used in sacrifices that do not deal with
sin. Other possibilities are that the offerer in
123 LEVITICUS 4:6—5:18
some way identifies with the animal, perhaps
as his substitute, or identifies the animal as belonging
to him. Most occurrences of the ritual
confirm that either transferring or designating
is taking place (or both), but it is not always
clear what is being transferred or designated,
and it may vary from one situation to another.
4:6. sprinkling seven times. The sevenfold
sprinkling is a means of purifying all the parts
of the sanctuary without going to each one individually.
The sprinkling is directed toward
the veil that separated the outer sanctuary
from the Holy of Holies.
4:7. horns of the altar. The horns at the four
corners of the altar were part of altar design
throughout the ancient Near East. Research
has suggested that they are emblems of the
gods, though their function is unknown. Both
the incense altar inside the sanctuary and the
altar for sacrifice outside the sanctuary had
horns.
4:7. incense altar. In this sacrifice the blood is
spread on the horns of the incense altar. Incense
altars were a typical piece of furniture in
both Israelite and Canaanite sanctuaries. The
incense offered on these altars was a mixture
of spices featuring most prominently frankincense,
but also gum resin, onycha and galbanum.
Later Jewish tradition included a
dozen spices in the mixture. The smoke of the
incense represented the prayers of the people
going up to God.
4:12. burning of extra parts outside the camp.
Once the blood and fat are offered, the rest of
the animal (including the meat) is burned outside
the camp, so that none of it benefits the
human offerers. There is no meal connected to
this sacrifice. The ash pile from the secondtemple
period was just north of the wall in
Jerusalem. Analysis of its contents has confirmed
that it contained animal remains.
4:13-32. forgiveness. Forgiveness is the intended
result of the purification and reparation
offerings. The verb forgive has only God
as the subject, never humans, and does not
rule out punishment (see Num 14:19-24. We
must therefore conclude that the concept concerns
relationship rather than the judicial issue
of punishment. The one who is offering
these sacrifices seeks reconciliation with God,
not pardon from punishment.
5:1-4. public charge to testify. The first case
concerns one who does not respond to a public
proclamation requesting information concerning
a court case. It was common in the
ancient Near East for such public requests to
be made. The second and third cases concern
contact with *impurity. The fourth concerns
an impulsive oath. *Hittite texts also connect
oath breaking with *impurity.
5:5-10. actions classified as “sins.” These cases
constitute a separate category because they
are neither inadvertent nor defiant. Whether
through carelessness or weakness an offense
has been committed, and time has passed either
because of a memory lapse or perhaps
unwillingness to pay the price. This offering is
unlike that of chapter 4 in that it required confession
but resembles it in that it results in purification
of the sanctuary and reconciliation
to God.
5:11-13. no oil or incense. The offering to be
brought was determined by the means one
had. Even a grain offering could be used by
the very poor. Oil and incense are omitted because
they were associated with celebration,
and this was not a festive occasion.
Leviticus 4:6—5:18
5:14—6:7
The Reparation Offering
5:14-16. reparation offering. The reparation
offering was traditionally termed the guilt offering.
Though the term that is used is often
appropriately translated as guilt, the term
serves a more technical function within the
sacrificial system. This offering is designed to
address a particular category of offense—understood
to represent a breach of faith or an
act of sacrilege. “Breach of faith” would appropriately
describe the violation of a *covenant,
while “sacrilege” refers generally to
desecration of sacred areas or objects. Both of
these crimes were well known in the ancient
Near East, and examples can be found from
the *Assyrians, *Babylonians, Egyptians, *Hittites
and *Aramaeans. The Hittite Instructions
for Temple Officials is particularly helpful in its
identification of a number of categories of sacrilege,
including (1) priests taking portions of
sacrifices that do not belong to them, or taking
valuables given to the temple for their families’
use, and (2) laypeople failing to deliver
offerings that belong to deity in a timely manner.
The crime addressed by the purification
offering (previous chapter) was contaminating
the holy place with that which was unholy.
The crime addressed by the reparation
offering was appropriating that which was
holy into the realm of that which was profane.
Neither of these offerings existed in the other
sacrificial systems of the ancient Near East.
5:18. ram, one fifth surcharge, sanctuary
shekel. While the purification offering for a
leader of Israel required a male goat, the male
sheep (ram) of the reparation offering distinguishes
this sacrifice from any that could be
brought for purification. In addition to the
LEVITICUS 6:1—7:6 124
ram, the offender had to pay in silver the value
of what he had desecrated and add onefifth
of the value for restitution. The sanctuary
shekel used for the valuation is generally considered
to be a fraction of the regular shekel,
but precise information is not available. Archaeological
finds do attest shekel pieces
weighing 9.3-10.5 grams.
6:1-7. comparison of crimes. In the cases listed
here the innocence or guilt of the supposed
offender can be determined only by resort to
an oath, because in most cases the evidence is
not available or identifiable. While the previous
section of the text concerned sacrilege
with regard to sacred objects, this section refers
to the sacrilege committed by swearing
falsely. Fines are imposed here to deal with
the offense on the civil level, where it would
be classified as a misdemeanor rather than as
a felony. In many of the ancient law collections,
however, monetary reimbursement was
used even in felony cases.
6:8-13
The Burnt Offering
6:9. burnt offering kept burning through the
night. This section begins the instructions to
the priests concerning the sacrifices that have
been described in the previous chapters. The
burnt offering was the last sacrifice to be offered
for the day, and the regulations here
specify that it should burn all night, with
cleaning of the altar to take place in the morning.
In this way petition on behalf of Israel can
continue throughout the nighttime hours.
6:10. linen garments. The linen for the clothing
worn by the priests was imported from
Egypt, where it was also distinctively used for
priests’ garments. Angels, too, are said to be
dressed in linen (for example, Dan 10:5.
6:14-23
The Grain Offering
6:16. provision for the priests. Whether or not
the worshiper ate a portion of the sacrifice, a
number of the sacrifices provided an opportunity
for the priests to eat. This was also true in
*Babylonian practice, where the king, the
priest and other temple personnel received
portions of the sacrifices. As early as the
*Sumerian period, texts show that it was considered
a grievous crime to eat that which had
been set apart as holy.
6:16. courtyard of the tent of meeting. The Israelite
temple that was discovered at Arad has
the courtyard divided into two, the area closer
to the sanctuary being more private. Ezekiel’s
description of the temple features special
rooms adjoining the temple for the priests to
eat their portions. It is likely, then, that the
courtyard mentioned here, whether a partitioned
open-air section or adjoining rooms in
an area still considered the courtyard, would
have been a private area.
6:18. holiness by touch. There was a contagion
to various of the sacred objects that could
be transmitted directly, but not secondarily
Hag 2:12. Tortuous analysis has led some experts
to conclude that only objects, not persons,
became holy by contact with something
holy, but not all are convinced that such a distinction
existed. Mesopotamian regulations
likewise forbade the touching of sacred objects,
but there is no discussion of contagion.
An object that “contracted” holiness was confiscated
by the priests and thereafter restricted
to sacred use.
6:20. tenth of an ephah. This is about five
cups of flour for two offerings, each one making
a flat cake of eight to ten inches in diameter.
6:24-30
The Purification Offering
6:27. laundering a blood-spattered garment.
Since the blood in this sacrifice has absorbed
*impurity, the garment is now rendered impure
and must be washed.
6:28. treatment of pottery vessels and metal
vessels. Earthenware vessels retain their porosity
and therefore absorb the *impurity of
what they contain. Bronze or copper containers,
in contrast, can easily be rinsed and thereby
be purified for further use.
Leviticus 6:1—7:6
7:1-10
The Reparation Offering
7:2. blood sprinkled on all sides. The sprinkling
of the blood on all sides of the altar is the
symbolic means of applying the death of the
animal to the purging of any contamination
that might interfere with the entreaty that is
being made. The blood represents the life and
death of the animal, and the altar represents
the sanctuary (God’s presence).
7:3. fat parts. The suet is the layer of fat
around the internal organs, mainly the intestines,
liver and kidneys. This can easily be
peeled off and is inedible. See 3:1-5 for more
information.
7:6. eaten in a holy place. There were areas in
the tabernacle compound provided for such
occasions. See 6:14-23.
7:6. priestly shares. The concept of priestly
125 LEVITICUS 7:12—8:7
portions was discussed above in 6:14-23. Here
the hide also belongs to the priest, a practice
attested in *Babylon as well as in the larger
Mediterranean context.
7:11-21
The Fellowship Offerings
7:12. preparation of thanksgiving offering.
One each of four different breads are presented
to the priest. The “cakes” are probably
braided ring-bread perforated in the baking
process, while the “wafers” are the thin diskshaped
variety, perhaps half an inch thick.
7:14. contribution. This term is traditionally
rendered “heave offering” and refers to a dedicated
gift. Cognate terms are attested in
*Akkadian (Babylonian) and *Ugaritic. Being
put in this category transfers ownership from
the individual to the deity using informal procedures,
generally not within the confines of
the sanctuary.
7:15. difference between thanksgiving offering
and other fellowship offerings. Unlike
the other fellowship offerings, the thanksgiving
offering was often made in places other
than the sanctuary. As a result there is a stricter
rule about eating it the day of the sacrifice,
perhaps to avoid situations where *impurity
could be contracted. This would not be as big
a problem in the sanctuary precincts.
7:19-21. cutting off of those eating unclean
food. The penalty cited here is not something
that people carry out but refers to the action of
God. Such a penalty is generally reserved for
those encroaching on that which is sacred.
7:22-27
Eating of Fat (Suet) and Blood
7:22-27. prohibition against eating fat or
blood. The suet is grouped with the blood as
the portion belonging to the Lord. Just as the
blood is a token of the life of the animal, the
suet is a token of the meat of the sacrifice. The
suet of nonsacrificial animals may be eaten,
but the blood of any animal may not.
Leviticus 7:12—8:7
7:28-36
Priestly Portions
7:30-34. wave offering. Close textual analysis
has demonstrated that nothing is “waved” in
these offerings, though it is possible that the
offering is lifted up before God in dedication
(a practice attested in Egyptian “elevation offerings”).
It is different from the “contribution”
(v. 14) in that it is always in the presence
of the Lord, that is, at the sanctuary. Most
agree that it represents a special dedication
ceremony. There are waving ceremonies attested
in Mesopotamian and *Hittite rituals,
but these are in quite different contexts from
this Israelite ritual.
7:31-34. use of the breast and thigh. Since
there is no mention of which breast, it is assumed
that the animal is not quartered lengthwise
but across the middle below the ribs,
leaving the whole breast intact, a large piece
of choice meat to be shared among the priests.
The thigh is the choice individual portion and
is reserved for the officiating priest.
8:1-36
The Consecration of Aaron and His
Sons
8:1-9. anointing and anointing oil. The spices
which were to be used for anointing purposes
were myrrh, cinnamon, cane and cassia (see
recipe in Ex 30:23-25. Oil symbolizes the gifts
of God to the people and the responsibilities
now laid on their leaders through this ceremony.
In Israelite practice anointing was a sign of
election and was often closely related to endowment
by the Spirit, though that is never
implied concerning the priests. Among the
Egyptians and *Hittites, anointing was believed
to protect a person from the power of
netherworld deities. They anointed both kings
and priests. In the *Amarna texts there is reference
to a king of Nuhasse being anointed by
the Pharaoh, and at Emar the priestess of Baal
is anointed. There is no evidence that kings in
Mesopotamia were anointed, but some priests
were. Additionally, throughout the ancient
world anointing symbolized an advance of a
person’s legal status. Both concepts of protection
and change of status may correlate to the
priest’s anointing, for it would offer him protection
in handling sacred things and identify
him with the divine realm.
8:5-30. consecration ceremony. Investiture
and anointing would have been normal procedures
for social occasions. In Mesopotamian
literature examples would include preparing
Enkidu for entrance into society in the *Gilgamesh
Epic and the hospitality offered *Adapa
when he is called before the high god Anu
in the Myth of Adapa. In the Israelite consecration
ceremony, preparation for entering the
serving circle of deity simply accentuates the
normal procedures by using the very finest
clothing and the most expensive oil. Installation
of priests in Egypt also included clothing
and anointing rituals.
8:1-7. priests in the ancient world. Every culture
in the ancient Near East developed a
LEVITICUS 8:7-30 126
priesthood. Only the Bedouin tribes did not
set these individuals aside to perform priestly
duties exclusively. Their role was to function
as a part of a priestly community, serving temples,
performing sacrifices, conducting religious
services and staging festivals. Priests
would have been educated within the temple
from an early age, and their position in the
priestly class was hereditary in some cases.
They would have been among the few literate
persons in their society and thus were relied
upon to keep records of major events and tie
them to the will of the gods. This process was
known as *divination, and it, along with *ritual
sacrifice, was the chief source of priestly
power and authority. There was a distinctive
hierarchy among priests—ranging from a
chief priest, who sometimes rivaled the king
in power, to midlevel individuals who performed
daily *rituals and sacrifices, to musicians,
and on down to temple servants, who
performed the mundane housekeeping and
custodial tasks necessary in any large community.
8:7. ephod. The most important of Aaron’s
priestly garments is the ephod, which was either
a linen robe covering the upper body or a
frontal piece attached to the shoulders and
sashed at the waist. The fact that the ephod is
related to idols and false worship in later passages
Judg 17:5 and 8:24-27) suggests that it
was a garment borrowed from Mesopotamian
society—perhaps worn by priests or used to
clothe idols. The breastpiece Ex 28:15, the
Urim and Thummim Ex 28:30, and the
ephod are used in *divination 1 Sam 23:9-11.
Thus the high priest is clothed in garments
which aid in the discernment of God’s will.
Discussion of the other items of the priests’
garments can be found in the comments on
Exodus 28.
8:8. Urim and Thummim. No description of
these objects is found in Scripture, although
traditions from the Hellenistic and later periods
suggest they were markers whose appearance
and presentation when cast like lots
would determine God’s will (see Num 27:21;
1 Sam 14:37-41; 28:6). There is no negative
character attached to the Urim and Thummim
as there are to other divinatory practices, and
they are never mentioned in passages describing
non-Israelite worship or *ritual. Nevertheless,
the practice of posing yes-no questions to
the gods (asking *oracles) is known throughout
the ancient Near East. Particularly of interest
are the *Babylonian tamitu texts, which
preserve the answers to many oracular questions.
Positive and negative stones (thought to
be light stones and dark stones) were also
used widely in Mesopotamia in a procedure
called psephomancy. In one *Assyrian text, alabaster
and hematite are specifically mentioned.
The yes-no question would be posed
and then a stone drawn out. The same color
stone would have to be drawn out three times
consecutively for the answer to be confirmed.
Urim is the Hebrew word for “lights” and
therefore would logically be associated with
bright or white stones. One recent study has
pointed out that hematite, because of its use
for weights and seals, was termed the “truth
stone” in *Sumerian. The Hebrew word Thummim
could have a similar meaning.
8:9. the diadem. This refers to a symbol of authority
worn on the forehead or on the front of
a headpiece. Perhaps the best-known example
of this in the ancient world is the serpent
(uraeus) on the front of Pharaoh’s crown,
which was believed to be a protective device.
In the descriptions of the high priest’s garments
the diadem is generally associated with
a “gold plate” (NIV). Since the word translated
“plate” here is also the word for flower, it is
possible that the insignia was flower-shaped.
8:10-21. anointing the sancta. This is done to
consecrate the tabernacle and its parts for sacred
use. Egyptians regularly anointed the images
of the gods, but this was part of the care
procedures, not a consecration.
8:14. laying on the hand. See comment on 4:4-
12.
8:22-30. ram for ordination. The idiom used
here for ordination, the “filling of the hand,” is
known from *Akkadian contexts for both
priests and kings. For *Assyrian king Adad-
Nirari II it is specifically a scepter that is
placed into his hand signifying the authority
of his office. The idiom has wider use, however,
and does not require an insignia. Here it is
a sacrifice of a ram in addition to the purification
offering (vv. 14-17) and the burnt offering
(vv. 18-21) that provides the authorization for
their office.
Leviticus 8:7-30 8:23. right ear, right thumb, right big toe. It is
uncertain which part of the ear is intended
(lobe and antihelix are the most often suggested).
The blood functions both to cleanse from
*impurity and protect from “sacred contagion.”
Smearing or daubing *rituals in the ancient
Near East generally focus on edges and
entrances.
8:29. wave offering. See comment on 7:30-34.
Discussion of the details of verses 25-29 can be
found in comments on chapter 1.
8:30. sprinkling of oil and blood. Aaron has
already been anointed with oil and daubed
with blood, but the sprinkling here serves a
different purpose, that of consecration.
127 LEVITICUS 8:31—10:10
8:31-36. atonement. The concept of “purification”
is closer to the mark than “atonement.”
See the comment on 1:4.
8:35. staying for seven days. The high priest
may not leave for any reason because this
would expose him to uncleanness. In his duties
he absorbs *impurity but remains immune
to its effects as long as he is in the sanctuary
complex. Leaving would make him vulnerable
to the lethal jeopardy such *impurity creates.
*Sumerian texts attest to the same
concerns for entu-priestesses, who must not
venture out of the temple while *Dumuzi, still
in the realm of the dead, roams the streets
(Dumuzi is a dying and rising god connected
to the fertility cycle of the seasons). Seven-day
dedication ceremonies were common, as in
Gudea’s dedication of the temple in *Lagash.
9:1-22
The Beginning of Priestly Service
9:1. eighth-day ceremony. Information concerning
the details of this section may be
found in the previous comments. With the
seven-day initiation and dedication ceremony
completed, the eighth day marks the inauguration
of the system. This ceremony is to be
punctuated with the appearance of the Lord
(vv. 4-6, 23-24). A similar initiation ceremony
occurs when Solomon’s temple is initiated
1 Kings 8:62-64, where the term hanok (“initiation”)
is used (cf. Hanukkah, though the
present-day Jewish holiday is not related to
this event but rather to the reinitiation of the
altar and temple by the Maccabeans after they
had been desecrated by Antiochus Epiphanes
in the second century B.C.).
Leviticus 8:31—10:10
9:23—10:20
The Appearance of the Glory of the
Lord and the Response
9:23. the glory of the Lord. Most temple dedications
in the ancient Near East featured the
deity being officially installed in the temple
(generally by means of the image of the deity
being taken in). Here there is no installation of
*Yahweh, but his glory appears to emerge
from the newly dedicated tabernacle, most
likely in the form of the pillar of cloud and fire
(see comment on Ex 13:21-22 that has represented
the Lord’s presence throughout the
wilderness experience. Here the fire erupts
from the pillar to consume the offerings.
10:1. censers. These are most likely long-handled
pans that could also shovel up the hot
coals. They served as portable altars because
the incense was actually burned in them. Censers
are also used for burning of incense in
Egypt when people wanted to protect themselves
from demonic forces. For a close parallel
in the Bible, see Numbers 16:46-50.
10:1. unauthorized fire. Since access to the
main altar (where coals for incense offerings
were supposed to be obtained) was difficult
given the consuming fire, and since Aaron’s
sons decided that incense was needed to
shield the people from viewing the glory of
the Lord (see 16:13), coals from another source
(unauthorized fire) were used.
10:3. Aaron’s silence. Aaron’s silence is in
contrast to the loud wailing that usually accompanied
mourning. Rather than a stunned
silence, it represents a determination to follow
the procedure that officiating priests should
not be in mourning.
10:4. relatives caring for the dead. One of the
important roles for a family is to care for their
dead. In this situation the brothers of the dead
were not available in that they were still involved
in officiating at the sacrifice. Therefore
the cousins were instructed to perform the
necessary duties.
10:6-7. mourning rites and anointing oil. Disheveled
hair and torn clothing are two of the
principal signs of mourning. Other signs
would include shaving hair or beard, putting
dust on the head, and even slashing oneself.
The mourning period generally lasted seven
days. Aaron was warned against doing this
because it contradicted the priestly condition
that he was required to maintain for the ceremony.
It would cheapen the holiness of the
sanctuary and God’s presence to interrupt
that which the anointing oil had put in motion.
See 21:10-12.
10:8. wine and fermented drink. Dates, honey
and grain products all could be fermented and
used as beverages, but barley beer was probably
the most common alcoholic beverage.
There is some evidence of ritual intoxication
in ancient Near Eastern literature and the Bible
also attests the practice Is 28:7.
10:10. the sacred compass. Verse 10 establishes
several categories. Everything that was
holy (consecrated to deity) was clean (ritually
purified). That which was not holy (therefore
profane or common) could be either clean or
unclean. It was the duty of the priests to maintain
the distinctions between these categories,
and they did so by maintaining what is called
the sacred compass. In this concept the center
of sacred space was the Most Holy Place,
where the ark was. Radiating from that point
out were concentric zones of holiness, each
with its requirements of levels of *purity. The
priests enforced the rules that would maintain
LEVITICUS 10:11—12:2 128
the appropriate level of holiness and *purity
for each zone.
10:11. priestly instruction. Instruction by the
priests would have included ethical as well as
*ritual matters, though here the emphasis is
likely on the latter. Deuteronomy 24:8 offers
an example of such priestly instruction.
Priests in the ancient world were considered
experts in ritual matters of the performance of
the *cult and were regularly consulted about
often complex procedures.
10:12-15. priestly portions. The details of
verses 12-15 have been considered in comments
on chapters 6 and 7.
10:16. the importance of eating the purification
offering. The purification offering was believed
to absorb the impurities that it was
presented to remedy. This concept of ritual absorption
is common in the ancient Near East.
When a great amount is absorbed (as on the
Day of Atonement), the entire offering is
burned so as to dispose of the *impurity. But on
most occasions the priest’s eating of the prescribed
parts plays a role in the purification
process. Milgrom suggests that it symbolized
holiness swallowing up *impurity. If this is so,
Milgrom is right in understanding Aaron’s explanation
to Moses here as reflecting his fearful
caution. The presence of his sons’ corpses in the
sanctuary area may have greatly increased the
amount of *impurity absorbed by the purification
offering, making it lethal to the priest.
11:1-46
Clean and Unclean Food
11:2. dietary restrictions. In Mesopotamia
there were numerous occasions on which certain
foods were prohibited for a short period.
There is also evidence in *Babylonia that there
were certain restrictions concerning animals
that particular gods would accept for sacrifice.
But there is no overriding system such as that
found here. Yet though there is no known parallel
in the ancient world to anything like the
Israelite system of dietary restrictions, the permitted
animals generally conform to the diet
common in the ancient Near East.
11:3-7. criteria for classification of animals.
The main criteria are (1) means of locomotion
and (2) physical characteristics. Nothing is
mentioned of their eating habits or the conditions
of their habitat. Anthropologists have
suggested that animals were considered clean
or unclean depending on whether they possessed
all the features that made them “normal”
in their category. Other suggestions have
concerned health and hygiene. The weakness
of each of these is that there are too many examples
that do not fit the explanation. A popular
traditional explanation suggested that the
animals prohibited had some connection to
non-Israelite *rituals. In fact, however, the sacrificial
practices of Israel’s neighbors appear
strikingly similar to Israel’s. A recent promising
suggestion is that the Israelite diet is modeled
after God’s “diet”—that is, if it could not
be offered in sacrifice to God, then it was not
suitable for human consumption either.
11:7. pigs. *Assyrian wisdom literature calls
the pig unholy, unfit for the temple and an
abomination to the gods. There is also one
dream text in which eating pork is a bad
omen. Yet it is clear that pork was a regular
part of the diet in Mesopotamia. Some *Hittite
*rituals require the sacrifice of a pig. Milgrom
observes, however, that in such rituals the pig
is not put on the altar as food for the god but
absorbs *impurity and then is burned or buried
as an offering to underworld deities. Likewise
in Mesopotamia it was offered as a
sacrifice to demons. There is evidence in
Egypt of pigs used for food, and Herodotus
claims they were used for sacrifice there as
well. Egyptian sources speak of herds of
swine being kept on temple property, and
they were often included in donations to the
temples. The pig was especially sacred to the
god Seth. Most evidence for the sacrifice of
pigs, however, comes from Greece and Rome,
there also mostly to gods of the underworld.
In urban settings pigs along with dogs often
scavenged in the streets, making them additionally
repulsive. The attitude toward the pig
in Israel is very clear in Isaiah 65:4; 66:3, 17,
the former showing close connection to worship
of the dead. It is very possible then that
sacrificing a pig was synonymous with sacrificing
to demons or the dead.
11:8. transfer of *impurity. Objects that come
into contact with a carcass absorb the uncleanness
of the carcass unless they are imbedded
in the ground. Springs and wells are therefore
exempt, as is seed that is to be planted. The
wet seed of verse 38 is being prepared to be
used as food, and so it does become unclean.
Any contact with a carcass made the individual
unclean as well and required purification.
Most eating of meat would have involved animals
that had been ritually slaughtered and
therefore would not transfer uncleanness.
Leviticus 10:11—12:2
12:1-8
Purification After Childbirth
12:2. ceremonial uncleanness. Not all uncleanness
was avoidable, and the cause of uncleanness
was often something that would in
129 LEVITICUS 12:3—14:2
no way be considered sinful. There are several
categories of uncleanness that could not be
easily avoided, including sexual impurities,
disease-related impurities and the uncleanness
that came from contact with a corpse or
carcass. Though it was a matter of etiquette
rather than ethics, the sacred compass needed
to be protected from that which was inappropriate.
Additionally it was a common belief
that demons inhabited menstrual blood. In Israel
bodily emissions such as menstrual blood
and semen were closely associated with life.
When the potential for life that they represented
went unfulfilled, they would represent
death and therefore uncleanness. That the uncleanness
from childbirth should be seen as
similar to monthly uncleanness from the menstrual
cycle was common in ancient cultures,
including Egypt, *Babylonia and Persia.
12:3. circumcision. See comment on Genesis
17:9-14.
12:4-5. purification for 33/66 days. The initial
seven-day period plus the thirty-three additional
days brings the total to forty—the normal
number for estimations. Postpartum
blood flow can last anywhere from two to six
weeks, so this would be a suitable approximation.
Persians and Greeks had similar fortyday
restrictions concerning entering sacred areas
after giving birth, and many cultures require
a longer purification time for girls.
*Hittites considered the child unclean for
three months (male) or four (female). There is
no sure rationale for why the purification time
differs depending on the gender of the child.
12:7. atonement. Cases like this make it clear
that what has been called a “sin offering” is actually
a purification offering (see the comments
on chap. 4). There is no sin here that needs
“atonement.” Rather the *impurity is cleansed
from the altar (see the comment on 1:4).
13:1-46
Skin Disease
13:2. varieties of skin disease. Those studying
the language have concluded that the term often
translated “leprosy” (NIV: “infectious skin
disease”) is more accurately rendered “lesion”
or, less technical, “scaly skin.” Such patches
could be swollen or weeping, as well as flaking.
Similar broad terminology also exists in
*Akkadian, where the *Babylonians likewise
considered it an unclean condition and the
punishment of the gods. Clinical leprosy
(Hansen’s disease) has not been attested in the
ancient Near East prior to the time of Alexander
the Great. None of the most prominent
characteristics of Hansen’s disease are listed
in the text, and the symptoms that are listed
argue against a relationship to Hansen’s disease.
The condition discussed in the text is not
presented as contagious. Descriptions suggest
that modern diagnoses would include
psoriasis, eczema, favus and seborrheic dermatitis
as well as a number of fungal-type infections.
Comparison to “snow” most likely
concerns the flakiness rather than the color
(“white” is added in the translations that contain
it). The great cultural aversion to skin diseases
may be that in appearance (and sometimes
odor) they resemble the rotting skin of
the corpse and are therefore associated with
death. This natural revulsion adds considerably
to the victim’s outcast status when combined
with the quarantine that is ritually
rather than medically motivated. A reflection
of this can be seen in an Old Babylonian omen
that interprets white areas of skin as an indication
that that person has been rejected by his
god and should therefore be rejected by people
as well.
13:45. behavior of victim. The disheveled
hair, torn clothing and covered face characterize
the victim as a mourner. In the superstitions
of the day the mourner would thus
disguise himself from the evil forces hovering
in the places of the dead. His cry would prevent
someone from coming near, for popular
belief held that even his breath could contaminate.
13:46. living outside the camp. Though the
camp did not need to maintain the same level
of *purity as the temple compound, there
were restrictions. This restriction is also found
in *Babylonian literature for victims of skin
diseases forced to live in isolation. It is likely
that they would have lived in the vicinity of
the tombs.
13:47-59. contaminated cloth. This is a reference
to various fungi and molds that can infect
cloth or wood. Mesopotamian literature
considers these growths to be associated with
evil or the demonic, but they are not so personified
in biblical text.
Leviticus 12:3—14:2
14:1-57
Purification of Scale Contamination
14:2. cleansing ritual. These *rituals are not
concerned with dirt or bacteria but with ritual
*impurity. Wild birds are used because the
freed (contaminated) bird must never be inadvertently
used for sacrifice. In Mesopotamian
and *Hittite purification rituals birds are used
because they are believed to carry the *impurity
back to its source in the heavens. Cedar is
apparently used for its red color, along with
LEVITICUS 14:8—15:24 130
the yarn and the blood. This is not used magically
by the Israelites (curing had already taken
place) but symbolically. Many interpreters
consider the red to represent life.
14:8. significance of shaving. Hair sometimes
represents a person’s life or identity, but here
it has no symbolic value. It is shaved off so all
may see the restored condition of the skin and
so no residual *impurity could be harbored
there.
14:10. three-tenths of an ephah. Three-tenths
of an ephah is about six quarts, the equivalent
of offering a grain offering for each of the
three sheep offered.
14:10. log of oil. A log is a small amount, less
than a pint, but it is difficult to be precise. The
Bible uses the term only in this chapter, and
the occurrences in other languages are equally
vague.
14:12. guilt offering. This offering, better
translated “reparation offering,” is described
in chapter 5. It is generally offered when the
sanctuary has somehow suffered loss. It may
be part of this *ritual to make amends for any
offerings that had to be omitted by the individual
during his quarantine. Another suggestion
is that since skin affliction could at
times be a punishment from God for an act of
sacrilege, the reparation offering is made just
in case there was some such offense that the
victim was unaware of.
14:12. the wave offering. See comment on
7:30-34. This context is the only one in which
the entire animal in included in the ceremony
(see chaps. 7—8).
14:14. right ear, right thumb, right big toe.
See comment on 8:23.
14:15. the use of the oil. Oil is used in the ancient
Near East as a protective substance.
Though that function may well have disappeared
in Israel, oil was retained as an important
ritual element (like mistletoe in homes
today being no longer considered protection
from demons but associated with the season).
An Egyptian *ritual for preparing an idol for
the day includes a similar procedure to that
described here in verse 18.
14:18. atonement. The oil (or, more likely, the
entire reparation *ritual), the purification offering,
the burnt offering and the grain offering
are each said to make atonement for the
individual. For atonement as purgation see
comments on chapter 1. Here it is used to describe
the complex ritual process that provides
the individual with a clean slate for
being reinstated into full participation in the
ritual system.
14:34. mildew. The reference here is to fungal
infections, which were considered to be evil
omens in the ancient world. Mesopotamian
*rituals target fungus growths in a number of
different contexts. The wall containing the
fungus was believed to be the indicator of
which member of the family would die. The
fungus was an omen of the coming of demons
and their troubles. There is no such element
here, and only the house needs the ritual procedures,
not the inhabitants.
14:48. purification ritual. This *rite shows
some similarity to the fungus purification rites
known from the rest of the ancient Near East.
The *Hurrian ritual uses birds (two sacrificed,
one released) and burns cedar just as the Israelites
did. *Babylonians used a raven and a
hawk. The latter was released into the wilderness.
For the other details of this ritual, see the
comment on the beginning of this chapter.
Leviticus 14:8—15:24
15:1-33
Discharges
15:1-15. discharges caused by disease. Described
here is the discharge of mucus that is
most frequently caused by gonorrhea (though
only the more benign varieties were present in
the ancient world). Alternatively it has been
identified as infectious urinary bilharzia, a
known scourge of the ancient world. This disease
was caused by the parasite Schistosoma
related to snails in the water system that have
been detected in excavations. Such discharges
were believed to be evidence of demonic presence
in the person in the larger ancient Near
East, but in Israel they required only washing
of the individual and purification of the sanctuary,
not *exorcism as in Mesopotamia.
15:16-18. seminal emissions. Among the *Hittites
nocturnal emissions were considered to
result from sexual intercourse with spirits.
There is no such stigma here, and the purification
requires only washing, not sacrifice. Any
sexual activity would prevent one from entering
the temple compound until evening. This
was also true in Egyptian practice, though it is
not in evidence in many other ancient Near
Eastern cultures, presumably due to the prevalence
of ritualized prostitution. In these cultures,
illustrated by *Hittite practice, sexual
intercourse required washing prior to participation
in rituals but required no waiting period
and was not explicitly prohibited on
temple grounds.
15:19-24. menstruation. Menstrual flow was
considered a source of *impurity throughout
the ancient world and in a few cultures represented
danger of demonic influence. Again Israel
treats it only as requiring washing, not
sacrifice, and offers no protective rituals. A
131 LEVITICUS 15:25—16:12
royal *Assyrian decree toward the end of the
second millennium prohibited a menstruating
woman from coming into the king’s presence
when sacrifices were being made.
15:25-33. irregular discharges. Menostaxis is
the name for the principal cause of continued
blood flow beyond the regular monthly period.
This could result in nearly perpetual uncleanness
and make it nearly impossible to
have children, for sexual intercourse is prohibited
when such a blood flow exists.
16:1-34
Day of Atonement (Purgation)
16:2. limited access to holy places. Temples in
the ancient world were typically not houses of
public worship. Access to sacred precincts
was heavily restricted because they were considered
holy ground. The more sacred the area,
the more restricted the access, both to
protect the human beings who would be taking
their lives in their hands to trespass on sacred
ground and to prevent desecration of the
dwelling place of deity.
16:2. appearing in a cloud. *Akkadian uses
the term melammu to describe the glowing,
visible representation of the glory of deity,
which in turn is enshrouded in smoke or
cloud. In Canaanite mythology it has been
suggested the melammu concept is expressed
by the word anan, the same Hebrew word
here translated “cloud,” but the occurrences
are too few and obscure for confidence.
16:2. atonement cover. Traditionally translated
“mercy seat,” though all translations are
speculative. The term refers to the solid gold
rectangular plate or sheet (made of one piece
with the cherubim) that sat on top of the ark
(see comment on Ex 25:17. One suggestion is
that the word comes from Egyptian, where a
similar-sounding word refers to a place to rest
one’s feet. Since the ark is at times viewed as a
footstool for God, this would fit well.
16:4. Aaron’s garments. See the comments on
Exodus 28 for the description of the high
priest’s garments. Here he is not dressed in
full regalia but, as an act of humility, in more
simple linen clothing. The linen for the clothing
worn by the priests was imported from
Egypt, where it was also distinctively used for
priests’ garments. Angels, too, are said to be
dressed in linen (for example, Dan 10:5. Later
in the ceremony the high priest will change
into the regular uniform (vv. 23-24).
16:6-10. purpose of the day. Though other cultures
of the ancient Near East have *rituals to
dispose of evil, in all of those the evil is of a
ritual or demonic nature, while in Israel all of
the sins of the people are included. The ceremony
begins with purification offerings so
that the priest can enter the holy place. Once
inside, the blood ritual cleanses all the parts of
the sanctuary from the impurities accumulated
throughout the year. It works from the inside
out until the sins are placed on the head
of the “scapegoat,” which carries them away.
The goal of the regular purification offerings
was forgiveness (see comment on 4:13-32). In
contrast, this annual ritual is intended to dispose
of the sins of the people.
16:8. Azazel. The Hebrew word translated
“scapegoat” is azazel. This translation results
in dividing the Hebrew word into two
words—an unlikely solution. Since verse 8
identifies one goat as “for *Yahweh” and the
other goat as “for Azazel,” it is most consistent
to consider Azazel a proper name, probably
of a demon. Early Jewish interpreters had
this understanding, as is demonstrated in the
book of Enoch (second century B.C.). This goat
is not sacrificed to Azazel (consistent with
17:7) but released “to Azazel” (v. 26). *Babylonians
believed in alu-demons that lived in deserted
wasteland, and this may be a similar
concept. In Ebla tablets there is a purification
rite for a mausoleum using a goat which is
then released into the steppe country.
16:8. scapegoat concept in the ancient Near
East. A number of *Hittite *rituals feature the
transfer of evil to an animal that is then sent
away. In some cases the animal is considered a
gift to appease the gods or a type of sacrifice
to the gods, but in others it is simply a means
of disposing of the evil. Mesopotamian rituals
that transfer *impurity often see the animal as
a substitute for an individual—a substitute
that will now become the object of demonic
attack instead of the person. In the Asakki Marsuti
ritual for fever, the goat that is the substitute
for the sick man is sent out into the
wilderness. All of these differ significantly
from Israelite practice in that they are enacted
by means of incantations (reciting words of
power)—a concept totally absent in Israelite
ritual. Additionally the Israelite practice
shows no intention to appease the anger of deity
or demon, whereas this is the most common
motivation of the ancient Near Eastern
rituals.
Leviticus 15:25—16:12 16:8. casting lots. Casting lots gives the Lord
the opportunity to choose the goat for sacrifice.
16:12. function of the incense. Incense altars
were typical of both Israelite and Canaanite
sanctuaries. The incense offered on these altars
was a mixture of spices featuring most
prominently frankincense but also including
LEVITICUS 16:29—18:21 132
gum resin, onycha and galbanum (see the
comment on Ex 30:34-38. Later Jewish tradition
included a dozen spices in the mixture.
The smoke of the incense represented the
prayers of the people going up to God.
16:29. tenth day of the seventh month. This
would be in the fall, ten days after New Year’s
Day. In our calendar it falls toward the end of
September.
16:34. atonement once a year. In the *Babylonian
new year *ritual the priest slaughtered a
ram to be used in purging the sanctuary. Incantations
to exorcise demons were recited.
The king declared himself free of a number of
crimes concerning his office, and the body of
the ram was thrown into the river.
Leviticus 16:29—18:21
17:1-18
Meat Consumption and Blood
17:4. guilty of bloodshed. Domestic animals
suitable for sacrifice could not be ritually
slaughtered for fellowship offerings except at
the tabernacle/temple. This prohibition
would help prevent the offering of these sacrifices
to other gods or at unapproved shrines.
It would also hinder the concept that the
blood of an animal slaughtered away from the
sanctuary could be considered as appeasing
netherworld deities. It was this spilling of
blood in illicit rituals that the individual
would be guilty of.
17:7. goat idols. The term most likely refers to
satyrlike demons who were believed to haunt
the open fields and uninhabitable places.
17:9. cut off from his people. This terminology
is generally accepted as reflecting a belief
that God would carry out the appropriate
punishment. It does not suggest any judicial
or societal action against that person but
awaits the action of God.
17:11. life in the blood. The idea that blood
contained the essence of life is evident in the
Mesopotamian belief that the first people
were created from the blood of a slain deity.
But there were no dietary restrictions regarding
blood and nothing to suggest a ritual use
of blood, either in terms of what was offered
to deity or in purification rituals, anywhere
else in the ancient Near East.
17:11. blood as atonement. It is because the
blood was believed to contain the essence of
life that it could serve as a purifying agent in
the *rituals of the sacrificial system. For more
discussion about the word translated “atonement,”
see the comment on 1:4.
17:12. prohibition against eating blood. Eating
the blood could easily be viewed as one
way of absorbing the life force of another creature.
This type of thinking is forbidden, as is
the idea that by ingesting it the individual has
destroyed the life force by dissipation. Instead,
the life is to be offered back to God,
whence it came.
18:1-30
Sexual Prohibitions
18:1-29. sexual taboos. Every society develops
sexual taboos to regulate marriage practices,
adultery and unacceptable sexual practices.
These restrictions vary from one culture to another,
but they are all designed to reflect the
economic and moral values of their society.
The laws in chapter 18 are *apodictic (command)
laws, which note only that these practices
defile the people. The word used in
verses 22-29 (NIV: “detestable”) identifies the
behavior as contrary to the character of God.
A parallel term in *Sumerian and *Akkadian
designates conduct as being despicable to deity.
In the case of incest (vv. 6-18), the primary
concern is over relations with immediate
blood kin (father, mother, sister, brother, son,
daughter) and affinal relations (wife, husband,
uncle, aunt). The only exception is in
the case of levirate obligation Deut 25:5-10,
when a man’s brother is required to have sexual
relations with his sister-in-law. Incest was
equally abhorrent in most other societies (e.g.,
the prohibitions in *Hittite laws). A Hittite
treaty prohibits sexual relationships with sisters-
in-law or cousins on pain of death. The
exception is Egypt, where incest was a common
practice in the royal family (but little attested
elsewhere) as a means to strengthen or
consolidate royal authority. This concept is
also seen among *Elamite kings. Adultery (v.
20) violates the sanctity of the family and contaminates
the inheritance process (see the
comment on Ex 20:14.
18:21. children passed through the fire to
Molech. Evidence of child sacrifice has been
recovered from Phoenician sites in North Africa
(Carthage) and Sardinia, and it was also
practiced in Syria and Mesopotamia during
the *Assyrian period (eighth and seventh centuries
B.C.). Dedicating children to a god as a
form of sacrifice is found in several biblical
narratives. It can be explained as a means of
promoting *fertility Mic 6:6-7 or as a way of
obtaining a military victory Judg 11:30-40;
2 Kings 3:27. In no case, however, is this considered
acceptable as a sacrifice to *Yahweh
under biblical law Deut 18:10. Many consider
Molech to be a netherworld deity whose
worship featured *rituals with Canaanite origins
focusing on dead ancestors. An eighth-
133 LEVITICUS 18:22—19:26
century B.C. Phoenician inscription speaks of
sacrifices made to Molech before battle by the
Cilicians and their enemies.
18:22-23. homosexuality and bestiality. Homosexuality
(v. 22) and bestiality (v. 23) were
both practiced in the context of *ritual or magic
in the ancient Near East. The latter particularly
occurs in the mythology of *Ugarit and is
banned in legal materials (especially the *Hittite
laws). The mixing of realms was contrary
to concepts of *purity.
18:24-28. Canaanite sexual perversions. These
perversions should not be considered simply
the result of human depravity. Sex had been
ritually incorporated into worship in order to
procure *fertility of the land, the herds and
flocks, and the people. While the fertility aspect
of Canaanite religion is well attested, little
is known of specific details of ritualized
sex. Temple personnel included male and female
prostitutes, but their ritual role is still obscure.
The implication of these verses is also
that violation of the sexual code pollutes both
the people and the land, requiring a cleansing
process that will drive them out and allow resettlement
by the Israelites. There is thus an
understanding of an intimate relationship between
land and people that would have been
natural to a people who based their lives on
agriculture and herding. Despite the assurance
that the land would ultimately belong to
them, however, caution is expressed that the
Israelites not follow this same course of personal
defilement and be exiled in turn.
Leviticus 18:22—19:26
19:1-37
Miscellaneous Laws
19:9-10. intentionally inefficient harvesting.
In *fertility *cults, the portion left in the field
would have served as an offering to the deities
of the ground. Here it becomes a means to
care for the poor. While no examples of this
legislation survive in ancient Near Eastern
law, texts from the town of *Nuzi suggest a
similar practice.
19:11-19. social contract. This is another set of
*apodictic (command) decrees similar to the
Decalogue (Ten Commandments) of Exodus
20:1-17. It provides an even fuller concept of
the social contract between God and the Israelites,
as well as the rights and obligations of
the Israelites among themselves. There are no
other examples of such social contracts between
people and their deity. However the ancient
Near Eastern gods were believed to be
concerned about justice in society, and people
considered themselves accountable to the
gods, either to their personal/family gods or
to Shamash, the god of justice. The gods were
believed to judge people’s conduct and were
called upon to witness behavior in the human
realm. Thus the social contracts that governed
human behavior among Israel’s neighbors
were made between the human parties with
the gods invoked by oath as protectors.
19:19. mixing animals, seeds, materials. Some
mixtures were considered to be reserved for
sacred use. The parallel passage in Deuteronomy
22:9-11 makes it clear that this is the issue
in Israel as well. The mixture of wool and linen
was used in the tabernacle and in the high
priest’s outer garments, and it was thus reserved
for sacred use. This interpretation is
also current in the Dead Sea Scrolls (4QMMT).
Sowing of two types of seed is also prohibited
in the *Hittite laws, with a death threat to violators.
19:20-22. status of slave girl. Standards of
conduct and penalties vary for slaves. Ancient
Near Eastern law contains several examples of
punishment for the rape of a female slave.
Both the Neo-Sumerian laws of *Ur-Nammu
and the *Babylonian laws of *Eshnunna (both
c. 2000 B.C.) prescribe fines for rape of a female
slave. The Eshnunna law adds the further provision
that the woman remains the property
of her original owner, so that rape cannot become
a predatory means of obtaining a slave.
In the biblical example, the case is not considered
adultery and therefore does not end in
execution (see Deut 22:23-24, since she is still
technically a slave, not a free woman (see Ex
22:15-17).
19:23-25. fruit tree husbandry. Orchards of
fruit trees were of such great value that the
law forbade cutting them during times of war
Deut 20:19. They usually contained more
than one variety of tree (see Amos 9:14.
Among the most common fruit trees were fig,
olive, date and sycamore fig. Some orchards
were irrigated Num 24:6, but most appear to
have been planted on terraced hillsides (Jer
31:5). Careful cultivation and pruning was
necessary during the first three years in order
to insure eventual good harvests and proper
maturing of the trees. The fruit during this period
could not be eaten and was declared unclean
(literally, “uncircumcised”). In the
fourth year the entire harvest was to be dedicated
to God as an offering, and from the fifth
year on the owner could eat the fruit.
19:26. divination. *Divination involves a variety
of methods used by prophets Mic 3:11,
soothsayers, mediums and sorcerers to determine
the will of the gods and to predict the future.
These included the examination of the
entrails of sacrificial animals, the analysis of
LEVITICUS 19:27-31 134
omens of various types and the reading of the
future in natural and unnatural phenomena
(see Gen 44:5. The prohibition against eating
meat with the “blood still in it” in this verse is
tied to the injunction against participating in
any form of divination or sorcery. Thus, rather
than being a dietary law, this decree involves
the practice of draining blood from a sacrificial
animal into the ground or a sacred pit,
which was designed to attract the spirits of
the dead (see 1 Sam 28:7-19 or chthonic (underworld)
deities in order to consult them
about the future. Such practices are found in
several *Hittite ritual texts and in Odysseus’
visit to the underworld (Odyssey 11.23-29, 34-
43). These practices were condemned (Deut
18:10-11) because they infringed on the idea of
*Yahweh as an all-powerful God who was not
controlled by fate.
19:27. significance of hair trimming. For men
hair has symbolic value as a sign of manhood
or virility (see 2 Sam 10:4. Women decorate
their hair and groom it carefully as a sign of
beauty. The prohibition against trimming the
“sides of your head” or the “edges of your
beard” uses the same terminology as in 19:9-
10, which deals with the harvesting of fields.
In both cases an offering is involved—one to
the poor and the other to God. The law’s
placement here immediately after the prohibition
against *divination suggests that the restriction
on cutting the hair is based on the
Canaanite practice of making an offering of
hair to propitiate the spirits of the dead (see
Deut 14:1. *Hammurabi’s code penalizes
false witnesses by having half the person’s
hair cut off. The Middle Assyrian code allows
a debt-slave’s master to pull out his or her hair
as punishment (see Neh 13:25. Both laws suggest
that shame is attached to the loss of hair.
There is a Phoenician inscription from the
ninth century B.C. reporting the dedication of
shaven hair by an individual in fulfillment of
a vow made to the goddess *Astarte. In ancient
thinking hair (along with blood) was one
of the main representatives of a person’s life
essence. As such it was often an ingredient in
sympathetic magic. This is evident, for instance,
in the practice of sending along a lock
of a presumed prophet’s hair when his prophecies
were sent to the king of *Mari. The hair
would be used in divination to determine
whether the prophet’s message would be accepted
as valid.
Leviticus 19:27-31 19:28. cutting body for dead. Mourning and
*cultic practices sometimes included lacerating
oneself (see 1 Kings 18:28; Jer 16:6, 41:5).
This may have been done to attract a god’s attention,
ward off the spirits of the dead or
demonstrate greater grief then simply wailing.
The prohibition may be due to its association
with Canaanite religion. For instance, the
*Ugaritic cycle of stories about the god *Baal
(c. 1600-1200 B.C.) includes an example of
mourning by the chief god *El over the death
of Baal. His grief takes the ritual form of filling
his hair with dirt, wearing sackcloth and cutting
himself with a razor. The text reads that
“he plowed his chest like a garden.”
19:28. tattoo marks. The prohibition against
marking the skin may involve either tattooing
or painting the body as part of a religious *ritual.
Such markings may have been designed
to protect a person from the spirits of the dead
or to demonstrate membership in a group.
Some evidence for this has been found in the
examination of human remains in Scythian
tombs dating to the sixth century B.C. The Israelite
law may prohibit this practice since it involves
a self-imposed alteration of God’s
creation, unlike *circumcision, which is commanded
by God.
19:29. prostitution. In line with the surrounding
laws, which prohibit defiling either the
people or the produce of the land, this law
against selling a daughter into prostitution is
designed to prevent defiling both her honor
and that of the family. Financial problems
might tempt a father to do this, but it is considered
a moral pollution of both the people
and of the land itself. As in 18:24-28, such a
practice could result in eventual expulsion
from the land. The extreme nature of this penalty
may be based on the loss of honor of both
the household and the community. However,
it is also possible that this refers to *cultic
prostitution and thus would mean the worship
of gods other than *Yahweh.
19:31. mediums and spiritualists. The practitioners
of spiritism and sorcery are condemned
Deut 18:10-11 because of their
association with Canaanite religion and because
their “art” attempted to circumvent
*Yahweh by seeking knowledge and power
from spirits. They represented a form of “popular
religion” that was closer to the folk practices
of the common people and served as a
form of “shadow religion” for many. Sometimes,
because of its association with *divination,
their *rituals and methods stood in direct
opposition to “official religion” or as an alternative
to be used in times of desperation (see
Saul’s use of the outlawed witch of Endor in
1 Sam 28. Sorcery and potions used in the
practice of magic were also banned in *Hammurabi’s
code and the Middle Assyrian law,
suggesting that the prohibition and fear of
these practices was not unique to Israel.
135 LEVITICUS 19:35—21:7
19:35-36. honest measurements. The injunction
to deal in honest weights and measures
when doing business is directly related to the
laws in 19:11-18, which require fair dealing
and an internalized sense that your neighbor
is to be treated as you would want to be treated.
Standardization of weights and measures
was required in *Hammurabi’s code with regard
to repayment of debts in grain or silver,
and involving the measuring out of grain to
pay for wine. Penalties for violators ranged
from forfeiture of property to execution.
20:1-27
Defiling Conduct
20:2-5. children of Molech. One of the major
themes in this book equates idolatry with
prostituting oneself after other gods. This in
turn pollutes *Yahweh’s sanctuary, the Israelites
themselves and the land. The practice of
sacrificing children to Molech (see comment
on 18:21) is condemned, and the perpetrators
are to be stoned (a form of communal execution
which draws everyone into the act of purification).
No violation of this command will
be tolerated, even if God must mete out the
punishment when the community chooses to
turn a blind eye to sin. The idea of “cutting
off” the sinner implies complete banishment
from God and the community and was generally
a punishment that was seen as being carried
out by God.
20:9. cursing parents. Contrary to the NIV
translation, studies have demonstrated that
the infraction here is not cursing but treating
with contempt. This is a more general category
and would certainly include the prohibition
of Exodus 21:15, which forbids striking a
parent, and would be the opposite of the fifth
commandment to “honor your father and
your mother” Ex 20:12. Each injunction is
designed to protect the cohesion of the family
unit as well as insure that each subsequent
generation provide their parents with the respect,
food and protection they deserve (see
Deut 21:18-21. Mesopotamian law codes and
legal documents are also clear on the issue of
treating parents with contempt. The *Sumerian
laws allow a son who disowns his parents
to be sold as a slave. *Hammurabi requires the
amputation of the hand of a man who strikes
his father. A will from *Ugarit describes a
son’s behavior using the same verb used in
this verse and stipulates disinheritance.
20:10-16. capital punishment for sexual
crimes. The violation of sexual codes (adultery,
incest, homosexuality, bestiality) is
placed on a par with idolatry in this law code
and thus requires the sentence of death. Both
defile persons and the land and cannot be tolerated.
Crimes of this nature are also punishable
in *Hammurabi’s code (adultery requires
trial by ordeal in laws 129 and 132; rape is a
capital crime in law 130; incest is punished by
exile in law 154), the *Middle Assyrian laws
(homosexuality punished by castration in law
20) and the *Hittite laws (bestiality with pigs
or dogs punished by death in law 199). In the
Hittite treaty between Shuppiluliuma and
Huqqana, the latter is charged not to take his
sister or cousin sexually because among the
Hittites people are put to death for such behavior.
Such inhibitions, however, were certainly
not universal. In the Persian period, for
instance, men were encouraged to marry their
sisters, daughters or mother as acts of piety. In
Israelite practice, however, these were all believed
to undermine the family, the foundational
element of Israelite society. To undermine
the family was to undermine the *covenant.
20:20-21. penalty of childlessness. Having
children meant having someone to care for
you in old age and give proper burial and the
extension of the family into the next generation.
Being childless represented the cutting
off of the family and the risk of being neglected
in old age and death.
20:27. medium or spiritist. See comment on
19:31.
Leviticus 19:35—21:7
21:1—22:32
Regulations for Priests
21:5. shaving practices of priests. Priests have
the special injunction to keep themselves pure
and holy because it is their responsibility to
bring offerings to God. As a result, their skin
and hair must remain intact, free of blemish or
injury, as a testimony to that holiness. Thus
they are prohibited from engaging in the
mourning practices common in Canaan of
gashing themselves, tearing their hair or shaving
their beard. In fact it would be shameful
for them to present themselves in any condition
that was not holy (see Satan’s accusation
against the high priest Joshua in Zech 3:3.
21:7. marriage regulations for priests. There
was a special regulation for priests against
marrying a woman who was known to have
engaged repeatedly in prostituting herself
(“defiled by prostitution” implies flagrant
abuse). Furthermore, he was also denied the
right to marry a woman who was divorced.
This is probably due to the fact that the principal
charge made against a woman by her husband
in a divorce proceeding was infidelity
LEVITICUS 21:10—22:28 136
(see Num 5:11-31; Deut 22:13-14; 24:1).
21:10-14. special regulations for high priest.
Even a higher standard of *purity was required
for the high priest. He must avoid contaminating
his person by coming into contact
with the dead, even if this means absenting
himself from his parents’ funeral, and he cannot
engage in the usual forms of mourning
(see purification rituals for corpse contamination
in Num 19. This restriction may also be
an attempt to disassociate the priesthood from
*cults of the dead. Furthermore, the priest’s
wife must be a virgin. She cannot have been
married before, nor can she be either a divorcee
or a prostitute. The high priest was anointed
to represent the *purity of the nation in its
dealings with God. Therefore he must avoid
all contact with persons or objects that might
defile him and through him the Holy of Holies.
21:16-23. prohibiting priests with defects.
Just as animals with physical defects or blemishes
may not be offered for sacrifice (22:19-
22), priests who have a physical defect may
not serve before the altar. Ritual *purity is required
for the sacred precincts of the altar, the
sacrifice and the religious practitioner officiating
at the altar in every religion in the ancient
Near East. Priests must therefore be in perfect
health and in full command of their bodies
and senses. Thus anyone who is “blind [even
in one eye], lame, disfigured or deformed,” is
restricted from priestly service. The list is
quite graphic and includes defects caused by
accidents (broken bones, crushed testicles),
birth defects (dwarfism, lameness, hunchback)
or disease (skin afflictions, sores). Even
though he may not approach the altar, the disabled
priest is still entitled to his share of the
priestly portion of the sacrifice.
Leviticus 21:10—22:28 21:21. food of his God. A portion of most sacrificial
offerings was reserved for the nourishment
of the priests (see 2:3, 10; 7:6, 31-34; 24:8-
9; Num 18:12-13, 15, 26, for a description of
the sacrifices and the priestly portion). Even if
a priest is disqualified from taking part in the
sacrificial *ritual, due to physical defect, he
still has the right to eat from this divine meal,
for he is still a priest. The sharing of the sacrificial
repast by the deity and attending priests
is also found in Egyptian and Mesopotamian
texts, creating a special bond between servitor
and deity. See comments on 1:1-2 and 3:6-11.
22:3-9. prohibiting priests with uncleanness.
The altar and those who officiated at it were
required to maintain strict *purity and cleanliness.
This was the case among the Israelites as
well as other peoples of the ancient Near East.
Egyptian priests were required to undergo
lengthy purification rites before approaching
the altar. One *Hittite text contains a long list
of instructions on maintaining the ritual *purity
of priest and temple as well as the means to
cleanse them in case of contamination, which
is very similar to that found in chapter 22.
Any source of contamination (improper or defective
sacrifice or a defiled person or priest)
would defile them and require lengthy purification
rites before they could once again fulfill
their function. The list in 22:4-5 provides a
guide to persons who must be kept away from
the sacred precincts and the priests, including
those who have come in contact with the dead
or an unclean animal or person or have eaten
unclean food. *Hittite law, which prohibits
persons who have had sexual relations with a
horse or mule from becoming priests, provides
another type of uncleanness which is
not commensurate with serving as a priest.
22:8. carcasses. All animals found dead were
unclean, so only those that had been ritually
slaughtered with the blood properly drained
were available for the priests.
22:10-16. eligibility for priestly portions.
There are foods which are only to be consumed
by the god(s) and their priests. A
graphic example of this is found in the oath of
a *Hittite prince, “Prayers of Kantuzilis,”
which certifies that he has never eaten “that
which is holy to my god.” At least in the Israelite
law, the portion set aside for the priest
may also be shared with members of his
household, although not with guests or hired
workers. The restrictions are based on the fact
that this is sacred food, and it must not be given
to persons outside his extended family (including
his slaves). Even daughters who
marry outside the priestly community are
prohibited from eating this food. There is provision
for her return to her father’s household
after the death of her husband, and in that
case she will once again be allowed to eat
from the sacrificial offering.
22:17-28. classes of unacceptable sacrifices.
Just as the altar and the priests must be without
defect and ritually pure, so too must the
items brought for sacrifice. However, there are
categories of acceptable offerings based on the
type of sacrifice. For instance, when an animal
is presented as a freewill offering or to fulfill a
vow, it must be male and without defect. No
beast which is blind, injured or maimed or
which has skin disorders (warts or sores) will
be accepted. But for lesser freewill offerings, a
cow or sheep which is deformed or stunted
will be accepted, although not one whose testicles
are damaged. Similarly, in *Hittite *ritual,
dogs, which were normally considered
137 LEVITICUS 22:28—23:15
unclean, could be sacrificed to the gods of the
underworld.
22:28. prohibition concerning slaughter of
mother and young. The regulation that a
mother and her young should not be offered
the same day provided some protection to
those with just a few animals who might otherwise
have found themselves with ritual requirements
that would decimate their small
herd. There is nothing known of foreign *cultic
practice that this would combat, though
some have defended the alternative that the
regulation had humanitarian concerns.
23:1-44
Religious Calendar
23:1-44. Israel’s religious calendar. Versions
of Israel’s festal calendar are found in Exodus
23:12-19; 34:18-26; Leviticus 23; Deuteronomy
16:1-17; and Numbers 28—29. Each has its
own characteristics and emphases. In Leviticus
a list of the sacrifices required throughout
the year is intertwined with the festivals of
sabbath, Passover, the Feast of Unleavened
Bread, the Feast of Weeks, the Feast of Trumpets,
the Day of Atonement and the Feast of
Tabernacles. These feasts mark the various
stages in the agricultural year, celebrate harvests
and give both credit and a sacrificial portion
back to God, who has provided their
bounty. Several also became related to historical
events. Although the sabbath is not technically
a feast day, it is appended here to mark
its importance, and it provides a sense of how
the ancients calculated time. Much of the rest
of the ancient Near East had calendars more
cognizant of the sun and moon, since these
were manifestations of principal deities.
While Israel’s calendar did not neglect lunar
and solar cycles, less attention was paid to
equinoxes and solstices (sometimes viewed as
times of conflict between sun and moon
gods). Since the agricultural seasons ultimately
link to the solar cycles, the lunar month/
year system used throughout the ancient Near
East had to be periodically adjusted to the solar
cycle. This was done by adding a thirteenth
month a few days in length when
priests determined that an adjustment was
called for.
23:3. sacred assembly on the sabbath. Sacred
assemblies or proclamations were an important
part of most religious practice in the ancient
world. They refer to local or national
gatherings for public, corporate worship. The
people were summoned together away from
their occupational work. Aside from performance
of corporate *rituals, it is unclear what
took place at these gatherings. In later times
they were used for public readings, but evidence
for this on all such occasions in the early
periods is lacking (see Deut 31:10-13. This
passage is the only reference to these gatherings
in association with the sabbath.
23:5. Passover. This celebration refers to the
Passover sacrifice commemorating the departure
from Egypt (detailed in Ex 12—13). It is to
begin at twilight on the fourteenth day of the
first month (March-April). Since the sacrifice
is to be a year-old lamb, some speculate that
the origin of this event is found among the
pastoral nomadic groups of the land and was
at this time appended to the agriculturally
based Feast of Unleavened Bread. Eventually,
Passover became a pilgrimage festival when
worship was centralized in Jerusalem, but it
returned to home celebration after the destruction
of the temple in A.D. 70.
23:6-8. Feast of Unleavened Bread. The Feast
of Unleavened Bread signals the beginning of
the barley harvest (March-April). Unleavened
bread was made from the newly harvested
grain without adding yeast and was celebrated
as the first sign of coming harvests that
year. The seven days of celebration and burnt
offering are enclosed by days at the beginning
and the end when no work is allowed (see
comment on Ex 12:14-20.
23:10-14. wave offering for harvest. As a part
of the harvest festival, the “first fruits” are
brought to the priest. He in turn waves the
sheaf of grain or elevates it before the altar of
the Lord. This gesture physically draws God’s
attention to the sacrifice and signifies that all
gifts and sacrificial items derive from and belong
to God. It also releases the remainder of
the harvest for the people’s use (see comment
on 7:28-38).
Leviticus 22:28—23:15 23:12-13. burnt, grain and drink offering. The
burnt offering of the year-old lamb, a quantity
twice the usual amount of grain, and a libation
of wine constituted the three major products
of Israel (sometimes with olive oil
replacing or supplementing wine—see 2:1;
Num 15:4-7. By combining them, the fertility
provided by God will be directed toward all
of their efforts in animal husbandry and farming.
The pleasing odor draws *Yahweh’s attention
to the sacrifice (see Noah’s sacrifice in
Gen 8:20-21 and marks it as the properly prescribed
thanksgiving *ritual—not the feeding
of a god as in Mesopotamian and Egyptian religions.
23:15-22. Feast of Weeks. This second of the
three major harvest festivals comes seven
weeks after the harvest of the early grain (Ex
34:22; Deut 16:9-12 and is also known as the
LEVITICUS 23:16—24:10 138
Feast of Harvest or Pentecost Ex 23:16. In the
agricultural cycle it marks the end of the
wheat harvest season, and by tradition it is
tied to the giving of the law on Mount Sinai. It
is also associated with *covenant renewal and
pilgrimage. Celebration includes the bringing
of a “wave offering” of two loaves of bread,
animal sacrifices (seven year-old lambs, one
bull and two rams) and a drink offering in
thanksgiving for a good harvest. A goat is also
to be sacrificed as a sin offering for the people.
23:16-20. offerings. The Feast of Weeks requires
a variety of offerings from the people.
The “new grain” offering is distinct from the
regular grain offering (see 2:13). The two
loaves are made with yeast, but they will not
actually be taken up on the altar (see regulations
in 7:13). The animals that serve as burnt
offerings (seven year-old lambs, a young bull
and two rams) demonstrate the mixed character
of the Israelite economy. The reason for the
inclusion of a sin offering of a goat is unclear
beyond the idea that the people must be restored
to *cultic *purity prior to consuming
their harvest.
23:23-25. Feast of Trumpets. The first day of
the seventh month (the most sacred month in
the Israelite calendar) was to be marked with
the blowing of ram’s horn (shofar), commemorating
the *covenantal agreement and gifts of
God to the people. No work is allowed, and
burnt offerings are presented (see Num 29:2-6
for items sacrificed). The festival would continue
until the tenth day of the month when
the Day of Atonement would be observed (see
16:29-34 for details). In later times the Feast of
Trumpets would become the New Year’s festival,
but that occurred in late postexilic times.
23:26-32. Day of Atonement. For information
on the Day of Atonement, see the comments
on chapter 16.
23:33-43. Feast of Tabernacles. The final harvest
of the year occurred in the autumn prior
to the onset of the rainy season and marked
the beginning of a new agricultural year (fifteenth
day of the seventh month). At this time
the last of the ripening grain and fruits were
gathered and stored. The seven-day event was
also known as the Feast of Ingathering (Ex
23:16) and was symbolized by the construction
of booths decorated with greenery for the
harvesters. The festival was tied into Israelite
tradition as a commemoration of the wilderness
wanderings. It was also the occasion for
the dedication of Solomon’s temple in Jerusalem
1 Kings 8:65.
23:40. fruit, leaves and branches. To represent
the abundance and lushness of the land, Israelites
were instructed to celebrate, decorating
their booths with fruit (citron) as well as
leaves and branches from willow and palm
trees. The festal occasion probably included
dancing and processions carrying bundles of
the leafy branches. In this way, the people acknowledge
the abundance provided by God
and communally celebrate the visible fulfillment
of the *covenant.
23:42-43. live in booths. As a way of commemorating
their life in the wilderness, the Israelites
are told to construct booths and live in
them during the seven days of the Feast of
Tabernacles. The more practical application of
these temporary shelters would be to serve as
housing for workers who would protect the
harvest until its distribution after the festival.
24:1-9
Maintaining the Holy Place
24:2-4. oil lamps. Only the highest quality olive
oil was to be used in the sacred oil lamps
that illuminated the sacred precincts of the
tabernacle. They were placed on golden lampstands
(see Ex 25:31-39, which stood just outside
the curtain of the testimony in the tent of
meeting (see Ex 27:20-21. They were to burn
from evening until morning, and Aaron and
his descendants were given a sacred trust to
keep them lit for all time to come. Like many
of the *cultic items associated with the tent of
meeting, the oil lamps symbolized the presence
and protection of *Yahweh as well as the
perpetual service of the priests.
24:4. significance of the menorah. The familiar
image of the menorah, with its six branches
and center lamp, comes from the description
in Exodus 25:31-40 and may be symbolic
of the tree of life in the Garden of Eden. However,
the description of the lampstand in 24:4
only includes the fact that it is made of gold.
The number of lamps is also not specified
here.
24:5-9. setting out of the bread and incense.
The twelve loaves of the bread of the Presence
Ex 25:23-30 represented the twelve tribes of
Israel. These loaves were consumed by the
priests every sabbath, and new loaves were
put in their place. The burning of frankincense
provided the “sacrificial aroma,” substituted
for burning the flour on the altar. Because the
loaves were sacred, they were reserved for the
priests (although see 1 Sam 21:4-6.
Leviticus 23:16—24:10
24:10-23
The Case of the Blasphemer
24:10-16. nature of blasphemy. The name of
God is holy. Just as the people are warned not
139 LEVITICUS 24:14—25:25
to misuse the name of God Ex 20:7, to pronounce
a curse using God’s name without authorization
or to curse God by name Ex 22:28
is considered blasphemy. This is a capital offense,
punishable by stoning. The *Assyrian
texts condemn blasphemers to having their
tongues cut out and to being skinned alive.
24:14-16. stoning as means of execution.
Stoning is a communal form of execution and
the most commonly mentioned form of execution
in the Bible. It is used to punish crimes
against the entire community (apostasy in
20:2; sorcery in 20:27), and it requires all those
persons who have been offended to participate.
Because it cannot be determined whose
individual stone caused the death of the condemned,
no one person need bear the guilt for
the death. Mesopotamian texts do not mention
stoning, but employ drowning, impalement,
beheading and burning as forms of
execution.
Leviticus 24:14—25:25 24:17-22. lex talionis. The legal concept of
equal retribution or “an eye for an eye,” is
found in biblical Ex 21:23-25; Deut 19:21 and
Mesopotamian law codes. It has variations in
*Hammurabi’s code (eighteenth-century B.C.
*Babylonia) based on the social status (nobility,
citizen, slave) of the accused and the person
harmed. It is possible that a price was set
to redeem a life in capital cases or to replace
the necessity of inflicting matching harm (broken
arm, gouged eye, etc.). The basis for such
laws was to insure legal restitution and thereby
avoid the culturally disruptive necessity of
seeking private revenge. Ideally, when an injury
is done to another person, the way to provide
true justice is to cause an equal injury to
the culprit. Although this may seem extreme,
it in fact limits the punishment that can be inflicted
on the person accused of the injury.
25:1-55
Sabbatical Year and Jubilee
25:2-7. sabbatical rest for land. This set of
laws requiring that the land lie fallow every
seventh year parallels that found in Exodus
23:10-11. However only here is the term sabbatical
applied to the seventh year. The benefit
derived from resting the land is to retard the
rate of salinization (sodium content in the soil)
caused by irrigation. Large areas in Mesopotamia
were actually left abandoned due to exhaustion
of the soil and a disastrously high
salt content. During the seventh year no cultivation
of the soil is allowed. *Ugaritic texts
likewise feature seven-year agricultural cycles,
and some would contend that a fallowyear
concept is also included. However, all of
the people, as well as hired laborers and the
farm animals, are allowed to eat the produce
of the land that grows on its own. Such a policy
may actually have been enforced on portions
of each field every year, so that
eventually it was all allowed to rest.
25:8-55. Jubilee year. Every fiftieth year (seven
sabbaths of years plus one year) was
marked by a general release from debt, servitude
and a return of all land that had been
mortgaged or sold to the rightful owner. Such
concerns for the perpetual ownership of the
land are also evident in *Ugaritic real estate
documents. Declarations that returned land to
its original owners and freed debt slaves were
periodically made among the *Hittites and in
Mesopotamia (often in the first year of a new
king’s reign) and are attested in proclamations
by early kings such as Uruinimgina and Ammisaduqa.
At the heart of the Israelite laws is
the idea of the inalienable right of the people
to their land. The land could be used to redeem
a debt but must be released at the Jubilee
in much the same way that debt slaves
were to be released in the seventh year of their
servitude Ex 23:10-11; Deut 15:1-11. This
could, of course, serve as the basis for the returned
exiles’ claim to their former lands, but
this does not exclude the practice from previous
historical periods.
25:23. God as owner of land compared to
temple economy. All of the land occupied by
the Israelites was the property of *Yahweh. It
was granted to them as tenants, and as such
they could not sell it outright to anyone. In the
Jubilee year (every fiftieth year), all land that
had been consigned for payment of debts was
to be returned to its owners. If a man died, it
was the responsibility of his nearest kin to redeem
the land so that it would remain in the
family (25:24-25; Jer 32:6-15. This concept is
similar to that found in Egypt, where the “divine”
Pharaoh owned the land and granted it
to his subjects. However, it stands in contrast
with the temple economy that existed in Mesopotamia.
There land was owned by individual
citizens, the king and the temples of the
various gods. The laws of *Hammurabi speak
of the king’s land grants, which could revert
to him upon the death of the vassal. The land
owned by the temples was granted to tenants,
who paid a portion of their harvest for the
right to work the land. This patchwork of
ownership, while depending in many cases on
tenants who could not sell the land, did not
provide the sense of unity implied in the biblical
concept.
25:24-25. kinsman redeemer. Since *Yahweh
has granted the land to the Israelites as ten-
LEVITICUS 25:29—26:1 140
ants, they cannot sell it, and if they mortgage a
portion of it to pay debts, it is the obligation of
their kinsman to “redeem” the land by paying
off the mortgage. This demonstrates both the
sense of obligation and the solidarity that are
the hallmarks of ancient Israel’s communally
based society. Evidence of this legislation’s being
put into practice is found in Jeremiah’s redeeming
of his kinsman’s land during the
siege of Jerusalem Jer 32:6-15 and in the legal
background to Ruth 4:1-12. In this way the
land remained within the extended family as
a sign of their membership in the *covenantal
community. The importance of this inalienable
right to land can be seen in Naboth’s refusal
to relinquish the “inheritance of my
fathers” when King Ahab offers to buy his
vineyard 1 Kings 21:2-3. In Mesopotamia
(especially the earlier periods) land was often
privately owned by families rather than individuals.
25:29-31. difference between houses in
walled cities and houses in villages. There is
a different legal classification for dwellings in
walled towns and those in unwalled villages.
In the towns, inhabited by Levites, artisans
and government officials, a house could only
be redeemed from its buyer within one year.
After that the sale was final. Similarly, the
Law of *Eshnunna allows a debtor who has
sold his house first claim to repurchase it
when it comes up for sale again. However, Israelite
village dwellings (literally, “encampments”)
adjacent to fields and pasture lands
fell within the same legal category as arable
land and could not be sold in perpetuity and
were to be released in the Jubilee year. Such
legislation is based on the different social conditions
in these two settings and indicates an
awareness that property in urban centers produced
no harvest. It merely provided shelter
and business space.
25:38. prohibition against taking interest.
Like the other prohibitions against charging
interest on loans to fellow Israelites Ex 22:25;
Deut 23:19, see comments there), this legislation
is designed to help a person to escape his
insolvent condition and to prevent him from
falling into debt servitude due to default on a
loan. This applies to loans of money as well as
grain, which would ordinarily be paid back at
the end of the harvest. These laws are also a
way to allow the debtor to retain a measure of
personal dignity and honor by being treated
on a level higher than a slave or a foreigner
(see Deut 23:20. Both the laws of *Eshnunna
and *Hammurabi’s code contain set rates of
interest on loans (20 percent to 33.3 percent
was not uncommon and was considered fair).
However, it was understood that “acts of
god,” such as a flood, require compassion on
the debtor and a cancellation of interest payments.
25:39-55. slavery in Israel. Ancient Israel considered
permanent slavery the most inhumane
condition possible. The laws dealing
with slavery reflect an understanding of the
reasons for poverty and try to deal with its
victims nonviolently. They also do not account
for the principal cause of slavery in Mesopotamia—
warfare. One sign of Israelite concern
may be seen in the practice of allowing a
household to pledge the work of its members
as collateral when it borrowed goods or services
from another household. To avoid confiscation
of their land and children, the
members of a household in default would
work off their debt one day at a time. As a
state, Israel tried to prevent debt from accumulating
to the point where slavery was the
only option. Thus the laws against charging
interest on loans worked in most cases to aid
the poor Ex 22:24; Deut 23:19-20; Lev 25:35-
37; Ezek 18:3. In these cases a household
could become destitute and at the insistence
of its creditors sell members of the household
into slavery to pay debts 2 Kings 4:1; Neh 5:1-
5). Slavery in this case is defined as temporary
debt slavery, since the law restricts the number
of years a man may be held to six Ex 21:2-
11; Deut 15:12-18. Regulations also restrict the
sale or the enslavement of Israelites by other
Israelites Lev 25:35-42. In this case the Israelite
who is in financial difficulties would be reduced
to the status of a hired hand or
indentured servant rather than a slave, even if
his owner is a non-Israelite (25:47-55). Verse 48
refers to the redemption of slaves, a practice
also attested in a number of Mesopotamian
sources.
Leviticus 25:29—26:1
26:1-46
Obedience and Disobedience
26:1. carved stone. This term occurs only here
(though it is probably referred to again in
Num 33:52 and is quite obscure. A. Hurowitz
(on the basis of an Assyrian inscription) has
suggested that it may refer to a decorated or
engraved threshold slab in the temple area
that the king prostrated himself on when
making a petition for a favorable sign. For a
potentially similar situation see comment on
Ezekiel 44:3.
26:1. sacred stone. Like idols (19:4), sacred
standing stones are also prohibited as foreign
*cult objects. They may have been huge monoliths
representing a god or a set of pillars ar-
141 LEVITICUS 26:1-29
ranged around an altar or shrine. Some of
those found in excavations at Gezer and
Hazor were decorated with carvings such as
raised hands or symbols associated with a
particular deity.
26:1. nature and forms of idols. Idols came in
a variety of shapes and sizes in the ancient
Near East. They were carved from stone and
wood and were cast in molds using gold, silver
and bronze (see Is 40:19-20. Basically human
in appearance (except those from Egypt,
which combined human and animal characteristics),
they had distinctive, even formalized,
poises, clothing and hairstyles. The
image was not the deity, but the deity was
thought to inhabit the image and manifest its
presence and will through the image. Archaeologists
have found very few life-sized images
that the texts describe, but there are renderings
of them that allow accurate knowledge of
details.
26:3-45. blessings and curses in treaty formulae.
It is typical of ancient Near Eastern legal
codes and treaties to append a section of divine
blessings and curses (see Deut 28; Code
of *Hammurabi [eighteenth century B.C.]; Esarhaddon
Treaty [680-669 B.C.]; thirteenthcentury
B.C. treaty between Rameses II of
Egypt and *Hittite king Hattusilis III). Characteristically,
the curses far outweigh the
blessings and, as in this case, are generally
arranged in order of increasing severity. The
principle behind these statements is the need
to insure compliance with law or with treaties
by bringing in divine goodwill and sanction.
In this way the parties will feel more
obligated than if they were to simply depend
on the conscientiousness of their people or
neighbors.
26:4-5. importance of fertility. Without continuous
yield from the land, the people could
not survive. Thus fertility, in the form of regular
rainfall and abundant harvest from fields
and vines, was a constant concern. As a result
many of the gods of the ancient Near East
were concerned with rain and storm, *fertility
and the growing seasons. The inclusion of fertility
in the set of blessings here is a reiteration
of *Yahweh’s *covenant promise to give the
people land and children (i.e., a country of
their own and fertility to insure life to each
successive generation).
26:5. agricultural calendar. As noted in the
Gezer calendar, a tenth-century B.C. schoolboy
exercise on a fragment of limestone, the Israelite
year was divided into agricultural seasons.
Thus the “rain in season” would come in the
fall (October-November) to moisten the newly
planted fields and in early spring (March-
April) to complete the ripening process before
harvest Deut 11:14.
26:8. five will chase a hundred. A sign of the
promised blessing of peace is that *Yahweh,
the “Divine Warrior,” will fight for them and
give them the victory over their enemies, no
matter how great the odds against them. Thus
five can rout a hundred. This underdogturned-
conqueror theme is also found in Deuteronomy
32:30, Joshua 23:10 and Isaiah 30:17.
Similar assurance of the aid of a “Divine Warrior”
is found in the Moabite inscription of
King Mesha (c. 830 B.C.).
26:13. bars of the yoke. Yokes, usually made
of wood, consisted of a bar across the nape of
the animals’ necks. The bar had pegs placed
down through it on either side of each animal’s
head. The pegs were then tied together
under the chin. As slaves in Egypt, the people
were burdened with work like oxen bound to
a yoke (see Jer 28:10-14. God has broken this
yoke of bondage, freeing them of their heavy
burdens and allowing them to stand upright
like free men and women. Their freedom and
their human dignity have thus been restored.
26:16. nature of the illnesses. The diseases
promised in this curse include a “wasting disease,”
a fever, an illness that damages the sufferer’s
eyesight and causes loss of appetite.
These may all be explained by the “terror”—
depression and anxiety caused by God’s
wrath and the incursions of their enemies. Although
there have been clinical diagnostic
texts discovered from Mesopotamia, it is impossible
to attach a specific diagnosis to the
diseases mentioned here.
26:19. iron sky, bronze ground. The sense of
this metaphoric curse is also found in the execration
(curse) of Deuteronomy 28 and in the
Treaty of Esarhaddon (seventh century B.C.). It
implies that the land itself will turn against
the people, becoming hard as bronze because
the iron gates of heaven will have closed and
no rain will fall on it.
Leviticus 26:1-29 26:26. ten women baking with one oven. The
picture of so little grain that numerous women
can all bake their bread in the same oven is
also found on the *Aramaic statue found at
Tell Fekherye, where one hundred women
cannot fill up an oven with their bread.
26:29. cannibalism in ancient Near East. Only
ultimate desperation and immanent starvation
would cause the people of the ancient
Near East to resort to cannibalism (see 2 Kings
6:24-30). It is included as part of the curses
section here and in Deuteronomy 28:53-57 and
in the *Assyrian treaties of the seventh century
B.C. to demonstrate just how horrible God’s
punishment will be on the disobedient.
LEVITICUS 27:2-14 142
27:1-34
Vows
27:2-13. nature of vows. Information concerning
vows can be found in most of the cultures
of the ancient Near East, including *Hittite,
*Ugaritic, Mesopotamian and, less often,
Egyptian. Vows are voluntary agreements
made with deity. In this case the vow involves
pledging the value of a person dedicated to
temple service (see 1 Sam 1:11. This may relate
back to the redemption of the firstborn in
Exodus 13:13; 34:20 and Numbers 18:15-16,
but it does not involve human sacrifice. The
table of equivalences defines the value of the
person to be redeemed based on gender, age
and ability to work. In this way the temple received
sufficient funds to make needed repairs
and purchase equipment (see 2 Kings
12:5-6). As is the case in all vows, God is invoked
(note the seriousness of this act in Ex
20:7), and both parties are expected to act according
to the terms of the vow. The vows
would typically be conditional and accompany
a petition made to deity. The items that are
given to redeem the person become sacred
and cannot be redeemed themselves unless,
by their nature, they are unacceptable for dedication
(i.e., unclean or unfit). The huge
amounts involved (up to fifty shekels) make it
unlikely this vow was common.
27:2-8. dedication of persons. The concept of
dedicating a person to temple service may be
based on the idea that a family must sacrifice
(i.e., give up their labor) to God’s service.
Thus Samuel was dedicated to the shrine at
Shiloh by Hannah prior to his birth (1 Sam
1:11). However, in the labor-poor region of Israel,
this would have been impractical. Thus a
system was created whereby the obligation
was fulfilled by redemption of the person
through a set table of equivalencies based on
age, gender, ability to work and ability to pay.
This might be compared to the laws of bodily
injury in the *Ur-Nammu code, the Laws of
*Eshnunna and the laws of *Hammurabi,
which set a specific monetary fine based on
the type of injury, age, social status and gender
of the victim.
27:3-8. relative values. The set of relative values
established for redemption of persons
dedicated to temple service is based on four
criteria: age, gender, ability to work and ability
to pay. The assumption is that the value of
the labor service of an adult male between age
twenty and sixty is fifty silver shekels. Even
though they may serve longer than an adult,
the value set for children is only a fraction of
this amount (based on gender). However, for
persons over sixty, the amount, understandably,
is less than for those of standard working
age. The amount set for the poor is based on a
priest’s determination of their ability to pay.
Although these amounts may reflect the value
of slaves, this amount fluctuates too much
over time to be a reliable indicator.
27:3-7. amounts of money. The amounts of
money specified for redemption of persons
dedicated to temple service are all in silver.
The largest, fifty shekels, based on the silver
content of twenty gerahs/shekels (27:25), was
many times the annual wage for a laborer.
This makes it unlikely that many persons
would have made this type of vow, knowing
it must be paid once the vow is made. They
simply could not have paid this sum and
therefore the redemption of a dedicated person
may have been a rare occasion.
27:3. sanctuary shekel. The price in silver to
be paid was based on the sanctuary shekel as
opposed to a common shekel weight, which
was generally 11.4 grams. The sanctuary shekel
used for the valuation is generally considered
to be a fraction of the regular shekel, but
precise information is not available. Archaeological
finds do attest shekel pieces weighing
9.3-10.5 grams.
27:9-13. redeeming animals. If a person
wished to use an animal as payment of the
vow, then the determination of its value and
its acceptability would be based on priestly inspection
for blemish or other imperfection,
and on whether the animal was clean (i.e., acceptable
for sacrifice). If an animal was ceremonially
unclean, it could still be offered, but
it in turn would be redeemed with an extra
payment of one-fifth of its value. If it was the
intent of the donor to give the animal up for
sacrifice, it could not under any circumstances
be redeemed (see 22:21-25). Such care over the
ritual *purity of sacrificial animals was also
common in *Hittite and Mesopotamian rituals.
Leviticus 27:2-14 27:14-25. dedication of house or land. The
consecration of a dwelling or of fields, whether
owned by a person or held as collateral for
a debt, may be made, but they must be inspected
and valued by the priest. This allows
for a set amount should the owner wish to redeem
them, plus one-fifth of their value. It
also could involve a purification *ritual of the
property, as is also evident in *Hittite texts.
The basis for this practice might involve a
vow to make special provision, beyond normal
sacrifices or tithes, for God’s sanctuary or
priesthood, and it may result from the lack of
an heir. Thus the produce of land or the use of
the house (for storage or rents) would belong
143 LEVITICUS 27:1—NUMBERS 1:52
to God. The Year of Jubilee is also a factor
which must be taken into account in this valuation
and assignment of property. Only land
which was owned and not redeemed may ultimately
become the permanent property of
the priests (27:20-21).
27:21. priest property. We know from *Hittite,
Egyptian and Mesopotamian texts that temple
communities owned land and benefited
from its produce. Although the practice of
deeding over property to the temple is not
mentioned outside the Bible, it seems likely
that the priestly community throughout the
ancient Near East could acquire ownership
of land that was consecrated to the use of the
god(s). This is made possible if the owner of
the land fails to redeem it. At that point, the
land becomes “holy” and like sacrificial animals
may not be redeemed in the future.
Thus in the Israelite Jubilee year celebration,
instead of the land reverting to its original
owner, it becomes the permanent property of
the priests.
27:25. twenty gerahs to the shekel. The sanctuary
shekel (weighing 11-13 grams) was to
have a silver content of twenty gerahs (0.571
grams or 8.71 grains). This established the
weight as acceptable payment for dedicated
persons or property.
27:29. person dedicated to destruction. There
are some acts which cannot be expiated
through sacrifice or redemption. Persons who
have been condemned for false worship (Ex
22:19) or for violating the ban Josh 7:13-26 or
for murder Num 35:31-34 or willful violations
of ritual *purity (as in the *Hittite texts)
may not be redeemed. In some cases their
families and their property were also destroyed
in a general purging of evil. They
have committed acts that violate God’s holiness
and contaminate the community. Therefore
their sentence must be carried out
without exception. Only in this way can God’s
name be restored to its proper sanctity and the
people be cleansed of their *impurity.
27:31-33. redeeming the tithe. Since all of the
produce of the land (grain and fruit) belongs
to God, a tithe must be made on it Deut 14:22-
26). Those items set aside for the tithe could
not be considered part of the “freewill” offerings,
since the tithe is considered the unrestricted
property of *Yahweh. The amount of
the tithe may be redeemed by a payment of its
value plus one-fifth of that value. Note that
this payment can be made only for farm produce
(compare Num 18:14-19. Animals not
only cannot be redeemed, but any attempt to
do so results in the loss of both the animal
originally chosen for the tithe and the one
substituted.
N U M B E R S
1:1-46
Census
1:1. Desert of Sinai. “Desert of Sinai” refers to
the wilderness area surrounding the mountain
where the Israelites were camped (see
comment on Ex 19:1-2.
1:1. chronology. By comparing this to Exodus
40:17 it can be seen that the tabernacle has
now been set up for one month and the people
have been camped at Sinai for nearly a year.
1:2. purpose of census. Censuses in the ancient
world were used as a means of conscripting
men for either military service or
government building projects. They also were
often accompanied or even motivated by the
collection of a head tax. This census is for
conscription into the army, but it cannot easily
be separated from the one in Exodus 30:11-
16 (see comment) where a temple tax is collected.
1:46. size of the population. For some of the
problems see the comment on Exodus 12:37.
Leviticus 27:1—Numbers 1:52
1:47—2:34
The Arrangement of the Camp
1:52. grouping of the tribes. The camp of the
priests and Levites surrounded the sanctuary,
while the other tribal camps formed an outer
rectangle with three camps on each side. Rectangular
military encampments were the norm
in Egyptian practice of this time and are portrayed
in ninth-century *Assyrian art with the
king protected in the center. Judah leads the
prominent eastern camp (the tabernacle entrance
faced east) as the leader among the
tribes. Reuben, the tribe of the eldest son,
leads the southern group, while Dan, the tribe
of the eldest of the *concubines’ sons, leads
the northern group. The tribes from Rachel’s
sons are on the west side, led by Ephraim, the
NUMBERS 1:52—4:48 144
son of Joseph with firstborn rights.
1:52. standards. In Egypt each army division
was named after a deity, and the standard for
that division bore a representation of that deity.
It would therefore be reasonable to assume
that the standard of each tribe displayed a
symbol of the tribe. On the other hand, some
interpreters have interpreted this word to refer
to a military unit rather than a standard.
2:3-32. numbers of the census. As discussed
in the comment on Exodus 12:37, there is a
problem with the numbers. The most probable
solution at this point is to understand that
the numbers given here are mixtures. Since
the Hebrew word translated “thousand” (‘lp)
looks the same as the word translated “military
division,” a number like 74,600 (v. 4) may
be read as 74 military divisions, (totaling) 600
men. The total in verse 32 would originally
have been written 598 military divisions (‘lp),
5 thousand (‘lp) and 5 hundred men. But at
some point in the transmission of the text the
two words were confused and added together
to make 603 thousand. If this solution is correct,
the size of the Israelite group that left
Egypt would have been about 20,000.
Numbers 1:52—4:48
3:1—4:49
The Levite Clans
3:7-10. Levites as sanctuary guards. Encamped
around the sanctuary and instructed
to put to death any trespasser, the Levites restricted
the access to the tabernacle. Ancient
sanctuaries were not public places for gathering
but were the divine residences. The priests
are seen as guards in *Hittite texts as well as in
texts from *Mari on the upper Euphrates. In
*Babylonian beliefs there were also demons or
protective spirits who guarded temple entrances.
3:12-13. Levites in the place of the first-born.
In the ancient world many cultures featured
an ancestor *cult in which libations were
poured out on behalf of the dead ancestors,
whose spirits would then offer protection and
help to those still living. In *Babylon the disembodied
spirit (utukki) or the ghost (etemmu)
could become very dangerous if not cared for
and often were the objects of incantations.
Care for the dead would begin with proper
burial and would continue with ongoing gifts
and honor of the memory and name of the deceased.
The firstborn was responsible for
maintaining this ancestor worship and therefore
inherited the family gods (often images of
deceased ancestors). While ancestor worship
or *funerary cult was not approved for Israelites,
the indictments of the prophets make it
clear that it was one of the deviant practices of
the common people. The transfer of the status
of the firstborn to the Levites therefore implies
that rather than a family-level ancestor worship
maintained by the firstborn, Israel would
have a national-level religious practice maintained
and regulated by the Levites (see also
the comments at Ex 13:1-3; Deut 14:1-2; 26:14).
For legal background see comment on 8:24-26.
3:47-51. redemption money. The concept of
ransom or redemption money occurs both in
*Akkadian (Babylonian) and *Ugaritic
(Canaanite) texts, though not in this same
function. The nation here bought back its firstborn
from God by “trading” the Levites, and
the remainder of the firstborn had to be
bought back with money according to the value
set in Leviticus 27:6. The average shekel
weighed 11.4 grams, although there are also
references to a “heavy shekel,” which may
have weighed more. The sanctuary weight
listed here may refer to a shekel that has a
more standard value and weight than the
standard “marketplace” shekel. It is generally
considered a lighter shekel (see comment on
Ex 30:13. Five shekels would have represented
about half a year’s wages.
4:6. hide of sea cows. Both sea cows (a herbivorous
mammal, the dugong) and dolphins are
found in the Red Sea, and their hides could
have been tanned and used for decoration.
These creatures had been hunted for their
hides along the Arabian Gulf for millennia.
Alternatively, this word may be compared to
an *Akkadian word which refers to a semiprecious
yellow or orange stone, and thus to
the color of dye used rather than to an animal.
4:6. blue cloth. This has more recently been
interpreted as a blue-purple or violet color.
The dye for this color was one of the major exports
of Phoenicia, where it was extracted
from the murex snail (Murex trunculus), which
inhabited shallow coastal waters of the Mediterranean.
An ancient refinery has also been
found at Dor along the northern coast of Israel.
One chemist estimated that a quarter of a
million snails would be needed to produce
one ounce of pure dye. This dye was used in
the manufacture of the most sacred objects
such as the veil of the Holy of Holies and the
high priestly garments.
4:46-48. number of the Levites. Here the number
of Levite men aged thirty to fifty is 8,580,
while in 3:30 the total number of males over a
month old was 22,000. This would imply that
there were 13,420 males younger than thirty
and older than fifty. This is a reasonable distribution
and argues that the numbers are in
right proportion. It is still likely that there has
145 NUMBERS 5:2-27
been confusion concerning the word thousand,
as described in the comment on 2:3-32.
5:1-4
Persons Sent Outside the Camp
5:2. infectious skin diseases. For the nature of
these diseases see comment on Leviticus 13:2.
5:2. discharges. For discussion of the various
classes of discharges, see the comments on
Leviticus 15.
5:2. ceremonial uncleanness. Not all uncleanness
was avoidable, and the cause of uncleanness
was often something that would in no
way be considered sinful. There are several
categories of uncleanness that could not be
easily avoided, including sexual impurities,
disease-related impurities and the uncleanness
that came from contact with corpse or
carcass. Though it was a matter of etiquette
rather than ethics, the sacred compass needed
to be protected from that which was inappropriate.
Additionally it was a common belief
that demons inhabited menstrual blood. That
the uncleanness from childbirth should be
seen as similar to monthly uncleanness is
common in ancient cultures, including Egypt,
*Babylonia and Persia.
5:3. living outside the camp. Though the
camp did not need to maintain the same level
of *purity as the temple compound, there
were restrictions. This restriction is also found
in *Babylonian literature for victims of skin
diseases forced to live in isolation. It is likely
that they would have lived in the vicinity of
the tombs.
5:5-10
Restitution in Fraud Cases
5:6-7. nature of the legislation. This section
concerns a case where someone has used a
formal oath to defraud someone else in court
and later feels guilty about having done so.
Giving restitution plus 20 percent to the defrauded
individual, his next of kin or to the
priest, plus the appropriate reparation offering,
is commanded. In *Hammurabi’s laws
one-sixth is typically added to restitution
amounts in the form of interest payments.
Numbers 5:2-27
5:11-31
The Case of the Jealous Husband
5:14. basis for legal action. The only basis for
this action is the jealousy of the woman’s husband.
The word used to describe the nature of
the crime in verse 12 usually refers to a breach
of faith or an act of sacrilege (see the comment
on Lev 5:14-16. It is therefore likely that the
woman has previously been asked to swear
an oath to her innocence and is now being accused
of swearing falsely. Such an accusation
may come about if the woman is now found
to be pregnant and the husband contends that
the child is not his.
5:15. the husband’s actions. It is unclear why
the husband brings the particular offering that
he does. Unlike the regular meal offering, it is
barley (as offered by the poor) instead of
wheat, and it omits the oil and incense as meal
offerings associated with potential offenses
do. Generally oil and incense were associated
with celebration, and this was not a festive occasion.
5:16-17. the priest’s actions. A text from *Mari
(northwest Mesopotamia) speaks of a trial by
ordeal where the gods are asked to drink water
which contains dirt taken from the city
gate. This bound the gods to their oath to protect
the city. Here the ingredients are sacred
(water from the laver, dirt from the sanctuary
floor) and mixed with the inscribed curses
that concern the woman’s obligation to preserve
the *purity of the sanctuary.
5:18. loosening the hair. This is elsewhere
connected to mourning and may suggest that
the woman is to adopt a posture of mourning
until the Lord’s verdict is clarified.
5:23-24. trial by ordeal in the ancient Near
East. “Ordeal” describes a judicial situation in
which the accused is placed in the hand of
God using some mechanism, generally one
that will put the accused in jeopardy. If the deity
intervenes to protect the accused from
harm, the verdict is innocent. Most trials by
ordeal in the ancient Near East involved dangers
such as water, fire or poison. The accused
who is exposed to these threats is in effect being
assumed guilty until the deity declares
otherwise by action on her behalf. In contrast,
the procedure in this text invokes neither
magic nor danger but simply creates a situation
for God to respond to. Thus the woman
here is presumed innocent until circumstances
(directed by the Lord) show otherwise. *Hammurabi’s
laws contain similar cases in which
the woman undergoes a river ordeal to determine
her guilt or innocence.
5:27. the negative potential results. Suggestions
have ranged from a flooded uterus to
false pregnancy to pelvic prolapse to atrophied
genitalia. Whatever the actual physical
manifestations might be, the text clearly indicates
that the result is sterility. If the woman
has been brought into this process because of
pregnancy, it may be that the potion would be
expected to induce a miscarriage in the case
NUMBERS 6:3-26 146
that the pregnancy came about through illicit
behavior.
6:1-21
The Nazirite Vow
6:3. abstinence from drinks. There are a number
of different words used to describe fermented
drinks made from grapes used here.
While some of the terms could at times refer
to intoxicants made from other ingredients
(e.g., grain), only those that can refer to grape
products are used here. That suggests that
only grape intoxicants are prohibited to the
*Nazirite. It is not drunkenness that is the issue
here, but grape drinks of any sort.
6:3-4. abstinence from grape products. Prohibition
of grape products has suggested to
some interpreters that a nomadic lifestyle is
being elevated, but it is very difficult to see
that as a biblical or priestly agenda. Alternatively
one must notice that the grape is one of
the principal, one could say characteristic, staples
of Canaan and therefore symbolically
connected to the issue of fertility (note that the
spies bring back a huge cluster of grapes
[13:24] as evidence of the fertility of the land).
The use of raisins in raisin cakes for the *fertility
*cult can be seen in Hosea 3:1.
6:5. significance of hair. There is a Phoenician
inscription from the ninth century B.C.
reporting the dedication of shaven hair by
an individual in fulfillment of a vow made
to the goddess *Astarte. It is of importance
that in the biblical text there is no discussion
of what should be done with the hair that is
cut. It is neither dedicated as in the above
inscription, nor is it deposited in the temple
as in some cultures. The dedicated hair is
uncut (v. 9), not cut. For men hair has symbolic
value as a sign of manhood or virility
(see 2 Sam 10:4. Women decorate their hair
and groom it carefully as a sign of beauty.
The prohibition against trimming the “sides
of your head” or the “edges of your beard”
uses the same terminology as in Leviticus
19:9-10, which deals with the harvesting of
fields. In both cases an offering is involved—
one to the poor and the other to
God. *Hammurabi’s code penalizes false
witnesses by having half the person’s hair
cut off. The Middle Assyrian code allows a
debt-slave’s master to pull out his or her
hair as punishment (see Neh 13:25. Both
laws suggest that shame is attached to the
loss of hair. In ancient thinking hair (along
with blood) was one of the main representatives
of a person’s life essence. As such it
was often an ingredient in sympathetic
magic. This is evident, for instance, in the
practice of sending along a lock of a presumed
prophet’s hair when his prophecies
were sent to the king of *Mari. The hair
would be used in divination to determine
whether the prophet’s message would be accepted
as valid. (See Lev 19:27.) Studies
have shown that hair cutting was used in
the ancient world as an act of distinguishing
oneself from those around (as in mourning),
or of reentering society (as seems to be the
case with the Nazirites).
6:6-7. corpse prohibition. Corpse contamination
was one of the most common and unavoidable
causes of ritual uncleanness (see
comment on 19:11). Some have further speculated
that ritual uncleanness from corpse contamination
may also represent a statement
against the always prevalent *cult of the dead
(see comment on 3:1, Levites in the place of
the first-born).
6:8. Nazirite background. It may be no coincidence
that the three prohibited areas for the
*Nazirite represent fertility (grape products),
sympathetic magic (hair) and the *cult of the
dead (corpse contamination). These are the
three principal popular religious practices that
*Yahweh worship sought to eliminate. It is
difficult to reconstruct, however, why these elements
were chosen, or what the original
thinking behind the vow was.
6:9-12. ritual procedure in case of violation.
Ritual violation of the vow required the purging
of the altar but only included the least expensive
offerings (pigeons). It was also
necessary to offer a lamb for a reparation offering
because the violation involved a breach
of faith (see comment on Lev 5:14-16.
6:13-20. conclusion of the vow. A whole series
of offerings (see the comments on the early
chapters of Leviticus for more information on
each) concludes the vow, followed by the cutting
and burning of the hair. Most vows in the
ancient Near East were conditional vows attached
to some past or present entreaty (see
comment on Lev 27, and there is no reason to
assume that the *Nazirite vow is any different.
It is not surprising, then, that the vow culminates
in offertory gifts. What is unusual,
against the background of ancient Near Eastern
vows, is the ritualized period of abstinence
that precedes the offerings.
Numbers 6:3-26
6:22-27
The Priestly Blessing
6:24-26. ancient Near Eastern blessings. In
the ancient world blessings and curses were
believed to have a power all their own that
147 NUMBERS 7:1—8:26
would result in their fulfillment. This blessing
is probably one that the priests were to give to
someone leaving the sanctuary after participating
in some *ritual. Two small silver scrolls
(about one inch long) have been found in the
area known as Keteph Hinnom in Jerusalem.
They were *amulets in a burial cave from the
sixth or seventh century B.C., and they contained
this benediction. At present they represent
the oldest example of any text of Scripture.
The concept of the shining face of the deity
resulting in mercy is found in Mesopotamian
documents and inscriptions from as
early as the twelfth century B.C. as well as in a
letter from *Ugarit. Additionally a phrase invoking
the gods to grant watch-care and
well-being is used regularly in *Ugaritic and
*Akkadian salutations. Finally, the phrase
“the Lord bless you and keep you” is also included
in the words (Hebrew) painted on a
large storage jar from the ninth century B.C.
found at Kuntillet Ajrud in the northern Sinai.
Numbers 7:1—8:26
7:1-89
Offerings for the Tabernacle
7:1. function of anointing sacred objects.
Anointing is an act of dedication. It is unclear
whether here the anointing is with oil or
blood—the former is usually deemed more
likely.
7:13. silver plate. The two silver objects
named here are more bowl-shaped, the former
almost twice the size of the latter and probably
deeper. They weigh about three pounds
and one and a half pounds respectively.
7:13. fine flour. The flour here was the grits or
semolina left in the sieve after wheat was
ground into flour. It is the same as was used
for the grain offerings (see comment on Lev
2:1).
7:14. gold ladle. These ladles weighed about
four ounces. The word translated “ladle” is
simply the word for “hand.” There are tongs
found at *Amarna whose ends are shaped
like hands, but the fact that these implements
could be filled with incense suggests
ladles rather than tongs. Though they were
relatively small, the incense they held was
valuable so even this small amount was a
substantial gift, in addition to the value of
the gold.
7:84-88. function of the offerings brought.
The text does not speak of the animals actually
being sacrificed, and the word translated
“offerings” does not refer to sacrifices. The animals
were dedicated for tabernacle use for
particular offerings (as indicated in the lists),
but they became part of the sanctuary livestock
to be used as the need arose. In providing
basic supplies for operation, this resembled
a housewarming party.
8:1-4
The Lampstand
8:2. lampstand. The design of three branches
on either side of a central axis is common in
the *Late Bronze Age cultures of the Mediterranean.
See comment on Exodus 25:31-40.
8:5-26
The Levites
8:7. shaving the body for purification. Egyptian
priests were also required to shave their
heads and bodies as part of their purification
process. Razors were often bronze, either knifeshaped
with rounded handles or blades with a
thin handle attached perpendicular to the flat.
8:10. laying on of hands. This is the same procedure
that the Israelites used when presenting
a sacrifice (see comment below). It is
symbolic of designating the Levites to serve
on behalf of the Israelites.
8:11. Levites as a wave offering. The wave offering
(better: elevation offering) is a rite of
dedication (see comment on Lev 8:27.
8:12. Levites laying hands on the bulls. See
comment on Leviticus 1:4.
8:12. making “atonement” for Levites. For the
word here translated “atonement” as a purifying
consequence of sacrifice, see comment on
Leviticus 1:3-4. But there is no sacrifice being
offered here, only sacrificial symbolism being
used. The Levites do not perform purification
rites on behalf of the Israelites— that is the
task of the priests. Instead the Levites protect
against divine wrath by providing a ransom.
Such attempts are commonplace in *Babylonian
and *Hittite appeasement *rituals.
8:24-26. role of the Levites. In the ancient
Near East there was a legal transaction by
which a creditor would receive the service
of a person in the family of the individual to
whom he had extended a loan or commodity.
The person on loan is assigned a specific
area of work over a predetermined length of
time. This service took the place of interest
on a loan. The person on loan became part
of the household of the creditor and received
support and sustenance from him. In
the same way, the Levites do specified service
at the house of the creditor (God) and
receive support and sustenance from him.
That which is received by the Israelites in
exchange is their firstborn.
NUMBERS 9:1—10:29 148
9:1-14
The Passover
9:1. Desert of Sinai. This is the wilderness area
around Mount Sinai (see comment on 1:1).
9:2. Passover. This is the first celebration of
Passover since its inception a year earlier in
Egypt. For the meaning of the Hebrew term
see comment on Exodus 12:11. For further discussion
about Passover see the comments on
Exodus 12:1-23.
9:15-23
The Guidance of the Cloud
9:15. the function and nature of the cloud.
Some have thought the pillar of cloud and fire
could be best explained as the result of volcanic
activity. An eruption on the Island of Thera
(six hundred miles northwest) in 1628 B.C.
brought an end to Minoan civilization, and it is
possible that its effects could have been seen in
the Delta. But the date is far too early (see “The
Date of the Exodus,” pp.96-97, and this theory
would offer no explanation of the movements
of the pillar, nor of the location described for it
in the biblical account (they are moving southeast).
The text does not suggest that the pillar
was supernaturally generated, only that it was
the means of supernatural guidance. For this
reason some have suggested that it was the result
of a brazier of some sort carried on a pole
that would be used by the vanguard scouts.
This was a method often used by caravans. On
the other hand, the pillar is always portrayed
as acting (coming down, moving) rather than
being operated (no human is ever said to move
it), so the vanguard theory is difficult to support.
In the ancient world a bright or flaming
aura surrounding deity is the norm. In Egyptian
literature it is depicted as the winged sun
disk accompanied by storm clouds. *Akkadian
uses the term melammu to describe this visible
representation of the glory of deity, which in
turn is enshrouded in smoke or cloud. In
Canaanite mythology it has been suggested
the melammu concept is expressed by the word
anan, the same Hebrew word here translated
“cloud,” but the occurrences are too few and
obscure for confidence. In any case, the pillar
here would then be one; smoke being visible
in the daytime, while the inner flame it covered
would glow through at night. (See Ex
13:21-22.)
10:1-10
The Trumpets
10:2. silver trumpets. As is obvious from the
materials they are made of, these are not the
ram’s horn trumpets that are referred to in
other contexts. Tubular flared trumpets were
used in this period in military as well as ritual
contexts. This is depicted on Egyptian reliefs
as well as evidenced by actual instruments
found, for example, in the tomb of King Tut (a
silver trumpet nearly two feet long).
10:2. silver work. The techniques of silver
mining were known as early as the mid-third
millennium. A process called cupellation using
a crucible was used to extract silver from
lead and refine it through several stages of purification.
In *Ur silversmith artisans were
producing musical instruments as well as jewelry
and other items in the third millennium.
10:3-7. trumpet signaling. In warfare signaling
was done in various ways. Fire signals
were common both along garrison lines as
well as in the open field. Basic commands
were at times communicated by upraised staff
or javelin. Trumpet signals are attested in
Egypt in the *Late Bronze Age (this time period)
in both military and religious contexts. A
preset code would include some combination
of long and short blasts.
Numbers 9:1—10:29
10:11-36
Leaving Sinai
10:11. chronology. At this point the Israelites
are still at Sinai having left Egypt only thirteen
months earlier. In our calendar it would be
early May.
10:12. itinerary. If the Wilderness of Sinai is in
the southern section of the Sinai peninsula, as
we have suggested, this is a march toward the
northeast. The Wilderness of Paran includes
Kadesh Barnea and is generally located in the
northeast corner of the Sinai peninsula. Several
of the sites they stop at on the way are mentioned
at the end of chapter 11. The Israelites
spend the bulk of their forty years of wandering
in the Wilderness of Paran.
10:29. Hobab, son of Reuel. In Exodus 2
Moses’ father-in-law was called Reuel, in Exodus
3 he is referred to as Jethro, and here he
appears to be named Hobab (see Judg 4:11.
The difficulty can be resolved once the ambiguity
of the terminology is recognized. The
term designating male in-laws is nonspecific.
Referring to a male near-relative of the bride,
the term could be used for her father, brother,
or even grandfather. Most solutions take account
of this. Perhaps Reuel is the grandfather
head of the clan, Jethro is the father of Zipporah
and technically the father-in-law of Moses,
and Hobab is the brother-in-law of Moses,
Jethro’s son. Alternatively, Jethro and Hobab
149 NUMBERS 11:3—12:1
could both be brothers-in-law, and Reuel the
father. (See Ex 3:1.)
11:1—12:16
A Rebellious and Quarrelsome
People
11:3. Taberah. There is good reason to associate
Taberah with Kibroth Hattaavah (v. 34),
since there is no record of travel between these
two accounts. Each name reflects an incident
that occurred there. No firm identification of
these sites is possible.
11:4. meat. The meat they are craving is not
beef, lamb or venison. The Israelites had livestock
with them but would have been reluctant
to slaughter them and thus deplete their
herds and flocks. Furthermore, these meats
were not part of their normal diet but were
eaten only on special occasions. Life by the
river in Egypt had accustomed them to a regular
diet of fish, however, and the next verse
clarifies that this is the meat referred to.
11:5. diet in Egypt. Five types of produce are
mentioned here as staples of the Israelite diet
in Egypt. Several of them are known from
Egyptian texts and wall paintings. The melons
are either watermelons or muskmelons.
11:7-9. manna. The bread from heaven was
called manna in Exodus 16:31, where it is described.
The fact that it came with the dew (Ex
16:4) suggests that God’s miraculous provision
used a natural process. The most frequent
identification is with the secretion of small
aphids that feed on the sap of tamarisk trees.
When it hardens and falls to the ground, it can
be collected and used for a sweetener. The
problem is that this only occurs during certain
seasons (May to July) and only where there
are tamarisk trees. A full season would normally
produce only about five hundred
pounds, in contrast to the biblical account that
has the people gathering about half a pound
per person per day. Alternatively, some would
favor the sweet liquid of the hammada plant,
common in southern Sinai, that is used to
sweeten cakes. As with the plagues, it is not
necessarily the occurrence of this phenomenon
that is unnatural but the timing and magnitude.
Nevertheless, these natural explanations
seem to fall far short of the biblical data.
The comparison to what most translations
identify as the seed of the coriander (rarely
found in the desert) is more likely to refer to a
wider generic category of desert plants with
white seeds. (See Ex 16:4-9.)
11:25. the Spirit and prophesying. Ecstatic
prophecy, or prophecy that appears to proceed
from someone in a “possessed” or
trancelike state, is known in Israel as well as in
the ancient Near East. In Mesopotamia the ecstatic
prophet’s title was muhhu, and in Israel
the ecstasies often resulted in the prophets being
thought of as madmen (see, for example,
1 Sam 19:19-24; Jer 29:26. Here the phenomenon
does not result in prophetic messages
from the Lord but serves as a sign of the power
of God on the elders. In that sense it could
be compared to the tongues of fire in the upper
room in Acts 2.
11:31. quail. Small, plump migratory quail often
come through the Sinai on their way north
from the Sudan to Europe, usually in the
months of March and April. They generally
fly with the wind and are driven to ground (or
water) if caught in a crosswind. In their exhaustion
it is not unusual for them to fly so
low that they can be easily caught. Quail looking
for a place to land and rest have been
known to sink small boats, and in the Sinai
they have been noted to cover the ground so
densely that some landed on the tops of others.
(See Ex 16:13.)
11:32. 10 homers. A homer is a donkey load. It
certainly became a more precise dry measure
in time, but it is not always used with precision.
Estimates of ten homers would run anywhere
from forty to sixty bushels. By any
estimate the Israelites were overcome with
greed. Normally the quails would have been
preserved with salt before being laid out to
dry. Since this step is not mentioned by the
text, it may have been omitted. This suggests
that the plague was food poisoning.
11:34. Kibroth Hattaavah. This location cannot
be identified with any degree of confidence.
Numbers 11:3—12:1 11:35. Hazeroth. Tentatively identified by
some as Ain el-Khadra.
12:1. Cushite wife of Moses. Cush can refer to
several different places in the Old Testament,
though it is most frequently the designation
for the area translations usually render “Ethiopia.”
This is misleading, for the area Cush refers
to is not modern Ethiopia (Abyssinia) but
the area along the Nile just south of Egypt, ancient
Nubia (in modern Sudan). The boundary
between Egypt and Nubia in ancient times
was usually either at the first or second cataract
of the Nile. It is unlikely that Nubia ever
extended much beyond the sixth cataract at
Khartoum. Another possibility connects Cush
here with Cushan, identified in Habakkuk 3:7
with Midian. This has been attractive to some
because of Moses’ known marriage to a Midianite
woman, Zipporah (see Ex 2—4). While
the objection of Miriam and Aaron appears to
have been ethnic, there is insufficient evidence
NUMBERS 12:5—13:26 150
to clarify what her ethnic background was.
Nubians are depicted with dark skin pigmentation
in Egyptian paintings but are sometimes
lacking other features designated
“negroid.”
12:5. pillar of cloud. For a general discussion
of the pillar of cloud, see the comment on Exodus
13:21-22. For the pillar as a means of
God meeting with Moses, see comment on
Exodus 33:10. Here they come to the tent of
meeting for judgment of a case. In Canaanite
literature the chief deity *El also dwells in a
tent and from that tent (where the divine assembly
is thought to meet) come forth decrees
and judgments. For another example of
judgment proceeding from the tent in terms
of punishment, see the comment on Leviticus
9:23.
12:6. prophets. By this date there was already
a well-established prophetic institution in the
ancient Near East. As this text indicates, the
usual modes of revelation were dreams and
visions. In over fifty texts from the town of
*Mari (several centuries earlier than Moses)
local officials report prophetic utterances to
the king of Mari, Zimri-Lim. Yahweh could
choose to speak through anyone, but Moses’
status and experience go beyond that of other
prophets. Both dreams and visions often used
symbolism that required interpretation (often
through use of *divination or by an expert in
the dream books; see comment on Gen 40:5-
18), but there were no such riddles to solve in
order to understand God’s revelation to
Moses.
12:10. Miriam’s disease. Hansen’s disease (the
modern term for leprosy) is unattested in the
ancient Near East prior to the time of Alexander
the Great (see comment on Lev 13:1-46.
The skin diseases described here and elsewhere
in the Old Testament are more along
the line of psoriasis and eczema. The analogy
to a stillborn in verse 12 further confirms this
type of diagnosis in that it describes exfoliation
(peeling of the skin, not associated with
Hansen’s disease), not necrosis (destruction of
body tissue, including bones and nerves). A
stillborn progresses from reddish coloring to a
brownish gray and then begins to lose its skin.
12:16. Desert of Paran. See comment on 10:12.
Numbers 12:5—13:26
13:1-33
The Reconnaissance of the Land
13:21-22. scope of the exploration. The Wilderness
of Zin is the area going south from
an imaginary line drawn between the southern
tip of the Dead Sea and the Mediterranean,
an area also referred to as the Negev. It
constitutes the southern border of Canaan.
Rehob has often been identified with Tell el-
Balat Beth-rehob, almost halfway from the
Mediterranean to Hazor. Lebo Hamath is
most likely modern Lebweh on one of the
sources of the Orontes. This was the southern
border of the land of Hamath and therefore
the northern border of Canaan. These reference
points suggest the scouts explored the
land between the Jordan River and the Mediterranean
up and down its full 350-mile
length.
13:22. Anakites. The descendants of Anak are
specifically mentioned in verses 22 and 28.
When names are given, they are *Hurrian
(biblical Horites; see comment on Deut 2. The
descendants of Anak are generally considered
“giants” (v. 33; Deut 2:10-11; 2 Sam 21:18-22,
though the description “gigantic” may be
more appropriate. There is no mention of the
Anakites in other sources, but the Egyptian
letter on Papyrus Anastasi I (thirteenth century
B.C.) describes fierce warriors in Canaan
that are seven to nine feet tall.
13:22. the building of Hebron. Hebron was
built seven years before Zoan. Zoan refers to
the Egyptian city of Dja’net, which the
Greeks called Tanis. It became the capital city
of the Delta region in the Twenty-first Dynasty
(twelfth century B.C.). The earliest major
builder identified by the archaeological finds
is Psusennes I in the middle of the eleventh
century. The archaeology of Hebron is very
complex. The site was occupied in the *Early
Bronze Age (third millennium), and there
was a fortified city on the site in the Middle
Bronze Age II (up to the middle of the second
millennium). There is evidence of a tribal
population during the period of the conquest
and then a permanent settlement again in the
*Iron Age (from 1200 on). It is difficult to be
certain which building of Hebron this verse
refers to.
13:24. the Valley of Eshcol. There are many
wadis in this general area, and there is no way
of telling which one may have been referred to
here. Around Hebron today, Ramet el-’Amleh
is known for its grape produce and is near a
wadi.
13:26. Kadesh. Kadesh Barnea is usually identified
as ‘Ain el-Qudeirat, about fifty miles
south of Beersheba, which has the most plentiful
water supply in the region. There are no
archaeological remains on this site from this
period, but the site has long been a stopping
place for nomads and Bedouin, and the abundance
of “Negev” ware (pottery dated to this
period) suggests that was true during the time
of the Israelite wanderings as well.
151 NUMBERS 13:27—14:25
13:27. land flowing with milk and honey. The
land of Canaan is described as a land “flowing
with milk and honey.” This refers to the bounty
of the land for a pastoral lifestyle, but not
necessarily in terms of agriculture. Milk is the
product of herds, while honey represents a
natural resource, probably the syrup of the
date rather than bees’ honey. A similar expression
to this is found in the *Ugaritic epic of
*Baal and Mot, which describes the return of
fertility to the land in terms of the wadis flowing
with honey. Egyptian texts as early as the
Story of *Sinuhe describe the land of Canaan as
rich in natural resources as well as in cultivated
produce. (See Ex 3:7-10.)
13:29. inhabitants of the land. The people
groups inhabiting the land are identified in
verse 29 as the Amalekites, *Hittites, Jebusites,
*Amorites and Canaanites. The Amalekites,
who were descended from Abraham through
Esau Gen 36:15, were a nomadic or seminomadic
people who inhabited the general region
of the Negev and the Sinai during the
second half of the second millennium B.C. The
well-known Hittites were from Anatolia,
modern Turkey, but groups occupying sections
of Syria and Canaan were also called
Hittites and may or may not be related. The
Hittites in Canaan have Semitic names, while
the Hittites of Anatolia were Indo-European.
Jebusites inhabited the area around Jerusalem
and are known only from the Old Testament,
which tells us very little about them. *Amorites
(known in Mesopotamia as Amurru or
Martu) are known from written documents as
early as the middle third millennium B.C.
Most scholars think that their roots were in
Syria but that they came to occupy many areas
in the Near East. The term can be used to refer
to a geographical area (“westerners”) or to an
ethnic group. Some Amorites were nomadic,
but there were Amorite city-states in Syria as
early as the end of the third millennium. The
Canaanites were the principle inhabitants of
the fortified cities of the land, though they do
not seem to have been native to the land. The
kings of this area refer to themselves in the
*Amarna letters (mid-second millennium) as
Kinanu, a term also used in Egyptian inscriptions
of this period. There are also records
from Egypt concerning the population of
Canaan. A prisoner list from a campaign of
Amenhotep II (fifteenth century) lists numbers
of Canaanites, Apiru (unlanded or dispossessed
peoples), Shasu (nomadic peoples
sometimes connected with biblical groups like
the Midianites or Amalekites) and Hurru
(Hurrians).
13:33. like grasshoppers. It is not unusual to
use an animal metaphor to describe relative
size in exaggerated comparison (cf. English
“shrimp”). Grasshoppers were edible, so this
invites the additional frightening prospect
that “we wouldn’t have even made a mouthful
to them.” In the *Ugaritic Epic of *Keret an
army is compared to grasshoppers to indicate
the vast number of soldiers.
13:33. Nephilim. The only other sure reference
to the Nephilim is in Genesis 6:4, which
offers little information in terms of identification.
Some have also seen the word in Ezekiel
32:27 (with a slight text variation), where it
would refer to warriors. Earliest interpretation
(intertestamental) is divided between considering
them giants, heroes and fallen angels.
14:1-45
The People Decide Not to Enter the
Land
14:6. tearing clothes. Along with placing ashes
in the hair, the tearing of clothing was a
common form of mourning in the ancient
Near East. One example outside the Bible is
found in the *Ugaritic Epic of *Aqhat (c. 1600
B.C.) in which the sister of the hero tears her
father’s garment as she foretells a coming
drought. Such an act often implied grief over
the death of a relative, friend or prominent individual
2 Sam 3:31. However, it also was a
sign of shame (as in this case) or loss of honor
or status 2 Sam 13:19.
14:8. flowing with milk and honey. See comment
on 13:27.
Numbers 13:27—14:25 14:13-16. divine sponsorship and its implications.
All of the peoples of the ancient Near
East believed in the patronage of the gods.
Each city had a patron deity (e.g., *Marduk in
*Babylon), and many professions also had
particular gods to whom they looked for special
aid. Such associations, however, meant
that when a city or a group of people warred
with another, their gods also joined in the battle.
The god/gods of the losing side were discredited
and often abandoned by their worshipers.
Thus Moses’ prayer to Yahweh involves
the knowledge of God’s sponsorship of
the Israelites and the promise of land and children.
If Yahweh should destroy the Israelites
in the wilderness for their disobedience, it
could be construed as failure on God’s part to
fulfill these promises.
14:25. geographical information. These instructions
require the Israelites, who fear
moving directly north into Canaan, to proceed
south from Kadesh in the Wilderness of Paran
to the area of Elath on the Gulf of Aqaba. Yam
Suph in this verse is therefore not the Red Sea
NUMBERS 14:36—15:36 152
but, as in Numbers 21:4 and Deuteronomy
1:40; 2:1, refers to the Gulf of Aqaba on the
eastern coast of the Sinai peninsula.
14:36-38. fate of the spies. Initially God was
so angry at the Israelites’ grumbling that they
were all condemned to die of a plague (v. 12).
However, after Moses asked Yahweh to have
mercy, this sentence is changed to the death of
all these unfaithful people in the wilderness
without seeing the Promised Land. Only the
spies who had brought a report questioning
God’s power died immediately of a plague.
The term translated “plague” is too vague to
identify a particular disease, although some
consider it to represent bubonic plague. In the
Old Testament it is generally a punishment
from God for serious desecration or blasphemy.
14:45. Hormah. “Hormah” has a double
meaning here. In the Hebrew it means “destruction,”
and this is what happened to the
invading Israelites. It is also a geographic
term for a site seven and a half miles east of
Beersheba, tentatively identified with Tell Masos
(Khirbet el-Meshash).
15:1-31
Sacrifice Regulations in the Land
15:1-31. general elements of the sacrificial
system. Within the Israelite sacrificial system
there were both obligatory and voluntary offerings,
and they applied to the entire Israelite
community as well as to resident aliens. The
obligatory sacrifices, brought to a shrine or
temple and burnt on the altar by priests, included
portions of the harvest (grain, fruits,
oil, wine) as well as from the flocks and herds.
A portion of each offering was then designated
for the use and maintenance of the priestly
community. Some sacrifices were expiatory
and designed to mitigate specific sins or infractions
of the law as well as to serve as part
of the *ritual of purification after a person
came in contact with unclean items (corpses,
diseased persons, body fluids). Voluntary sacrifices
were offered as evidence of generosity
or in thanksgiving for a particular joy (marriage,
birth of a son, a particularly good harvest).
Unlike sacrificial offerings in the rest of
the ancient Near East, however, those to *Yahweh
were not designed to nourish the god
(see the famished gods at the end of the flood
story in the *Babylonian *Gilgamesh Epic).
They only were presented in a ritually correct
manner (“an aroma pleasing to the Lord”) in
order to obtain God’s blessing or forgiveness.
For further information see the comments on
the early part of Leviticus.
15:22-26. community culpability. Inadvertent
violations of the law also require purification.
For example, in *Hammurabi’s code, an unknowing
violator of the slave laws must take
an oath before the god to clear himself. In the
Israelite context, the entire community is held
responsible for sins committed unknowingly
and for sins of omission (usually involving
*ritual or matters of law). The community is
defined as both Israelites and resident aliens.
The infraction may involve commission of an
act without knowledge that it is a violation of
the law or confusion over the consumption of
some portion of the sacrificial meat or fat. Unlike
in Leviticus 4:13-21, however, the expiatory
sacrifice of a young bull is not called a “sin”
(purification) offering. Instead it is referred to
here as a “burnt offering,” and a male goat is
also to be sacrificed as the purification offering
(see comment on Lev 4:1-3.
15:30. defiant sin. Providing contrast to inadvertent
sin, this offense is committed with full
knowledge of one’s actions and premeditated
defiance of God and community. For instance,
in *Sumerian law a son who publicly denounces
his father is disinherited and can be
sold as a slave. Similarly, according to Israelite
law deliberate criminal acts cannot be allowed
to go unpunished, since they violate not only
God’s laws but the community’s collective
*covenant to obey these statutes. The sentence
“to be cut off from his people,” implies punishment
by both human and divine agencies—
perhaps capital punishment by the
authorities and extinction of his family line by
God.
15:30. blasphemy. The verb “to blaspheme” is
used only here in the Old Testament and
means to taunt or revile God so as to deny the
authority of God. Such an act demonstrates
total defiance of the law, and, because of its
danger to the community, the violator must be
“cut off from his people.” This may involve
capital punishment, but it also probably implies
punishment by God through the elimination
of the person’s entire family line. One
example of the extreme nature of this offense
can be found in the Cyrus Cylinder (c. 540
B.C.), which charges the *Babylonian king Nabonidus
with failing to recognize *Marduk’s
authority as the city god and explains that the
god has abandoned him and allowed the Persians
to capture the city unmolested.
Numbers 14:36—15:36
15:32-36
The Sabbath Breaker
15:32-36. gathering wood on the sabbath.
This story provides a legal *etiology explain-
153 NUMBERS 15:37—16:35
ing the seriousness of violating the sabbath
(gathering wood, presumably to cook with,
violates Ex 35:3 and provides a precedent for
future violations of the sabbath (see Nehemiah’s
civil reforms in Neh 13:15-22. Detention
of the culprit is only until God provides the
proper form of punishment, which in this case
is stoning. Communal and other forms of execution
must be performed outside the camp in
order to prevent contamination from contact
with the corpse.
15:37-41
Tassel Regulation
15:37-41. tassels on the garments. All adult
male Israelites were commanded to sew blue
cords into the four quarters of the hem of their
robes as a perpetual reminder of God’s commandments.
The blue dye was extracted from
the gland of the Murex trunculus snail and was
very costly (see comment on 4:6). Decorative
hems are common in ancient Near Eastern
fashion as many reliefs, paintings and texts attest.
Hem design was often an indication of a
person’s status or office. The tassels are symbolic
and are designed to promote right action,
not to serve as an *amulet to ward off
danger or temptation. The blue cord may signify
the status of each Israelite as a member of
a kingdom of priests (see comment on Ex 19:5-
6).
Numbers 15:37—16:35
16:1—17:13
Korah’s Revolt and Aaron’s Rod
16:1-3. clan and tribal political structure.
Each person within the Israelite community
was identified as a member of a particular
household, clan and tribe. This not only set
them into particular kinship groups (the Reubenites
claiming ascendancy here over
Moses) but also served as the basis on which
they could be appointed elders and members
of council—so many from each tribe and clan
to aid in maintaining order and assisting
Moses in the administration of justice. Rivalries
between the kinship groups are typical of
tribal confederations. In this type of loose political
structure, loyalties to the smaller kin affiliations
often supersede ties of loyalty to the
overall group. Even during the monarchy period,
the kings will be faced with this type of
mixed loyalty 2 Sam 20:1-2; 1 Kings 12:16-17.
16:6-7. the function of incense censers. The
censers are most likely long-handled pans that
could also shovel up the hot coals. They
served as portable altars, because the incense
was actually burned in them. Censers were
also used for burning of incense in Egypt
when people wanted to protect themselves
from demonic forces. Burning incense purifies
the area of the altar and signifies God’s presence
(see comments on Ex 30:7-8, 34-38.
Moses proposes a test, ordering the followers
of the rebellious Korah to offer incense in a
censer before God. This was the exclusive prerogative
of priests and could be very dangerous
for anyone, priest or nonpriests, who
might do it incorrectly Lev 10:1-2.
16:10. distinction between Levites and
priests. The Levites were given custody of the
tabernacle and the sacred precincts around the
altar. It was their responsibility to monitor Israelites
who brought their offerings to be sacrificed
and prevent them from violating any
statute or encroaching on sacred areas reserved
for the priests. Priests actually performed
the *ritual and the sacrifices on the
altar. Although both groups belonged to the
priestly community and received a share of
the sacrificial offerings, priests had the greatest
responsibility and power over *ritual acts.
Differentiation of task and authority were also
common in Mesopotamian temple communities.
16:13-14. land flowing with milk and honey.
The phrase “flowing with milk and honey”
becomes synonymous with the Promised
Land. It occurs as part of the *covenant promise
and is used here in contrast to the harshness
of life in the wilderness. This would also
relate the lush grazing that would insure good
milk production in sheep, goats and cattle. See
also comment on Exodus 3:7-10.
16:14. gouging out the eyes. This is an idiom
meaning to trick or “pull the wool over one’s
eyes.” Korah’s followers refuse to participate
in any test suggested by Moses, calling him a
charlatan who has already hoodwinked the
people into following him.
16:28-30. curse pronouncement. To demonstrate
his authority from God, Moses calls for
a demonstration of power similar to the
plagues in Egypt. The rebel leaders Dathan
and Abiram stand in defiance, along with
their households, and Moses must curse them
so thoroughly that no doubt is left about
God’s choice of leader. Therefore he asks God
to open the earth and take these men and their
families down to Sheol alive. The underworld
in ancient Near Eastern tradition (Ugaritic
and Mesopotamian epics) is often portrayed
as a gaping mouth. Thus no one can claim a
natural event like an earthquake killed them.
Their fate was predicted, and Moses proves to
be a true prophet when it occurs.
16:31-35. earthquake and fire as judgment.
NUMBERS 16:47—18:7 154
Both earthquake and fire cause the death of
many people. However in this case the men
opposing Moses and Aaron are consumed,
along with their households, by the earth and
by a divine fire (God’s kabod, “glory”). The entire
community witnesses the event, which
demonstrates God’s choice of Moses as leader.
The Lament for the Destruction of Ur in Mesopotamian
literature provides a similar manifestation
of divine wrath through firestorm
and earthquake. Additionally, in an Assyrian
text of Ashurbanipal, divine intervention resulted
in fire falling from heaven and consuming
the enemy.
16:47. incense as atonement. In this instance,
God’s wrath over the people’s rebellion
against Moses had “broken out” in the form of
a plague. Moses has Aaron burn incense as a
type of *apotropaic remedy (similar to the
blood painted on their door frames during the
Passover in Ex 12:7. The burning of the incense
by an authorized priest was designed to
provide expiation for the people’s sins and
guard them from God’s anger. However, the
more common means of expiation was blood
sacrifice (see Lev 17:11. Egyptian use of incense
to ward off hostile supernatural powers
is well attested. To that end censers were carried
in cultic processions. They are depicted in
the *rituals performed when a city was under
siege.
16:47-50. nature of the plague. The plague,
which kills 14,700 people, takes the form of
the “Angel Destroyer” who had cut down the
firstborn in Egypt. So devastating is its power
that Moses orders Aaron to carry a burning
censer in among the dead and dying in order
to ward off any further destruction. This is extraordinary,
since priests normally were not to
come in contact with the dead. Apparently
this was the only way to hold the plague in
check. An exact diagnosis of the plague is not
possible from the text (see comment on 25:8).
17:2-7. staff as insignia of tribal leadership.
The staff was used by shepherds to guide their
flocks. In the hands of an elder or tribal leader,
the staff (probably distinctively carved and
known to belong to that man) symbolized his
authority (see Gen 38:18. By writing the name
of each of the twelve tribal leaders on the
staffs and placing them before the tent of
meeting, there would be no question whose
flowered at God’s command and who was
therefore the designated priest. This public
pattern of discernment is also found in Joshua
7:14-15 and 1 Samuel 10:20-21.
17:4-11. divination by wooden objects. The
method of determining who is God’s chosen
priestly leader involves a form of *divination
(using objects to ascertain God’s will). This
method is not to be confused with the divination
practices condemned in Hosea 4:12,
which involve either a wooden idol or an
*Asherah pole. Here each tribal leader, plus
Aaron, is commanded to place his staff in the
tent of meeting. The text contains a pun on the
word for staff, which also means “tribe” in
Hebrew, signifying God’s intention to differentiate
between the leaders of the tribes. This
event is never repeated and thus is not a part
of a cultic *ritual. When Aaron’s blooms, his
authority is certified and no further argument
is allowed on this matter. Association of divination
practices in proximity to a tree may be
found in the references to the soothsayer’s
tree in Judges 9:37 and to Deborah’s palm tree
in Judges 4:4-5. *Ugaritic texts also mention
the use of trees in ritual contexts.
17:8. significance of almonds. Aaron’s staff
sprouts, blossoms and flowers as an almond
branch. This whole creative process signifies
God’s power over creation, the fruitfulness of
the Promised Land (see Gen 43:11 and the
“diligence” (Hebrew meaning for saqed “almond”)
expected of Aaron’s priesthood. In
Jeremiah 1:11-12 the sprouting almond branch
symbolizes God’s watching over Israel. The
almond was recognized as the earliest of the
blossoming plants of the region (e.g., in the
Egyptian Wisdom of *Ahiqar) and may therefore
also signify the priority of Aaron’s office.
Numbers 16:47—18:7
18:1-32
Priestly Duties and Prerogatives
18:1-7. concept and care of the sacred compass.
The center of the sacred space was the
Most Holy Place where the ark was. Radiating
from that point out were concentric zones of
holiness, each with its requirements of levels
of *purity. One of the principal tasks of the
priests was to enforce the rules that would
maintain the appropriate level of holiness for
each zone. Since the entire tribe of Levi had
been singled out to serve as priests, it was necessary
to assign duties and responsibilities
and to create a hierarchy within the group
headed by Aaron and his sons. All of the Levites
were put in the charge of Aaron’s household.
They were to perform the mundane
tasks necessary to maintain the tent of meeting,
guard its precincts and assist worshipers
who brought offerings for sacrifice. However,
no one other than Aaron and his sons and
their descendants was to be allowed to actually
perform the sacrifices or to minister before
the ark of the testimony. Any violation by a
Levite of these restrictions would result in the
155 NUMBERS 18:8—19:2
death of both the Levite and Aaron. Any non-
Levite who entered the forbidden precincts of
the sanctuary was condemned to death.
Through these restrictions on the community
and the placing of such heavy responsibilities
on Aaron’s family, the mystery and power associated
with God’s service and the items tied
to it are magnified and protected.
18:8-10. sacrificial portions. The most sacred
sacrificial portions are designated to be consumed
by Aaron and his sons as a reward for
their heavy responsibilities. This consists of
those items which are brought into the most
sacred precincts of the tent of meeting (see
Lev 6:1-7:10). They may not be shared, as are
other portions, with their families but must be
eaten by priests who are ritually pure and
therefore holy enough to consume sacred
gifts. This includes grain, sin and guilt offerings,
some of which is to be burnt on the altar
while the remainder becomes the holy food of
the priests. Hittite sacred texts also express
concern over the consumption of the “god’s
food” by princes and other secular officials.
The seriousness of sacred property is also
found in Mesopotamian law, where strict penalties
(heavy fines or capital punishment) are
prescribed for theft of temple property.
18:11. wave offerings. Continuing the list of
sacrificial portions set aside for the priests and
their families are the wave offerings. These
consist of items brought to the sanctuary and
given a special distinction through an elevation
*ritual before the altar (see comment on
Lev 8:22-30. This does not include all wave
offerings, since some are totally consumed by
fire Ex 29:22-25 and some are reserved solely
for male priests Lev 14:12-14.
18:12-19. priestly prerogatives. Completing
the list of items perpetually set aside for the
priests and their families (excluding daughters-
in-law and laborers) are the first fruits of
the harvest (grain, oil and wine) and the meat
of first-born animals. Some regulations are imposed.
Unclean animals may be redeemed for
a set price by their owners, and human babies
must be redeemed by their parents (see Ex
13:12-13; 34:19-20). All blood, fat and certain
internal organs are to be burnt on the altar as a
well-being offering (see Lev 3:9; 7:3). Since
these animal products contain the symbolic
essence of life, it is proper that they be given
entirely to God rather than set aside for priestly
consumption.
18:16. sanctuary shekel. The shekel weight
used for the redemption of children and unclean
animals is equivalent to 20 gerahs of silver
(11.5 grams). It will not be in the form of
coined money until the fourth century B.C. For
weight considerations see comment on Exodus
30:13.
18:19. covenant of salt. Salt was used widely
as symbolic of preservation. When treaties or
alliances were made, salt was employed to
symbolize that the terms would be preserved
for a long time. *Babylonian, Persian, Arabic
and Greek contexts all testify to this symbolic
usage. In the Bible, likewise, the *covenant between
the Lord and Israel is identified as a
covenant of salt—a long-preserved covenant.
Allies entering into such an agreement would
generally share a communal meal where salted
meat was featured. Thus the use of salt in
the sacrifices was an appropriate reminder of
the covenant relationship. Additionally, salt
impedes the action of yeast (leaven), and since
leaven was a symbol of rebellion, salt could
easily represent that which inhibited rebellion.
(See Lev 2:13.)
18:21-32. tithing as priests’ wages in the ancient
Near East. Apparently, the practice of
designating one-tenth of all produce (cereal,
fruit and animal) as wages for the priesthood
was unique to the Israelites. Although Mesopotamian
temples did exact rents from tenant
farmers on their lands, they were not able to
tax the entire population. As a result, the revenues
needed to maintain the temple and the
priesthood came from their own lands and
from gifts from individuals and royalty. Kings
also had lands from which they derived revenue
in Egypt and Mesopotamia, but this did
not have the same significance as a tithe. In
Canaanite culture the tithe was very similar to
that in Israel but went to the king and his administration
rather than to the priesthood,
though priests were sometimes included
among the administrative personnel. Since the
Levites were not given land in the distribution
after the conquest, they were to be supported
by all of the people through the tithe. It
should be noted, however, that the Levites
also paid a tithe of what they received to
Aaron and his family, thereby providing a
clear distinction between Levites and priests.
Numbers 18:8—19:2
19:1-22
The Ceremony of the Red Heifer
19:2-10. significance of the red heifer. The animal
designated for sacrifice and whose blood
will be mixed with ashes to serve as a means
of purifying persons who have come in contact
with the dead is a young cow. The color
red may symbolize blood, but that is uncertain.
The exact age of the animal is not made
clear by the Hebrew, but the fact that it was
not to be allowed to pull the plow or do any
NUMBERS 19:2—20:6 156
other type of work suggests it may have just
reached maturity. One example of this may be
the cows hitched to the wagon bearing the ark
by the Philistines in 1 Samuel 6:7. They were
suitable for sacrifice and thus could be used in
this test of divine intention. The case of an unknown
homicide in Deuteronomy 21:1-9 also
requires the sacrifice of a heifer and the use of
its blood for a purification *ritual. The blood
and the innocence of the animal are the keys
to purification.
19:2-10. ritual of the red heifer. In order to
create the mixture needed to cleanse a person
who has become contaminated through contact
with a corpse, the law requires that a red
heifer without blemish that has never been
yoked for labor be taken outside the camp and
slaughtered by Eleazar, Aaron’s son. Eleazar
does this because Aaron, the high priest,
would have been contaminated by the carcass
of the animal. Eleazar sprinkles some of its
blood seven times on the tent of meeting and
then supervises the burning of the carcass,
while throwing cedar wood, hyssop and scarlet
wool on the fire. The ashes are kept outside
the camp for later use in purification *rituals.
These actions cause participants in the sacrifice
to become unclean until evening, even
though they bathe and wash their clothes.
Comparison with *Hittite ritual corroborates
that it is the ritual act, plus the ingredients
concocted to purify persons, that causes a
temporary *impurity by the priest.
19:11. ritual contamination from a corpse.
There was a widespread *cult of the dead in
the ancient Near East. Although there was no
well-defined concept of afterlife in Mesopotamia
or ancient Israel, it was still believed that
the spirits of the dead could effect the living.
For instance, in Hittite texts the terror of the
dead seems to come from the fear of being
“unclean before” the spirits of the dead, just
as one would be before a god. Thus offerings
were made in tombs to the ancestors, but actual
contamination by corpses does not appear
to be a concern for the *Hittites. In
contrast the Mesopotamian namburbi *ritual
evidences a significant fear of corpse contamination.
What may have been of concern was
a mixing of the two spheres of existence, the
living and the dead. When a person came in
contact with the dead, whether human or animal,
contamination occurred. Purification
was necessary so that that person did not infect
others or the entire community with his
*impurity. The biblical purification rituals are
perhaps the most detailed of any developed
in the ancient Near East, although those employed
by the Hittites also involved bathing,
sacrifices and a period of exclusion.
19:17-19. cleansing ritual. To cleanse a person
contaminated by a corpse, a ceremonially
clean man takes the ashes of the red heifer,
mixes them with water from a spring or running
stream, and sprinkles the unclean person
using a hyssop branch. The hyssop is used because
its hairy branches can absorb liquid.
Sprinkling takes place on the third and seventh
days (both of these prime numbers are
often used in *rituals and stories). Then, on
the seventh day, the unclean person purifies
him- or herself by bathing and washing clothing.
That evening he or she will be ritually
pure again. In this way there is no mixing of
clean and unclean within the community itself,
and the ideal is maintained of a community
worthy to serve their God.
19:20-21. water of cleansing. The mixture of
ashes from the sacrificed heifer and water
from a spring or running stream is called the
“water of cleansing.” It is sprinkled on an unclean
person as part of the cleansing *ritual.
Hittite ritual texts also include water as a
means of removing actual or suspected *impurity.
However, the mixture described in
Numbers also makes the person who sprinkles
the water unclean until evening. This is
based on association with the mixture’s purpose
and the assumed contamination created
by the sacrificial ingredients themselves.
Numbers 19:2—20:6
20:1-13
Water from the Rock
20:1. chronological note. At this point the
forty years of wandering in the wilderness
are coming to an end, and the remaining survivors
of the exodus must leave the scene,
since they are not allowed to enter the Promised
Land. Thus in the first month of the fortieth
year Miriam, Moses’ sister, dies,
marking the transition of leadership that will
culminate in Aaron’s death in the fifth month
Num 33:38.
20:1. Wilderness of Zin. The Wilderness of
Zin lies north of the Wilderness of Paran. Although
its exact location is unknown, it is referred
to as the southern boundary of the
Promised Land Num 34:3-4; Josh 15:1, 3.
Kadesh, the oasis where the Israelites spend a
considerable time, is in the Desert of Zin (see
chaps. 13—14).
20:6. appearance of the glory of the Lord.
During times of crisis Moses and Aaron turn
to God for guidance and assistance. They go
to the entrance of the tent of meeting and as
supplicants they bow to the ground. Because
of their humble submission of their plea,
157 NUMBERS 20:1—21:9
God’s “glory” (kabod) appears and provides a
solution (see similar instances in Num 14:5-12;
16:19-22). A physical manifestation of a god’s
aura or power is common in Mesopotamian
epics, where it is referred to as the god’s
melammu, and it can be used as a means of defeating
an enemy (as in *Marduk’s struggle
with *Tiamat in the *Enuma Elish).
20:1-13. water from the rock. Sedimentary
rock is known to feature pockets where water
can collect just below the surface. If there
is some seepage, one can see where these
pockets exist and by breaking through the
surface can release the collected water.
Again, however, we are dealing with a quantity
of water beyond what this explanation
affords.
20:13. waters of Meribah. The location of the
waters of Meribah in Exodus 17 had been in
the vicinity of Sinai, specifically at Rephidim.
Now they are at Kadesh, about 150 air miles
north-northeast of Rephidim. Nevertheless,
these are waters of quarreling (meribah), just as
those had been.
20:14-21
Request to the Edomites
20:14-21. Late Bronze Age Edom. Edom was
the territory ranging south from the Dead Sea
to the Gulf of Aqaba. Recently archaeologists
have found small amounts of pottery from the
*Late Bronze period at a number of settlements
in this region, but no architectural remains
or written records. The Egyptians
referred to the nomadic population there as
the Shosu, though that term may refer to social
class rather than to ethnic origin.
20:22-29
The Death of Aaron
20:22-26. Mount Hor. The death site for Aaron
(although Deut 10:6 identifies his death with
Moseroth). The traditional location is near Petra
at Jebal Nabi Harun, but this is not “on the
border of Edom.” Another possibility is Jebal
Madrah, west of Kadesh and near the
Edomite border, but it lacks sufficient water
sources.
20:29. 30 days of mourning. The normal
mourning period is seven days Gen 50:10;
1 Sam 31:13. However, to demonstrate their
importance, both Moses Deut 34:8 and Aaron
are mourned for thirty days. The occasion is
also marked by transition of leadership, with
Eleazar succeeding his father as high priest and
wearing his vestments Num 20:26. Similarly,
Joshua succeeds Moses Deut 34:9.
21:1-3
The Destruction of Arad
21:1-3. Arad. The site identified as Arad was a
walled city in the *Early Bronze period (first
half of the third millennium), well before the
time of Abraham. It had a major role in the
copper industry that thrived in the Sinai peninsula.
The next occupation detected by archaeologists
is connected with the Early *Iron
Age (Judges period), and there was a series of
citadels and even a temple on the site about
the time of Solomon. Since there is no sign of
occupation during the period of the exodus
and conquest, some archaeologists have suggested
that the Arad of the Canaanite period
is the site now identified as Tell Malhata,
about seven or eight miles southwest of the
site now known as Arad. Egyptian inscriptions
of the tenth century identify two Arads.
21:1. Atharim. This word is obscure and may
be either a place name or a profession (KJV
and LXX translate it “spies”). Most likely it is
to be identified with the area just south of the
Dead Sea, possibly with the site of Tamar.
Here the Israelites were attacked by the army
of the king of Arad.
21:3. Hormah. The Hebrew word means “destruction.”
It is applied as a place name here
to commemorate the Israelite victory. They
had vowed to totally destroy the cities of the
Canaanites in that area and dedicate the spoil
to the sanctuary if God gave them the victory.
This is similar to the *herem, “holy war,” declared
against Jericho Josh 6:17-19, 24. As a
geographical name it refers to a site seven and
a half miles east of Beersheba tentatively identified
with Tell Masos (Khirbet el-Meshash).
Numbers 20:1—21:9
21:4-9
The Bronze Serpent
21:4. itinerary. The Israelites marched south
from Mount Hor on the border of Edom toward
Elath at the northern end of the Gulf of
Aqabah. Archaeological survey of the area
suggests that the Edomites did not extend this
far until the time of Solomon (tenth century
B.C.).
21:6-7. snakes. The snakes are not clearly
identified but may be a species of desert viper.
Their “fiery” or “winged” character may have
to do with their association with the cobra or
their quick spring as they strike Deut 8:15.
For general information see the comment on
Genesis 3:1.
21:8-9. bronze snake on a pole. The Hebrew
here is actually “copper” snake. Bronze, an alloy
of copper and tin, was smelted in the Tim-
NUMBERS 21:10-29 158
nah region where this event occurred, and
thus the translation here has a physical background.
Excavations in that area have unearthed
an Egyptian temple to the god
Hathor. During the period of the Judges this
temple was adopted by Midianites in the area,
who made it into a shrine draped with curtains.
In the inner chamber of this shrine was
found a five-inch long copper image of a
snake. It was common in the ancient Near
East to believe that the image of something
could protect against the thing itself. As a result
Egyptians (living as well as dead) sometimes
wore snake-shaped *amulets to protect
them from serpents. Finally it is of interest
that a well-known bronze bowl from *Nineveh
with Hebrew names on it depicts a
winged snake on a pole of some sort.
21:10-20
Journey Through Moab
21:10-20. itinerary. A fuller list of stops on this
journey is given in Numbers 33:41-48. A number
of the towns are unknown, making it difficult
to offer archaeological evidence. Nevertheless,
a number of the stops also occur on
Egyptian maps and itineraries from this period.
The Zered Valley is today the Wadi el-Hesa,
and the Arnon River flows through the
Wadi el-Mojib. Both flow from east to west,
the former into the southern end of the Dead
Sea and the latter into a midpoint on the east
side.
21:14. book of the wars of the Lord. In compiling
the history and traditions of the conquest,
the biblical writers drew on a variety of
sources, both written and oral. Among the
written sources was the Book of Jashar (see
Josh 10:13; 2 Sam 1:18 and the Book of the
Wars of the Lord. Based on the three fragments
of these documents that appear in the
Bible, they were composed primarily of victory
songs and tales of the mighty acts of God
and the leaders of the Israelites during this
formative period. Unfortunately, neither book
has survived, but their mention in the biblical
text indicates that the narrative was based, at
least in part, on cultural memories.
Numbers 21:10-29
21:21-35
Sihon and Og
21:21. Amorites. The *Amurru or Amorites of
Mesopotamia formed a significant ethnic
group after 2000 B.C. and are mentioned in the
*Mari texts and the administrative documents
of *Hammurabi of *Babylon during the eighteenth
century B.C. Egyptian records list them
as one of several kingdoms during the fourteenth
century B.C. in the area south of the
Orontes River and into Transjordan. Their effective
control of Transjordan may be associated
with the conflict between Egypt and the
Hittite Empire. The indecisive battle of
Kadesh (c. 1290 B.C.) between these two powers
opened a temporary political opportunity
for Amorite control, but the coming of the
*Sea Peoples in 1200 B.C. further disrupted the
region. In the Bible, Amorites is used as an ethnic
term for the kingdoms of Sihon and Og
Num 21:21, 33 as well as for the inhabitants
of Canaan Gen 15:16; Deut 1:7.
21:23. Jahaz. The site of the battle with the
forces of the *Amorite king Sihon is given as
Jahaz. Its probable location, based on the
church historian Eusebius (fourth century
A.D.) and the Mesha inscription (ninth century
B.C.), is between the territories of Madaba and
Dibon, at Khirbet Medeiniyeh at the eastern
edge of Moab by the Wadi al-Themed. The
battle is also mentioned in Deuteronomy 2:33
and Judges 11:20.
21:24-30. captured land. The area of central
Transjordan which is here described as the
kingdoms of Sihon and Og stretches from the
Arnon River valley in the south to the Jabbok
River in the north. It would include Moab but
not Ammon. It seems likely that these “kingdoms”
were not organized states in this period
and that their conquest provided passage
for the Israelites without the tribes actually
taking control of and settling this region.
21:25-28. Heshbon. The modern site of Tell-
Heshban is located nearly fifty miles directly
east of Jerusalem. However, archaeologists
have not been able to detect any evidence that
this site was settled prior to 1200 B.C. Some
have suspected that the *Late Bronze city of
Heshbon may have been at a different site,
with Tell Jalul named as one possibility. Recent
surveys and excavations in this region
have turned up more and more *Late Bronze
pottery, but it remains difficult to assess the
nature of the occupation during this period.
21:29. Chemosh. The Moabite god *Chemosh,
mentioned here in Israel’s “taunt song” marking
their victory over the Transjordanian kingdoms
of Sihon and Og, is also mentioned in
the ninth-century B.C. Moabite inscription of
King Mesha (see also Judg 11:24; 1 Kings 11:7.
As the national god of Moab, Chemosh stood
in opposition to *Yahweh, just as Moab did to
Israel. His *cult has similarities to Yahweh
worship, and his attributes (giving of land to
his people and victory in battle) are also similar.
This may simply be an indication that the
expectations placed on their gods by the peo-
159 NUMBERS 21:30—22:4
ple of the ancient Near East were very much
the same from one nation to another.
Chemosh first appears in the list of gods from
ancient Ebla in northern Syria (c. 2600-2250
B.C.) and may have also been worshiped in
Mesopotamia and *Ugarit as an elemental deity
associated with clay or mud bricks.
21:30. area of destruction. Heshbon and Dibon
are the major cities in the north and south
respectively in the northern section of Moab
(north of the Arnon). For Heshbon see the
comment earlier in this chapter. Dibon is modern
Dhiban, just a mile or two north of the Arnon
(Wadi al-Mujib). In the ninth century B.C.
it served as one of Mesha’s royal cities and is
prominent in the Mesha inscription that was
found there. The lack of *Late Bronze finds at
the site raises questions about whether the ancient
city was at Dhiban or somewhere else
nearby. The fact that Rameses II also lists Dibon
on his itinerary shows that there was a
Late Bronze city of that name. Nophah has not
been identified, and even the reading of the
name is uncertain. Medeba is the principal
city in the central region of north Moab and is
identified with the modern city of the same
name. There has been limited excavation on
the site because of the modern town.
21:32. Jazer. This geographical name is associated
with both a city as well as the surrounding
region, including small villages or
“daughters.” Although its location is disputed,
the most likely site is Khirbet Jazzir,
twelve miles south of the Jabbok River. It
served as an outpost on the border with Ammon
and represented the eastward thrust of
the Israelite forces.
21:33. Bashan. After defeating Sihon, the Israelites
travel northward to the region of Bashan
in the area (known today as the Golan
Heights) bordered by Mount Hermon to the
north, Jebel Druze to the east and the Sea of
Galilee to the west, where they defeated King
Og at Edrei (modern Der’a, thirty miles east of
the Sea of Galilee). It is a broad, fertile plateau
region noted for its grazing Ps 22:12; Amos
4:1-3). See the comment on Deuteronomy 3 for
more detail.
Numbers 21:30—22:4 21:33. Edrei. The Israelites defeat the *Amorite
king Og at Edrei on the southeastern border of
Bashan. The site is identified as modern Der’a
in Syria, about sixty miles south of Damascus
and thirty miles east of the Sea of Galilee near
the Yarmuk River. Though no excavations
have been conducted there, the town is also
mentioned in ancient texts from Egypt and
*Ugarit.
21:33. Og. The *Amorite king of Bashan, Og, is
mentioned as the last of the Rephaim or giants,
whose “bed was made of iron and was
more than thirteen feet long and six feet wide”
(see comment on Deut 3:11. There is no historical
information that sheds light on this individual.
The victory was celebrated many
times in Israelite tradition and is recorded in
Deuteronomy 1:4; 3:1-13; 4:47; 29:7; 31:4;
Joshua 2:10; 9:10; and 1 Kings 4:19.
22:1—24:25
Balaam and Balak
22:1. plains of Moab. This is the broad plain
or steppe region immediately north of the
Dead Sea and east of the Jordan River, just opposite
the “plains of Jericho” Josh 4:13. Its location
serves as the jumping-off point for
entrance into Canaan.
22:2. Balak of Moab. Balak, the king of Moab,
is unknown in other historical sources. In fact,
there is very little of Moab’s history that has
been recovered aside from the information
given in the Mesha Inscription concerning the
ninth century. It must be remembered that the
title king could be used for rulers of vast empires
or, as most likely in this case, petty rulers
or tribal leaders.
22:4-7. Midianites. The Midianites are a people
living in the southern portions of the Transjordan
region. They are described as the
descendants of Abraham and Keturah (Gen
25:106) and operate as traders and caravaneers
in the Joseph narrative Gen 37:25-36.
Moses joins the Midianite clan of Jethro after
fleeing Egypt (see comment on Ex 2:15, but
the Midianites do not join the Israelites in the
conquest of Canaan. In the Balaam narrative,
the Midianite elders are allied with the Moabites
and participate in the hiring of the
prophet to curse Israel.
22:4-20. Balaam at Deir Allah. In 1967 a Dutch
archaeological expedition led by H. J. Franken
discovered some inscribed pieces of plaster at
a site in Jordan known as Deir ‘Allah. The
fragments are apparently written in *Aramaic
and date to about 850 B.C. They mention Balaam
son of Beor, the same figure described as
a “seer” in Numbers 22—24. Although the text
is very fragmentary, with many breaks and
uncertain words, it can be established that Balaam
was a seer who received a divine message
during the night and that his message
was not what his neighbors expected to hear.
Whether this text refers to the events described
in the Bible is questionable, but it does
establish a nonbiblical tradition current in the
ninth century of a prophet named Balaam. It
may be that Balaam’s notoriety was such that
he remained an important prophetic figure for
NUMBERS 22:5-22 160
centuries and could thus be identified with
the earlier Israelite narratives of the conquest.
22:5. Pethor. This is probably to be identified
with Pitru on the Sajur River, a tributary of the
upper Euphrates, located about twelve miles
from Carchemish in northern Syria. Since Balaam
is said to have been brought from *Aram
in Numbers 23:7, this identification seems appropriate.
However, the distance involved
(about four hundred miles) has caused some
to look closer to Moab for the site of Pethor.
22:6. prophetic status of Balaam. In Joshua
13:22, Balaam is described as a “soothsayer,”
while in Numbers 22:6 he is said to be a man
whose blessings and curses are effective. He is
from the region of upper Mesopotamia, near
Carchemish, and has an international reputation
as a true prophet. Throughout the narrative
in Numbers 22—24, Balaam continually
reminds Balak that he can speak only the
words which God gives him to speak (Num
22:18, 38; 23:12, 26; 24:13). Although Balaam
uses sacrificial rituals to obtain God’s answer,
he is not to be considered simply a diviner.
*Divination, while sometimes used by Mesopotamian
prophets, is more often associated
with *cultic personnel who examine sacrificial
animals or natural conditions (flights of birds,
etc.). In each case, Balaam seems to have direct
communication with God and then speaks
God’s word in the form of *oracles to Balak.
This is the typical form of prophetic address
found in the books of Isaiah, Jeremiah and
other Israelite prophets. Spoken oracles are
also recorded in over fifty *Mari texts (a few
centuries earlier than Balaam, about 250 miles
downstream from Carchemish). Through either
lay people or temple personnel, various
messages are offered to Zimri-Lim, king of
Mari, from various deities. Therefore it is clear
that prophetic activity in the ancient Near East
during this general time period was not uncommon.
22:6. power of a curse. Curses draw the wrath
of the deity on persons, groups, cities or places.
They may be composed and spoken by
anyone, with an intent to bring death, destruction,
disease and defeat. Ritual performance
was also employed, as in a Hittite text that requires
water to be poured and a curse spoken
against anyone who gave the king “polluted”
water to drink. Curses often accompanied
*covenant or treaty agreements to involve the
power of the gods as cosigners and to put
treaty breakers on notice of their peril. However,
cursing can have negative effects on the
one who curses as well. The death penalty
was imposed on those who curse their parents
Ex 21:17 or God Lev 24:11-24. In the Israelite
tradition expressed in the Balaam narrative,
Yahweh alone was capable of carrying
out a curse, and no prophet acting, on his own
could effectively curse anyone. Yet Balak describes
Balaam as one so attuned to the gods
that both his blessings and his curses are always
effective. In effect, the prophet, as a
god’s intermediary or representative, is believed
to be capable of interceding for good or
ill with the god(s). Balaam discounts this,
however, saying he can only speak what God
gives him to speak.
22:7. fee for *divination. It is to be expected
that a fee or reward would be paid for vital information
(see 2 Sam 4:10. Diviners, as religious
practitioners, would be paid for their
services 1 Sam 9:8. However, Balaam is not
to be paid until after he curses the Israelites
Num 24:11. Thus this may simply be an offer
rather than a retainer for services.
22:18. Balaam and Yahweh. If Balaam is truly
a Mesopotamian prophet who has spoken in
the name of many gods, it seems unusual that
he would refer to *Yahweh as “the LORD my
God.” It is perfectly possible that Balaam was
familiar with the Israelite God, at least by reputation
(see Rahab’s speech in Josh 2:9-11. Or
he may always refer to each god he is dealing
with in these intimate terms to demonstrate
his prophetic authority. Balak’s interest in Balaam
seems to be based on his ability to invoke
blessings or curses—no matter which god he
calls upon. There is little reason to maintain
that Balaam served Yahweh exclusively.
22:21-35. God opposing after sending. There
are times when there seems to be a strange
change of mind by God. The Lord called on
Jacob Gen 31—32) and Moses to go somewhere
but then accosted each on the way. In
each instance God did indeed want the individual
to make the journey but had an issue to
settle first.
Numbers 22:5-22 22:22-35. angel of the Lord. In the ancient
world direct communication between heads
of state was a rarity. Diplomatic and political
exchange normally required the use of an intermediary.
The messenger who served as the
intermediary was a fully vested representative
of the party he represented. He spoke for
that party and with the authority of that party.
He was accorded the same treatment as that
party would enjoy were he there in person.
While this was standard protocol, there was
no confusion about the person’s identity. All
of this treatment simply served as appropriate
recognition of the individual that he represented.
Gifts given were understood to belong
to the represented party, not the representative.
Words spoken to the representative were
161 NUMBERS 22:28—24:2
expected to be reported back in accurate detail
and were understood as having been spoken
directly to the represented individual. When
official words were spoken by the representative,
everyone understood that he was not
speaking for himself but was merely conveying
the words, opinions, policies and decisions
of his liege. In the same way the Angel
of the Lord serves as the messenger, the royal
envoy endowed with the authority of the
sender of the message. The word in Hebrew
describing what the angel of the Lord does
here is satan. This being is not the personified
“accuser” or “adversary” found in Job 1—2
and Zechariah 3:1. The term is used only to
explain the adversarial role played by the angel.
22:28-30. speaking animals. The only other instance
in the Bible of a talking animal is the dialogue
between Eve and the serpent in
Genesis 3:1-5. In that case the serpent is described
as the most cunning of the animals,
and it is possible that it was the only animal
that could speak. In the Balaam narrative the
donkey is able to speak only after God gives it
that ability. Such stories are commonly identified
as fables, and they are quite popular in
ancient as well as more recent literature. They
generally have a wisdom theme and are designed
to establish or question basic truths.
Among the ancient Near Eastern examples are
the talking cattle in the Egyptian Tale of Two
Brothers and the dialogue between the leopard
and the gazelle in the *Assyrian Teachings of
*Ahiqar. The effect of the speaking animal in
this story is to make it clear to Balaam that
God can speak through any creature he chooses,
with no credit to the creature.
Numbers 22:28—24:2 22:36-41. geography. From the city of Ar-
Moab (NIV: “the Moabite town”) near the
northern border of Moab, the two proceed
north to Kiriath Huzoth and Bamoth Baal. Ar-
Moab (see 21:15) has not been identified with
certainty, but is usually connected with modern
Balu’a along the southern tributary that
the King’s Highway followed to the Arnon.
The location of Kiriath Huzoth is unknown, as
is Bamoth Baal. Some place the latter some
twenty-five to thirty miles north of Ar along
the King’s Highway, though some would
place it farther north, in closer proximity to
where the Israelites were camped.
23:1. seven altars. The number seven is often
attested in the Bible and may be associated
with the days of creation or the fact that it is a
prime number (see 1 Kings 18:43; 2 Kings
5:10). Nowhere else in the Bible are seven altars
constructed for sacrifice. This may relate
to a non-Israelite *ritual in which each of the
altars is dedicated to a different god. It is conceivable
that when an international treaty was
concluded and the gods were called to witness
the agreement (as in the treaty between
the *Assyrian king Esarhaddon and Baal of
Tyre, which calls on the “seven gods”), altars
to each god would be erected and sacrifices
made before them (see Gen 31:44-54. But nontreaty
contexts in Mesopotamia also attest the
practice of using seven altars in order to offer
seven sacrifices simultaneously before the
high gods.
23:1. sacrifice of bulls and rams. These were
the most prized and valuable stock animals in
the ancient Near East, and thus their sacrifice
would have signified a supreme effort on the
part of the worshipers to please the god(s) and
gain their aid. The sacrifice of seven of these
animals is also found in Job’s sin offering for
his three friends Job 42:8.
23:3. barren height for revelation. The translation
“barren height” is contested, and the
meaning of the Hebrew word questionable. It
seems clear from the context that Balaam separated
himself from the Moabites to practice
his *divination alone. This may have been required
by the *ritual or perhaps by God’s desire
to only communicate directly with
Balaam. In any case, high places are often associated
with gods and their revelations
(Mounts Sinai, Zaphon, Olympus).
23:4. meeting with *Elohim. In the ancient
world messages from deity were generally
conveyed through dreams, communications
from the dead or temple personnel in prophetic
trances. The language here suggests none of
those options, though the nature of Balaam’s
encounter with God is not described.
23:14. Zophim/Pisgah. Zophim means “watchmen”
or “lookout.” Used in relation to Pisgah,
the generic term for the promontories of the
Moabite plateau looking west toward Canaan
(see Num 21:20, Zophim simply means that
Balaam went to a known observation point to
watch for a sign from God. It is possible that
he intended to observe the flight of birds in order
to receive an omen. This is not only a common
*divination practice in Mesopotamia but
one that the Deir Allah inscription (see comment
on 22:4) appears to relate to Balaam.
24:1-2. difference in Balaam’s method and
role of the Spirit of God. As a Mesopotamian
prophet, Balaam’s usual procedures when invoking
a god or seeking an omen would have
been to engage in some form of *divination.
Having now perceived that Yahweh’s intent is
to bless the Israelites, Balaam dispenses with
these mechanical methods and leaves himself
open to direct revelation from God. At that
NUMBERS 24:5—25:3 162
point he turns toward the Israelites and is empowered
by God’s Spirit. He speaks the divine
blessing, probably in a trance. It is his
willingness to become vulnerable in the sight
of the Moabite king that demonstrates the
truth of his message and provides an example
of ecstatic prophecy (see 1 Sam 10:5-6, 10-11.
24:5-7. metaphors. Balaam’s *oracle contains a
promise of abundance and prosperity for Israel.
Looking down on their tents, he likens
them to a forest containing aromatic aloe and
cedars. Aloes are not native to Canaan, but the
metaphor may refer to the immigrant Israelites
“planted” in the Promised Land by God.
Cedars do not grow near streams, and this
may simply refer to any coniferous tree. The
image of abundant waters and seed refer to
the richness of the land of Canaan and the
*covenantal promise of children. By referring
to a king, the author speaks of the future nation’s
triumph over its enemies, the Amalekites,
whose king, Agag, will be defeated by
Saul 1 Sam 15:7-8.
24:7. Agag. Agag was the mighty king of the
Amalekites in the time of Saul 1 Sam 15:7-8.
Although Saul defeats them, the Amalekites
continue to be a thorn in Israel’s side (1 Sam
27:8; 30:1; 2 Sam 1:1. Agag’s name appears
again in the book of Esther as the ethnic name
for the villain Haman the Agagite. Some have
suggested that Agag should be understood as
a title (like Pharaoh), but evidence is unavailable.
24:17. star and scepter metaphors. While a
star is a common metaphor for kings in the
ancient Near East, it is seldom used in the Bible
Is 14:12; Ezek 32:7. Its association here
with a scepter, the symbol of royal power (Ps
45:6), however, makes this identification more
certain. Balaam’s *oracle thus predicts the rise
of the monarchy in Israel and the extension of
its power (like the waving of the scepter) over
the lands of Transjordan. As in the Egyptian
inscription of Tuthmoses III (c. 1504-1450 B.C.),
the scepter is also used as a mace to crush the
heads of enemy nations.
24:20. Amalekites. The Amalekites were a
confederation of tribes living primarily in the
steppe area southeast of Canaan Ex 17; Judg
6—7). There may have also been groups of
Amalekites in the hill country west of Samaria.
They are always portrayed as Israel’s rival
for territory. The title of “first among the nations”
may refer to what they called themselves
or perhaps to their distinction as the
first people to challenge the Israelites Ex 17:8-
15).
24:21-22. Kenites. Although the Kenites are
described as friendly prior to this *oracle
(Moses’ father-in-law, Ex 2:16-22, they are
condemned here with the Amalekites. They
were nomadic tribes living around Kadesh in
the northern Sinai peninsula and in the region
of Galilee and may have been itinerant metalworkers
(there were copper mines nearby in
Sinai) as well as shepherds. Balaam mocks
their mountain settlements, saying that they
cannot prevent their eventual fall to Asshur.
24:22-24. Asshur. It is unlikely that this reference
is to the Neo-Assyrian empire, which
dominated the entire ancient Near East during
the eighth and seventh centuries B.C. That
would place the focus (and, some would say,
composition) of this *oracle very late. However,
the Asshurim, a tribe descended from
Abraham and Keturah Gen 25:3 does not
seem significant enough to defeat the Kenites.
The *Assyrians of the fourteenth century were
sufficiently militaristic to contribute to the fall
of the *Hurrian kingdom of Mitanni, but there
is no evidence of military activity further
west. This most likely should be identified as
the Asshur mentioned in connection with the
Ishmaelites in Genesis 25:18.
24:24. Kittim. This is the ancient name for the
island of Cyprus Gen 10:4 and derives from
the name of the city Kition. In later texts
(Qumran), Kittim is used as a generic for maritime
nations Dan 11:30 or for the Romans.
Here some have suggested that it may refer to
the “Sea Peoples”—the amalgamation of
tribes (including the Philistines) that invaded
the Near East around 1200 B.C.
24:24. Eber. Eber is identified as the ancestor
of the Hebrews in Genesis 10:21 and 11:14.
That cannot fit the context of this *oracle,
however, since it would be a curse on Israel.
Possible solutions may be a reference to an attack
by the Kittim on “Heber,” either one of
the clans of the Kenites or of the Israelite tribe
of Asher. No really satisfactory explanation
has been put forward for this name.
Numbers 24:5—25:3
25:1-18
The Incident at Baal-Peor
25:1. Shittim. The full name of this site was
Abel-shittim Num 33:49, and it is the jumping-
off point for Joshua’s spies and for the Israelite’s
entrance into Canaan Josh 2:1; 3:1;
Mic 6:5. Josephus places it seven miles from
the Jordan River. Its actual location is uncertain,
but it may be Tell el-Hammam on the
Wadi Kefrein.
25:3. Baal of Peor. It is not uncommon for the
god *Baal to be identified with different
mountains (Zaphon) or city sites in the region
of Canaan (see Num 32:38; 33:7; 2 Kings 1:2.
163 NUMBERS 25:4—27:11
In this case, the Israelites are influenced by the
Moabite women to worship the city god of
Peor (see Deut 3:29 for Beth Peor). This is apparently
their first contact with Baal, the
Canaanite god of *fertility and rain, since the
name does not appear in Genesis. The result is
disastrous and sets a precedent for God’s reaction
to idolatry.
25:4. corpse exposure. Although the form of
execution is unclear here (see 2 Sam 21:9 for a
similar use of words), there is a purpose in
placing the bodies of these unfaithful leaders
on public display. It may be an attempt to propitiate
God’s anger or a warning to others that
idolatry will not be tolerated. Legal tradition
forbade leaving bodies exposed or impaled
overnight Deut 21:22-23. Impalement and
public display of corpses was common punishment
by the *Assyrians (referred to in the
annals of Sennacherib and Ashurbanipal).
25:6. brought to his family. The unnamed Israelite
may simply be introducing this Midianite
woman to his family as his wife. But
many have believed that the cause of distress
here is the practice of ritual intercourse. By
bringing a Midianite woman to his family, this
man was encouraging all of his male kin to
participate in this forbidden *ritual—even
though the people were supposed to be repenting
for their previous idolatry. The
“chamber” (v. 8) into which they enter appears
to be in the sacred enclosure and therefore
suggests ritual intercourse. Though the
ritual may have been *fertility-oriented, the Israelites
are not engaging in agriculture, so it is
difficult to imagine what connection that
might have here. Alternatively, Psalm 106:28
links Baal-Peor to sacrifices for the dead (NIV:
“lifeless gods”). The plague of verse 3 may
have been attributed to ancestral spirits who
could be appeased by ritual intercourse. In
this case the “family” the woman was brought
to may be the ancestral spirits.
25:8. the plague. Since no symptoms are given,
the nature of the plague afflicting the Israelites
is unclear. Diagnostic texts from
Mesopotamia often sought to identify a causal
relationship between certain symptoms or illnesses
and the presumed sins that caused
them. Israel had no such hierarchy of diseases,
but they would interpret major or sudden outbreak
of serious disease as punishment from
God. Endemic and epidemic diseases in the
ancient world included typhoid, malaria,
cholera, tuberculosis, anthrax, bubonic
plague, diphtheria and more. Yahweh’s use of
plague is similar to that associated with
plague deities in the ancient Near East. In Mesopotamian
mythology, Nergal (or, Erra) is the
god of plague and king of the netherworld.
The comparable Canaanite deity is Resheph,
and the Hittite, Irshappa. Murshilish, a Hittite
king of this general period, complains in one
prayer about a plague that has lasted twenty
years. He sees it as a punishment for his father’s
sins.
25:13. covenant of priesthood. Like the *covenant
made with David 2 Sam 7:8-16; Ps
89:29), this is an “everlasting” covenant.
Again, this language and the concept of a perpetual
treaty agreement is not unique. It is
common in Mesopotamian treaty texts (see
the *Assyrian Vassal Treaties of Esarhaddon).
In this instance, Phineas’s act of piety is the
basis for marking his particular branch of
Aaron’s family as the group with the sole
right to officiate in the temple (see the genealogy
in 1 Chron 6:3-14, which traces Phineas’s
lineage and not that of his brothers).
26:1-65
The Second Census
26:55. distribution by lot. By employing lots
to determine the distribution of the land, the
decision is left to God’s judgment. This process
was also employed at *Mari in Mesopotamia
to allocate fiefs by the king to vassals and
military retirees.
Numbers 25:4—27:11
27:1-11
The Case of Zelophehad’s Daughters
27:1-11. daughters’ inheritance rights. Land is
generally redeemed by a male relative if a
man dies without a male heir (for the levirate
obligation see comment on Deut 25:5-10; for
the Jubilee year see comment on Lev 25:8-55;
for the relative’s claim see Lev 25:25-28. The
separate question of a daughter’s right to inherit
requires, in this case, an *oracle and a divine
decision, since it cannot be dealt with
under existing legislation. Levirate rights
Deut 25:5-10 apparently do not apply here,
since no male heirs (sons or paternal brothers)
are mentioned. In this situation, therefore, the
decision is made and laws are enacted giving
daughters the right to inherit in the absence of
any male heirs, as well as establishing a law of
procedure in cases of inheritance. Some precedent
seems to exist for this in Mesopotamian
legal documents (Sumerian text Gudea statute
B [c. 2150 B.C.]; *Alalakh [eighteenth century
B.C.]; *Nuzi; and *Emar). The law in Numbers
27, however, has to be modified later due to
the problem of the potential loss of a family’s
land if the daughter marries out of her tribe.
Thus Numbers 36:6-9 adds the further stipula-
NUMBERS 27:12—28:10 164
tion that daughters who inherit land from
their father must marry within their own tribal
clans.
27:12-23
Joshua Commissioned
27:12. Abarim range. This is a range of mountains
extending east of the mouth of the Jordan
River and on around the northern end of
the Dead Sea (see Deut 32:49. It forms the
northwestern rim of the Moabite plateau. The
specific peak in this range from which Moses
will view the Promised Land is Mount Nebo,
2,740 feet in height.
27:14. geography. The parenthetical note that
retells the story of Moses’ and Aaron’s sin at
Meribah is based on the version in Numbers
20:1-13. This places the events near the oasis
of Kadesh Barnea, probably ‘Ein Qudeirat in
the wadi el’Ain, the largest oasis in the northern
Sinai. The Wilderness of Zin is the barren
region in the Negev south of Canaan that extends
toward the Sinai.
27:18. the spirit. As Moses’ chosen successor,
Joshua’s qualification for this position is based
on the authority of God with which he has
been endowed. He has shown this trait in military
campaigns Ex 17:9-13 as well as in his
courage in standing up to the people and the
elders Num 14:6-10; 26:65). Eventually he
will be invested with the spirit of wisdom
Deut 34:9, but here it is his God-given skills
as a leader that stand out as the basis of his elevation
to command. There is no established
political authority over all the tribes except
that designated by the Lord. The recognition
of the empowerment by the spirit of God becomes
the criterion by which political authority
is granted by the tribes.
27:18. laying on of hands. Part of the process of
investing a person with authority and signifying
the transferral of power from one leader to
another involves the laying on of hands (see
Num 8:10; Lev 16:21. For instance, the paintings
found in the *El Amarna rock tombs (c.
1400-1350 B.C.) portray the investiture of officials
by Pharaoh. They are given special garments,
and Pharaoh is pictured extending his
arms over them as a sign of their new authority.
27:21. priest and the Urim. One sign of
Joshua’s new leadership role as Moses’ successor
is his use of the oracular office of the
High Priest. By using the Urim and Thummim,
the high priest could consult God and
obtain a yes or no answer to questions (see
this practice by David and Abiathar in 1 Sam
23:9-12; 30:7-8). While it is uncertain what the
Urim and Thummim actually looked like,
their use is similar to the oracular questions
and answers found in *Babylonian omen
texts. They were kept in a pocket inside the
high priest’s “breastplate” and next to his
heart Ex 28:16; Lev 8:8. For further information,
see the comment on Exodus 28:30.
Numbers 27:12—28:10
28:1-15
Offerings
28:1-30. festivals and holy days. The major religious
festivals and holy days celebrated
throughout the ancient Near East were for the
most part agriculturally based. While daily offerings
were made to the gods, there were
“patron days” in specific towns and villages
for locally honored deities, as well as occasions
when the national god(s) were paraded
from one town to another, “visiting” shrines
and promoting the general *fertility and wellbeing
of the land. The single most important
of the Mesopotamian festivals was the Akitu
or new year’s celebration. The monarch assumed
the role of the chief god, while the high
priestess served as his consort and represented
the chief goddess. Their performance of a
series of intricate sacred *rituals and sacrifices
was designed to please the gods and thus insure
a prosperous and fertile year ahead. During
the year, based on a lunar calendar, “new
moon” festivals were celebrated, as were the
events of the agricultural calendar (the coming
of the rains or annual flood waters, plowing
and harvesting). Some rituals grew out of
the changing of the seasons, such as the
mourning for the “dying god” Tammuz (or
*Dumuzi), who could be released from the underworld
only through the tears of devotees
(see Ezek 8:14.
28:1-8. daily offerings: who makes them and
why. The heart of the sacrificial system in ancient
Israel was the daily offering made for the
people by the priests. This was a communal
offering made on behalf of the people rather
than an offering that each person made. Although
the actual content of the sacrifice apparently
differed from one time period to
another (compare morning and evening animal
sacrifice here with a morning animal sacrifice
and an evening grain offering in 2 Kings
16:15), its intent was to provide continuous
thanksgiving to God and signify daily compliance
with the *covenant (see the comment on
burnt offerings at Lev 1:1. The belief is quite
clear that any interruption in this pattern
would have resulted in dire consequences for
the people (see Dan 8:11-14.
28:9-10. sabbath offering: who and why. The
injunction to observe the sabbath each sev-
165 NUMBERS 28:11—29:12
enth day by ceasing work and by offering an
additional burnt offering marks the weekly
commemoration of the release from Egyptian
bondage Ex 20:11. Every Israelite, as well as
their animals, servants and visitors, is required
by this statute to observe the sabbath
Ex 31:12-17. This offering is not made by
each family or clan but is made on behalf of
the people as a whole. There is little evidence
that the sabbath was used as a time for worship
gatherings in ancient Israel. The sabbath
is not tied to any other calendar event during
the year and only has parallels in the celebration
of the sabbatical and Jubilee years (Lev
25). Because the exodus event is unique to the
Israelites, no similar, weekly holy day is observed
by the peoples of the ancient Near
East.
28:11-15. new moon offering: who and why.
The lunar calendar was used throughout the
ancient Near East and the worship of the
moon god Sin was quite common, especially
in northern Mesopotamia. Each new month
began the first day of the new moon and signified
the moon god’s continuing dominion.
The inclusion of a new moon offering in the liturgical
calendar only appears in Numbers 28,
although its celebration is known elsewhere (1
Sam 20:5; 2 Kings 4:23. Like the sabbath offering,
the sacrifice marking the new moon is in
addition to the daily offering. It is placed on a
par with other major festivals with its sacrifice
of a larger number of valuable animals (two
bulls, a ram and seven sheep) and the addition
of a sacrificial goat as a sin offering.
Numbers 28:11—29:12
28:16—29:40
The Festival Calendar
28:16-25. Feast of Unleavened Bread. The
Feast of Unleavened Bread signals the beginning
of the barley harvest (March-April). Unleavened
bread was made from the newly
harvested grain without adding yeast and
was eaten with joy as the first sign of coming
harvests that year. For further information see
the comments on Exodus 12:14-20.
28:26-31. Feast of Weeks. This second of the
three major harvest festivals comes seven
weeks after the harvest of the early grain (Ex
34:22; Deut 16:9-12 and is also known as the
Feast of Harvest or Pentecost Ex 23:16. Like
the sabbath celebration, the Feast of Weeks is
not tied to the lunar calendar (in this case because
of the inaccuracy of a calendar based
solely on the phases of the moon). In the agricultural
cycle it marks the end of the wheat
harvest season, and by tradition it is tied to
the giving of the law on Mount Sinai. It is also
associated with *covenant renewal and pilgrimage.
Celebration includes the bringing of
a “wave offering” (see comment on Lev 8:27
of two loaves of bread, animal sacrifices (seven
year-old lambs, one bull and two rams)
and a drink offering in thanksgiving for a
good harvest (see Lev 23:15-22. Like the other
major feasts, a goat is also to be sacrificed as a
sin offering for the people Num 28:30.
29:1-6. Feast of Trumpets. The first day of the
seventh month (the most sacred month in the
Israelite calendar) was to be marked with the
blowing of ram’s horns (shofar) by the priests,
commemorating the *covenantal agreement
and gifts of God to the people. Its significance
may partially derive from its being the seventh
new moon of the seventh month of the
year (compare this to the sabbatical cycle). No
work is allowed, and burnt offerings are presented
in addition to the daily offerings. The
festival would continue until the tenth day of
the month when the Day of Atonement would
be observed (see Lev 16:29-34 for details). In
later times the Feast of Trumpets would become
the new year’s festival, but that occurs
in late postexilic times (see Lev 23:23-25.
29:7-11. Day of Atonement. The Day of
Atonement was a special day set aside each
year to deal with the people’s sins. The seriousness
of this occasion is demonstrated by
the fact that all of the *rituals had to be performed
inside the sanctuary by the high
priest. According to Leviticus 23:27-32 the
Day of Atonement fell ten days after the opening
of the civil new year (during the seventh
month). On that day the people remained
home in prayer and fasting while the high
priest entered the inner precincts of the tabernacle
and burned incense on the golden incense
altar. Blood from this special sacrifice
was also to be daubed on the horns of the incense
altar to tie this holiest of altars and its
flow of incense to the need for getting rid of
the nation’s sins. A more elaborate description
of this yearly ritual, including the casting of
the people’s sins on the scapegoat, is found in
Leviticus 16. See comments there for further
information.
29:12-39. Feast of Tabernacles. The final harvest
of the year occurred in the autumn prior
to the onset of the rainy season and marked
the beginning of a new agricultural year (fifteenth
day of the seventh month). At this time
the last of the ripening grain and fruits were
gathered and stored, allowing time afterwards
for pilgrimage to Jerusalem. The seven-day
event is also known as the Feast of Ingathering
Ex 23:16 and is symbolized by the construction
of booths decorated with greenery
NUMBERS 29:13—31:1 166
for the harvesters. The festival was tied into
Israelite tradition as a commemoration of the
wilderness wanderings (see Lev 23:33-43. It
was also the occasion for the dedication of Solomon’s
temple in Jerusalem 1 Kings 8:65
and was such a popular festival that the
prophet Zechariah described it as the eschatological
feast celebrated by the nations following
Yahweh’s ultimate triumph Zech 14:16.
29:13-38. number of animals. There are more
animals sacrificed during the eight days of the
Feast of Tabernacles than any other annual
festival. A total of 71 bulls, 15 rams, 105 lambs
and 8 goats are sacrificed, with accompanying
cereal and drink offerings (compare the much
smaller number prescribed in Ezek 45:13-25
for holy days). The number of bulls offered diminishes
during the days of the festival, perhaps
as a way of denoting the passage of time
or possibly as a means of sparing the nation
some of its most valuable livestock. The very
large number of animals involved, however,
speaks both to the joy associated with the harvest
(a sign of the *covenant’s fulfillment) and
to the need to feed the large number of persons
who have made the pilgrimage to Jerusalem.
30:1-16
Regulations Concerning Vows
30:2-15. importance and role of vows. The
taking of a vow magnifies the devotion of an
individual in performing a specific task (sacrifice—
see Lev 27; transport of the ark to Jerusalem
by David—Ps 132:2-5 or serves as a form
of bargaining with the deity to obtain a goal
(Jephthah’s vow to gain a victory—Judg 11:30-
31). Thus a vow differs from an oath in that it
is generally conditional rather than just promissory.
It can also be used to initiate a special
dedicatory period, as was the case with the
*Nazirite vows Num 6, or, during war, as a
form of abstinence sacrifice, which devotes all
of the spoils to God Num 21:1-3; Josh 6:18-
19). Since this is a religious act, drawing the
deity into a pact with the worshiper, it may
not be broken under penalty of God’s displeasure
(see Ex 20:7 and the injunction not to
“misuse” God’s name). For more information,
see the comment on Leviticus 27:2-13.
30:3-15. women and vows. According to the
injunction in this passage, young women and
wives may not pledge themselves to a vow
without the consent of their father or husband.
The father or husband, as head of a
household, has the right to annul any such
vow. However, if he first approves of the vow
and later attempts to obstruct a woman from
carrying it out, he bears the punishment for its
nonfulfillment (vv. 14-15). In the first case (vv.
3-5) unmarried women are considered wards
of their father and thus do not own property
and may not, without prior consent, obstruct
their father’s ability to arrange their marriage
or to utilize their person to benefit the family.
Married women are similarly bound to their
husband’s household and may not make decisions
without consulting their husband that
might affect the functioning or economic viability
of the household (vv. 6-8, 10-13). Only in
the case of Hannah 1 Sam 1 does a wife on
her own initiative make a vow, dedicating her
child to temple service at Shiloh.
30:3-15. the subordinate role of women. Although
women often had great influence over
their husbands (especially royal women), only
widows and elderly women appear to have
been able to act on their own in Israelite society.
Young women still living with their parents
and wives were under the legal control of
their fathers and husbands. They could not
own property, start a business, initiate a lawsuit
or arrange their own marriage. All of
these acts were reserved for the male. There
do seem to have been instances in which married
women functioned more freely in the
community (as in Prov 31, but the implication
is always that this was done with the consent
of their husbands. Their primary
responsibility, in the biblical context as well as
in the wider ancient Near Eastern context, was
to maintain the home, provide heirs for their
husbands and, when possible, assist with the
economic assets of the household (farming,
herding, manufacturing). In *Hammurabi’s
laws a woman who neglected her household
duties in preferring business pursuits could
be divorced by her husband. Older women
beyond childbearing years may have moved
into a different social category, functioning as
female elders (see Deborah Judg 4—5] and
the wise women of Tekoa and Abel [2 Sam
14:2-20; 20:15-22]).
Numbers 29:13—31:1
31:1-54
Battle with the Midianites
31:1-12. Midianites. Midianite territory centered
in the region east of the Gulf of Aqaba in
northwest Arabia, but the Midianites ranged
west into the Sinai peninsula as well as north
into Transjordan in various periods. Though
their early history appears to be seminomadic
or Bedouin in nature, archaeological study has
revealed villages, walled cities and extensive
irrigation in this region, beginning as early as
the *Late Bronze period (the time of the exo-
167 NUMBERS 31:6—32:1
dus and early judges). There is, so far, no reference
to the Midianites in ancient texts.
31:6. articles from the sanctuary. Nearly every
army in the ancient Near East included priests
and diviners (as seen in the *Mari texts),
prophets 2 Kings 3 and portable sacred objects
(Assyrian Annals of Shalmaneser III [858-
824 B.C.]). In this way, the god(s) could be consulted
on the battlefield or invoked to lead the
soldiers to victory. Phineas, Aaron’s son and a
high-ranking priest himself, thus helps build
the confidence of the army with his presence.
Exactly which items are included here is uncertain
but may have included the ark of the
covenant, the breastplate of the priest and the
Urim and Thummim (see the carrying of the
ark into battle elsewhere—Josh 6:4-7; 1 Sam
4:3-8).
31:6. trumpets for signaling. When large
numbers of troops are deployed over a fairly
wide area, the piercing notes of the trumpets
could serve a dual purpose, symbolizing the
voice of God to frighten the enemy (see Judg
7:17-22) and giving signals to the various detachments
of the army (see 2 Chron 13:2.
While the shofar or horn trumpet is used elsewhere
as a signaling device Judg 3:27; 6:34;
Neh 4:18-20, the Hebrew word here is for a
metal trumpet, probably made of bronze or
silver and capable of producing four or five
tones. Tubular flared trumpets were used in
this period in military as well as ritual contexts.
This is depicted on Egyptian reliefs as
well as evidenced by actual instruments
found, for example, in the tomb of King Tut (a
silver trumpet nearly two feet long). Trumpet
signals are attested in Egypt in the *Late
Bronze Age (this time period) in both military
and religious contexts. A preset code would
include some combination of long and short
blasts.
31:17-18. rationale for who is put to death.
The criteria used to determine who would be
executed were two: (1) all the boys must be
killed to prevent them from presenting a military
threat in the future, and (2) all nonvirgins
must die since they have already been contaminated
by sexual contact with a proscribed
people. Virgins represent an “unplowed field”
and may be adopted through marriage into
the Israelite tribes (see Judg 21:11-12. It is also
possible that they were enslaved or used as
*concubines. These young women were presumably
innocent of the seduction of the Israelites
by Midianite women at Baal-Peor (Num
25).
31:19-24. purification. The soldiers required
purification because of their contact with the
dead. The seven-day purification *ritual for
the soldiers and for the plunder taken in war
had to be performed outside the camp (compare
Deut 23:10-15 in order to prevent contamination
of the rest of the people (see Num
19:11-13, 16-22). Purification included bathing
Num 19:18-19 and laundering by the soldiers
(see Lev 11:25, 28 and the War Scroll from
Qumran for similar injunctions). The spoils
are purified by means of fire and water. Bathing
metals in fire is also found in *Hittite birth
rituals.
31:25-50. conventions for distribution of
plunder. Soldiers until very recently were
paid in plunder. This became a sacred right in
the ancient Near East. In the *Mari texts officers
took oaths that they would not infringe on
the booty due to their men. Normally, the
god(s) also received a share, which was collected
on the battlefield by the accompanying
priests. In this case the convention set for distribution
provides the soldiers with a share
ten times that of the civilians, while one-fivehundredth
of the army’s share was set aside
for Eleazar (and the maintenance of the sanctuary)
and one-fiftieth of the civilians’ share
was given to support the Levites. This could
be compared to the tithe given by Abraham to
Melchizedek of Salem in Genesis 14:20 and
David’s equal distribution to soldiers and civilians
in 1 Samuel 30:24-25.
31:50. gold for ransom. Counting people in
the ancient world was particularly unpopular
(see comment on Ex 30:11-16 and could be
subject to divine displeasure, since it might
suggest distrust of the god(s) as well as a concern
with personal power (see the plague
which results from David’s census in 2 Sam
24:1-17). According to the law in Exodus 30:12,
whenever a census is taken a ransom must be
paid for the life of each man counted. Thus after
counting the army of Israel and determining
that not a single casualty had been inflicted
by the Midianites, the officers paid this
ransom with the golden objects they had
stripped from the bodies of the dead. This ransom
(NIV: “atonement”) is made to prevent a
plague (see Num 8:19, and the golden jewelry
is melted into sacred vessels that will serve
the needs of the sanctuary as an eternal memorial
to the victory and the people’s willingness
to submit to God’s law. The amount of
gold given is about six hundred pounds.
Numbers 31:6—32:1
32:1-42
The Tribes Who Inherited
Transjordan
32:1. Jazer and Gilead. The Transjordanian region
in the area of the Jabbok River provided
NUMBERS 32:3—33:49 168
suitable grazing and was an attractive place for
the tribes of Reuben and Gad to settle. Jazer is
probably Khirbet Jazzir, twelve miles south of
the Jabbok, on the border with Ammon (see
Num 21:32. The region of Gilead (mentioned
in *Ugaritic texts) extends from the Arnon River
in the south to Bashan and the Transjordanian
side of the Galilee in the north.
32:3. cities list. This same list of cities also appears
in Numbers 32:34-38. Ataroth is identified
with Khirbet ‘Attarus, eight miles
northwest of Dibon and eight miles east of the
Dead Sea. It is also mentioned in the Mesha
stele inscription (c. 830 B.C.) as a site built by
the Israelites and inhabited by the tribe of
Gad. Dibon (=Diban), the Moabite capital, is
approximately four miles north of the Arnon
River and twelve miles east of the Dead Sea.
Nimrah, near modern Tell Nimrin, is in the
northern sector of Transjordan along with Jazer.
Heshbon (=Hesban), on the northwest corner
of the Madaba plain (three miles northeast
of Mount Nebo), is said to be the capital of the
*Amorite king Sihon, but there is no archaeological
evidence for permanent occupation
prior to 1200 B.C. (see comment on Num 21:25-
28). Elealeh (= el-’Al) is located northeast of
Heshbon (see Is 15:4; 16:9; Jer 48:34. Sebam is
an unknown site. Nebo has also not been located,
but it is mentioned in the Mesha stele.
Beon (=Ma’in, Baal Meon in Num 32:38 is ten
miles southwest of Heshbon. In his victory
stele Mesha (ninth-century king of Moab)
claims to have built it.
32:1-37. Transjordan topography. A wide
range of topography characterizes Transjordan,
which included the areas of Bashan,
Gilead, Ammon, Moab and Edom. In the
north this includes the Mount Hermon range
(highest peak at 9,230 feet above sea level) and
a portion of the rift valley between the Huleh
basin (230 feet above sea level) and the Sea of
Galilee (695 feet below sea level). The southern
limit of the region is at the Gulf of Aqaba.
The rift valley extends south following the
Jordan River to the Dead Sea (2,550 feet below
sea level at its deepest point). East of the Jordan,
the hills of Gilead rise to 3,500 feet above
sea level and in the south the mountains of
Edom stand 5,700 feet near the region of Petra.
Most north-south travel followed the “King’s
Highway,” starting at Damascus, cutting
across the major wadis and skirting the desert
to the east. East-west travel followed the
Yabis, Jabbok, Nimrin and Abu Gharaba wadis.
The generally dry climate necessitates irrigation
farming but supplies sufficient
pasturage for pastoral nomadic groups.
32:34-42. geography of tribal settlements in
Transjordan. Based on the locations of the cities
in this list (see Num 32:3 for locations of
most of them), the tribe of Gad built cities in
the southern, northern and northwestern sectors
of the region of Transjordan (principally
Gilead and Bashan). The Reubenites focused
on the city of Heshbon, along with its surrounding
villages. Joshua 13:15-31 presents the
final distribution of cities, which yields to Reuben
certain of the cities that the Gadites had
built. Locations which can be posited for cities
not discussed in Numbers 32:3 include Aroer,
three miles south of Diban on the Arnon River;
Jogbehah (=Jubeihat), five miles northwest of
Rabbah; Beth Haran (=either Tell er-Rame or
Tell Iktanu), south of Tell Nimrim; Kiriathaim
(=Khirbet el-Qureiyat), six miles northwest of
Diban. Archaeological attention to this area has
increased in the last couple of decades, but
many of these sites have yet to be excavated.
Numbers 32:3—33:49
33:1-56
The Wilderness Itinerary
33:1-49. the itinerary of the journey. The itinerary
form is common in ancient Near Eastern annals,
including those of the ninth century B.C.
*Assyrian kings, who described their campaigns
in terms of stopping points and cities
conquered. Closer to this period are the Egyptian
itineraries preserved in the records of their
various excursions into the Syro-Palestine region.
This list provides a fairly complete chronicle
of the journey from Rameses in Egypt to the
Jordan crossing prior to the conquest. However,
the omission of some important sites (Massah,
Meribah) suggests that it is not comprehensive.
The stages of the journey include (1) Egypt to
the wilderness of Sinai (vv. 5-15; many of these
sites are discussed specifically in the comments
on Ex 13—17); (2) from the wilderness to Ezion
Geber (vv. 16-35); (3) Ezion Geber to Kadesh in
the wilderness of Zin (v. 36); and (4) Kadesh to
Moab (vv. 37-49). Many of the names are obscure,
occurring only here in the biblical record
and unknown from ancient records or modern
geographical and archaeological studies.
Among those place names that can be at least
tentatively identified are Rameses (=Tell el-
Dab’a, see comment on Ex 1:8-14; Ezion Geber,
a port city located at the head of the Gulf of
Aqaba 1 Kings 9:26, either Tell el-Kheleifeh or
on the island of Jezirat Far’on (the only site in
the region with evidence of a substantial harbor
area); Punon (=Khirbet Feinan), thirty miles
south of the Dead Sea; mountains of Abarim,
near Mount Nebo, just east of the Dead Sea (see
comment on Num 27:12; and Abel-shittim
(Shittim, see comment on Num 25:1, which is
169 NUMBERS 34:1—35:9
either Tell el-Hammam on the Wadi Kefrein
(runs east-west into the Jordan across from Jericho)
or just east of that site at Tell Kefrein.
34:1-29
The Land to Be Assigned
34:1-12. trace the boundaries. The boundaries
of the Promised Land are laid out here as a
logical sequel to the order to displace the
present inhabitants of the area Num 33:50-
56). Although these are not the actual borders
of the nation of Israel at any point in its history,
they are a close approximation of the territory
claimed by Egypt in Canaan during the
fifteenth to thirteenth centuries B.C. (see 2 Sam
3:10 for the realized dimensions: “from Dan to
Beersheba”) and are also approached by the
description of the territory controlled by David
and Solomon. The boundaries are outlined,
using a set of then-known border points (see
Josh 15—19 for the tribal divisions). The most
obvious limits are those to the east and west—
the Jordan River and the Mediterranean Sea
respectively. The northern border reaches to
the mountains of Lebanon as far as Mount
Hor (unknown peak, probably in the Lebanese
range) and Lebo (=Lebo Hamath, most
likely modern Lebweh on one of the sources
of the Orontes). This was the southern border
of the land of Hamath and therefore the northern
border of Canaan, including the Damascus
area and Bashan (roughly equated to the
modern Golan Heights). Zedad is likely modern
Sedad, about thirty-five miles northeast of
Lebweh, while Ziphron and Hazar Enan are
commonly identified as the two oases to the
southeast of Zedad. Moving south, the territory
passes through the Galilee to the Yarmuk
valley (the sites mentioned in v. 11 are unknown)
where it moves west to the Jordan
valley and from there south to Kadesh Barnea
(see the comment on Num 13 in the Wilderness
of Zin (see comment on Num 20:1 before
swinging west to the Mediterranean at El-
’Arish. It is common to identify Hazar Addar
and Azmon with two of the other springs in
the vicinity of Kadesh, namely, ‘Ain Qedeis
and ‘Ain Muweilih. The location of Scorpion
Pass (akrabim) is unknown, though it is usually
identified with a narrow passage along the
Wadi Marra headed northeast toward the
south end of the Dead Sea.
Numbers 34:1—35:9
35:1-34
Cities of Refuge
35:1-5. Levitical cities. Since their primary responsibility
is as sacrificial priests and religious
officials, the Levites are not given a
portion of the Promised Land to farm (see
Num 18:23-24. However, they do receive forty-
eight towns, with their surrounding area as
pasturage for their flocks and herds (see Lev
25:32-34 for their property rights in these
towns). The precedent of assigning towns to
priestly control can be seen in the practice of
Egypt’s rule in Canaan (and also in Hittite
practice), where some cities were set aside as
royal estates and placed in the hands of the
priesthood, which administered that territory.
These Egyptian administrative centers were
typically fortified and collected the tribute or
tax money from that region. Likewise in Mesopotamian
and Syrian practice, designated
cities had royal pasturelands connected to
them. While a secular administrative role is
not evident for the Levitical cities, they may
well have been centers for religious instruction
and collection of sanctuary revenues.
Since pastureland is specified, it may also be
that livestock collected for ritual use was provided
for in this way.
35:6-34. cities of refuge and the judicial system.
Six of the Levitical cities were to serve as
places of refuge for persons who had committed
an unintentional homicide (see also Deut
4:41-43). This solution, which provides asylum
to the accused and prevents the “blood
avenger” from killing him, may be an extension
or alternative to the use of asylum altars
mentioned in Exodus 21:12-14. The priestly
community would have been concerned
about polluting the altar and the sanctuary
when a lawbreaker grasped the horns of the
altar. Thus by extending the asylum zone to
the entire city of refuge, this *pollution would
not happen, and the person accused would
also have better accommodations until the trial
was completed. Sacred cities or royal cities
with privileged status are evidenced throughout
the ancient Near East, but the protection
they offer is often in terms of freedom from
certain government imposed obligations,
though one text speaks of a prohibition
against shedding the blood of anyone under
such protection. The concept of asylum is also
found in classical sources and suggests an attempt
on the part of the government to tighten
control over the judicial system, removing
the rights of revenge from families, and insuring
due process.
35:9-34. family responsibility for vengeance.
While the biblical law clearly indicates the responsibility
of the “blood avenger” to avenge
the death of a kinsman, this practice of blood
feud could be disruptive to the administration
of justice, and thus the six cities of refuge were
NUMBERS 35:25—DEUTERONOMY 1:3 170
established to provide a “cooling off” phase as
well as due process for the accused. Two witnesses
were necessary to convict Num 35:30,
and then it became the responsibility of the
“blood avenger” to execute the felon (Num
35:19-21; Deut 19:12. No ransom for the convicted
murderer was possible Num 35:31-32.
This contrasts with laws formulated elsewhere
in the ancient Near East. Both the Hittite
laws and the Middle *Assyrian laws
provide for the payment of a ransom to buy
back the life of the murderer. The Assyrian
law reflects a middle ground, giving the deceased’s
next-of-kin the option of executing
the murderer or accepting a ransom.
35:25, 28. death of the high priest. It is not the
period of exile within the city of refuge that
absolves a person of unintentional homicide
(see Josh 20:2-6. The blood of the slain can
only be expiated by another death, for bloodguilt
accompanies every human slaying.
However, since the accused has not been
judged a murderer, he must remain in refuge
until the death of the high priest. It is thus the
high priest’s death that eliminates the bloodguilt
attached to the homicide. In this way
even the death of the high priest continues his
*cultic service to the people by removing
bloodguilt and disposing of their sins (see Ex
28:36-38; Lev 16:16.
35:33. bloodshed polluting the land. The
Promised Land, as a gift of the *covenant, is
sacred and can be polluted by bloodshed and
idolatry (see Ezek 36:17-18. Since blood is the
source of life and a gift of God, the *pollution
caused by shedding blood can be wiped away
only by the shedding of blood. Thus even the
blood of animals must be poured on the altar
as a ransom for the person who slaughtered
them (see Lev 17:11. That is why the convicted
murderer must be executed and why the
death of the high priest wipes away the pollution
of the unintentional homicide. Failure to
obey this command corrupts the land. If the
land and its people become polluted, God can
no longer dwell in their midst. And if he abandons
the land, it will no longer yield its covenantal
bounty (see Gen 4:10-12.
Numbers 35:25—Deuteronomy 1:3
36:1-13
Case of Inheritance Law
36:1-13. tribal retention of land inherited by
daughters. In the law established in Numbers
27:1-11, Zelophehad’s daughters were
given the right to inherit land since there was
no male heir (the apocryphal book Tobit
[6:13] shows an application of the law). A
loophole was inadvertently created here
which would have allowed for the transference
of property to another tribe through
marriage. Thus this codicil was added, restricting
women who had inherited land
from marrying outside their tribe so that the
original tribal allotment would remain intact.
Here it becomes clear that the preservation of
family property holdings was one of the
highest values in Israelite society. That is because
the land was the gift of the *covenant,
so each family’s allotment was its share in
the covenant. While land ownership was important
in the rest of the ancient Near East,
no other country had such strong religious
overtones connected to the land.
D E U T E R O N O M Y
1:1-8
Introduction
1:1-2. geography. The Arabah is the area of
the Jordan rift, sometimes limited to the section
between the Dead Sea and the Gulf of
Aqaba. The list of locations looks more like
an itinerary than a description of the Israelites’
present location (thus the comment concerning
the trip along the Mount Seir road).
The sites are difficult to identify with any certainty.
Mount Seir is another name for Edom,
and the Mount Seir road takes one from the
Sinai peninsula into Edom. For details on
Kadesh Barnea see the comment on Numbers
13:26, and the for location of Sinai/Horeb see
the comment on Exodus 19:1-2. The elevenday
journey (140 miles) mentioned here is
consistent with a southern location for
Mount Sinai.
1:3. chronology. The eleventh month is Tebet,
and it spans our December-January. In Israel it
is the middle of the rainy season, but in the
southern region where the Israelites still are
there is very little rainfall (an average of two
inches per year), and though it is winter, the
average daytime temperature would still be
about sixty-five degrees Fahrenheit. It is difficult
to assign a number to this fortieth year
since the text has offered us no anchor to abso-
171 DEUTERONOMY 1:4-44
lute chronology. In the ancient world chronology
was only noted in relative terms (“the
fifth year of king X”), and the biblical text
does the same (here, the fortieth year since the
exodus). There was no absolute chronology
system (“the year 1385”). See “The Date of the
Exodus,” p. 86.
1:4. history. The account of these battles is
found in Numbers 21:21-35. Of the three sites
mentioned here, only Heshbon has been excavated,
and it has been controversial (see comment
on Num 21:25-28. Ashtaroth is
identified here as the capital city of Bashan. It
is mentioned in Egyptian and *Assyrian texts
and the *Amarna letters, and some think it occurs
in a text from *Ugarit as a place where the
god *El reigns. It is known today as Tell ‘Ashtarah
and is located on the Yarmuk River about
twenty-five miles east of the Sea of Galilee.
Neither Sihon nor Og is known from any extrabiblical
records.
1:6. Horeb. Horeb is another name for Mount
Sinai, most likely located in the southern
section of the Sinai peninsula. For more detailed
discussion see the comment on Exodus
19:1-2.
1:7. geography. The description in this verse is
largely by topographical areas. The hill country
of the *Amorites may refer to the entire
southern region, in contrast to the land of the
Canaanites, which would be the northern region.
The Arabah refers to the Jordan rift valley
from the Gulf of Aqaba north, while the
hill country extends north and south along the
west side of the Jordan River, interrupted by
the valley of Jezreel. The Shephelah (NIV:
“western foothills”) descend from the mountains
to the coast in the southern section. The
Negev is the wilderness in the triangle formed
by the Dead Sea, the Mediterranean Sea and
the Gulf of Aqaba. The Lebanon is the northern
mountain range, and the northwestern
spur of the Euphrates marks the northeastern
border.
1:9-18
Judiciary System
1:16. judicial structures in the ancient Near
East. Egyptian and *Hittite records of this general
period likewise evidence a judicial system
set up in tiers, and the Hittite Instructions to
Officers and Commanders even has military
leaders in the position of judge, as verse 13
here does. This suggests the close relationship
between military activity and the activity of
judging that the book of Judges implies. In
most other systems difficult cases were referred
to the king, whereas here Moses serves
as the final adjudicator. Thus in the ancient
Near East, leaders, whether tribal, military,
city, provincial or national, had the obligation
of judging the cases under their jurisdiction.
There was no trial by jury, though at times a
group of elders may have been involved in
judging a case together. When only one individual
judge was involved, the danger of favoring
the powerful or the wealthy was very
real. In both ancient Near Eastern documents
and the Bible impartiality is valued, along
with discernment. There were no lawyers, so
most people represented themselves in court.
Witnesses could be called, and oaths played a
very significant role since most of our scientific
means of gathering evidence were not available.
1:19-25
The Commission and Report of the
Spies
1:19. Amorites. The *Amorites were also
known as the Amurru (in *Akkadian) and the
Martu (in *Sumerian). The term Amorites
(“westerners”), like the term Canaanites, can
be used to describe the general population of
the land of Canaan. As an ethnic group,
Amorites are known from written sources as
early as the middle third millennium B.C.
Most scholars think that their homeland was
in Syria, from where they came to occupy
many areas in the Near East.
1:24. the valley of Eshcol. There are many wadis
in this general area, and there is no way of
telling which one may be referred to here.
Around Hebron today, Ramet el-’Amleh is
known for its grape production and is near a
wadi.
Deuteronomy 1:4-44
1:26-46
The Rebellion of the People
1:28. Anakites. The descendants of Anak are
specifically mentioned in Numbers 13:22, 28.
When names are given, they are *Hurrian
(biblical Horites; see comment on Deut 2.
The descendants of Anak are generally considered
“giants” Num 13:33; Deut 2:10-11; 2
Sam 21:18-22), though the description “gigantic”
may be more appropriate. There is no
mention of the Anakites in other sources, but
the Egyptian letter on Papyrus Anastasi I
(thirteenth century B.C.) describes fierce warriors
in Canaan that are seven to nine feet
tall.
1:44. Seir to Hormah. Seir is generally considered
the mountainous central region of Edom
(with elevations generally over five thousand
DEUTERONOMY 1:46—2:12 172
feet) between Wadi al-Ghuwayr on the north
and Ras en-Naqb on the south. Hormah is a
site seven and a half miles east of Beersheba,
tentatively identified with Tell Masos (Khirbet
el-Meshash). Seir to Hormah is about fifty
miles along a route to the northwest.
1:46. Kadesh Barnea. Kadesh Barnea is usually
identified as ‘Ain el-Qudeirat, about fifty
miles south of Beersheba, which has the
most plentiful water supply in the region.
There are no archaeological remains on this
site from this period, but the site has long
been a stopping place for nomads and Bedouin,
and the abundance of “Negev” ware
(pottery dated to this period) suggests that
was true during the time of the Israelite
wanderings as well.
Deuteronomy 1:46—2:12
2:1-25
Wandering in the Wilderness
2:1. geography. Traveling the road to the Red
Sea took the Israelites south along the Arabah,
but probably not as far south as Elath at the
tip of the Gulf of Aqaba. Instead it appears
they turned north at one of the east-west wadis
in the southern region of Seir to arrive at
the route north that would take them to the
plains of Moab.
2:8. Arabah road. The Arabah road runs
north-south from the Gulf of Aqaba to the
Dead Sea through the rift valley.
2:8. Elath and Ezion Geber. Elath is near the
modern city of Aqaba at the tip of the Gulf
of Aqaba. Ezion Geber was a port city located
at the head of the Gulf of Aqaba (1 Kings
9:26) and may be either Tell el-Kheleifeh
(which some identify as Elath) or on the island
of Jezirat Far’on (the only site in the region
with evidence of a substantial harbor
area).
2:9. Ar. “Ar” is sometimes seen as a variant of
Aroer. While some consider it a regional
name, others have suggested it be identified
with Khirbet Balu along one of the tributaries
of the Arnon on the King’s Highway, the major
north-south route running on the east side
of the Jordan.
2:10. Emites. These people are also referred to
in Genesis 14:6, but nothing else is known of
them.
2:10. Anakites. See comment on 1:26-46.
2:11. Rephaites. The Rephaites are mentioned
as one of the ethnic groups inhabiting
the land of Canaan in Genesis 15:20, but
nothing else is known of them either inside
or outside the Bible. The *Ugaritic texts
speak of the Rephaim, whom some scholars
consider to be the shades of dead heroes
and kings. There is no cause, however, to
think of this biblical group in those terms,
though the Rephaim referred to in poetic
texts such as Isaiah 14:9 (as well as in Job
and Psalms) may be spirits.
2:12. Horites. The Horites are known throughout
ancient Near Eastern literature as the
*Hurrians. They were an Indo-European ethnic
group centered along the Euphrates River
in the third and second millennia. They established
a political empire known as *Mitanni in
the mid-second millennium, but it was breaking
up around the time of the events of this
book. Many Hurrian groups therefore ended
up as displaced people and wandered into
Syria and Palestine. The Hurrians were the
dominant ethnic group in *Nuzi, and Hurrian
THE COVENANT AND ANCIENT NEAR EASTERN TREATIES
Archaeologists have recovered many treaties from the second and first millennia between nations and
their vassals. The second millennium treaties are mostly made between the Hittites and others, while the
first millennium examples come during the time of Assyrian kings Esarhaddon and Ashurbanipal of the
seventh century B.C. The format followed in these treaties shows striking similarity to the format of a
number of covenant documents in the Bible, most notably, Deuteronomy. These treaties begin with a preamble
that identifies the suzerain who is making the treaty. Besides giving his titles and attributes it
emphasizes his greatness and his right to proclaim the treaty. In Deuteronomy this occupies the first five
verses of ch. 1. Next the treaties offer a historical prologue in which the relationship between the parties is
reviewed. Priority is given to the kindness and power of the suzerain. In Deuteronomy this section comprises
1:6—3:29 (and some would extend it through the end of ch. 11). The core of the treaty is the stipulations
section which details the obligations of each party. Deuteronomy accomplishes the same thing by its
presentation of the law in chaps. 4-26. The treaties are concluded by three sections of legal material
including instructions concerning the document, witnesses to the agreement and blessings and curses
that will result from either honoring or violating the treaty. Deuteronomy addresses such issues in chaps.
28 and 31.
As a result of the recognition of this format, it becomes evident that the Lord used a very familiar literary
form to communicate his covenant to Israel. Israelites would have realized that the Lord was putting
himself in the place of the suzerain and that they should respond as a vassal would. It is a relationship
bringing support and protection to the vassal as he is loyal to the suzerain.
173 DEUTERONOMY 2:13—3:1
groups are known from *Alalakh, *Mari,
*Ugarit and the *Amarna texts as well. The
Egyptians often referred to Canaan as Khurri
land.
2:13. Zered Valley. The Zered Valley is the
border between Edom and Moab. It is probably
the wadi known today as Wadi al-Hesa,
which runs east from the southern tip of the
Dead Sea for about thirty miles.
2:19. Ammonites. The Ammonites lived north
of the Moabites in the region around the Jabbok
River. They are known from *Assyrian
records as Bit-Ammon and as the land of Benammanu.
They were settling this territory
just around the time of the Israelite wanderings.
2:20. Zamzummites. The Zamzummites are
known as the Zuzim in Genesis 14:5, but aside
from their association with the Rephaites,
nothing more is known about them.
2:22. Edomites and Horites. Nothing is
known of this historic warfare between Esau’s
descendants and the *Hurrians. There have so
far been no positive archaeological evidences
of a Hurrian presence in Edom.
2:23. Avvites and Caphtorites. Caphtor is
identified as Crete and is often associated with
the homeland of the Philistines Gen 10:14;
Amos 9:7. Gaza was one of the five cities of
the Philistines in the coastal plain. The Avvites
are unknown outside the few obscure references
to them in the Bible.
2:24. Arnon Gorge. The Arnon is today identified
as the Wadi al-Mawjib, which flows about
thirty miles northwest and west through Transjordan
before emptying into the Dead Sea at
its midpoint. The Arnon was often the northern
border of Moab, though at times the Moabites
extended their control north to
Heshbon.
2:25. divine terror. The dread of a deity as a
divine warrior was often believed to precede a
powerful, successful army into battle. Egyptian
texts attribute this terror to Amun-Re in
the inscriptions of Thutmose III, and *Hittite,
*Assyrian and *Babylonian texts all have their
divine warriors who strike terror into the
hearts of the enemy.
2:26-37
Battle Against Sihon the Amorite
2:26. Sihon the *Amorite. This battle is initially
recorded in Numbers 21. Sihon is known
only from the biblical records, and archaeology
has little information to offer regarding his
capital city or his kingdom.
2:26. Heshbon. The modern site of Tell-Heshban
is located nearly fifty miles directly east of
Jerusalem. However, archaeologists have not
been able to detect any evidence that this site
was settled prior to 1200 B.C. Some have suspected
that the *Late Bronze city of Heshbon
that was Sihon’s capital was at a different site,
with Tell Jalul named as one possibility. Recent
surveys and excavations in this region
have turned up more and more Late Bronze
pottery, but it remains difficult to assess the
nature of the occupation during this period.
2:26. Desert of Kedemoth. This refers to the
wilderness region beyond the eastern border
of Moab. The city of Kedemoth is identified
tentatively as Saliya at the southern corner.
2:32. Jahaz. The site of the battle with the forces
of the *Amorite king Sihon is given as Jahaz.
Its probable location, based on the church
historian Eusebius (fourth century A.D.) and
the Mesha inscription (ninth century B.C.), is
between the territories of Madaba and Dibon,
at Khirbet Medeiniyeh at the eastern edge of
Moab by the Wadi al-Themed. The battle is
also mentioned in Deuteronomy 2:33 and
Judges 11:20.
2:24-30. captured land. The area of central
Transjordan, which is here described as the
kingdoms of Sihon and Og, stretches from the
Arnon River valley in the south to the Jabbok
River in the north. It would include Moab but
not Ammon. It seems likely that these “kingdoms”
were not organized states in this period
and that their conquest provided passage
for the Israelites without the tribes’ actually
taking control of and settling this region.
2:34. complete destruction. See comment on
the “ban” in 7:2.
2:36-37. geography. Aroer was a border fortress,
identified as modern ‘Ara’ir just north of
the Arnon gorge, where it turns south. *Late
Bronze remains have been found at the site.
The Israelites are victorious throughout the
Transjordan territories from the Arnon (north
boundary of Moab) up to the Jabbok (the territory
of the Ammonites), about fifty miles
north to south and twenty to twenty-five
miles east to west.
Deuteronomy 2:13—3:1
3:1-11
The Battle Against Og of Bashan
3:1. Bashan. After defeating Sihon, the Israelites
traveled northward to Og’s kingdom in
the area known today as the Golan Heights. It
was bordered by Mount Hermon to the north,
Jebel Druze (Mount Hauran) to the east, the
Sea of Galilee to the west and the Yarmuk region
to the south. They defeated King Og at
Edrei (modern Der’a, thirty miles east of the
Sea of Galilee). Bashan proper, more limited to
DEUTERONOMY 3:1-29 174
the region of the (upper?) Yarmuk, is a broad,
fertile plateau region noted for its grazing (Ps
22:12; Amos 4:1-3.
3:1. Og. There is no extrabiblical information
either from historical sources or from archaeology
to shed light on Og.
3:4. Argob. From the description here it is obvious
that the region of Argob is heavily populated.
It is sometimes equated with Bashan,
and one possibility is that it refers to the area
just south of the Yarmuk and half encircled by
it. The *Assyrian kings of the ninth century
also found and conquered many cities in this
region in the vicinity of Mount Hauran.
3:5. fortified cities in Transjordan. There has
been little excavation in this region, but sites
such as Tel Soreg may be characteristic of the
unwalled farming communities in the area.
Seven cities in the area east of the Sea of Galilee
are mentioned in the *Amarna texts of the
fourteenth century in an area they identify as
Garu (=Geshur?). Archaeological surveys in
the Golan Heights have located twenty-seven
cities occupied at the end of the *Middle
Bronze period and eight in the *Late Bronze.
3:5. gates and bars. Gateways were often multichambered
(featuring inner and outer gates)
and sometimes included a turn of some sort
within the gateway. The *Iron Age outer gate
at Tell en-Nasebeh has slots in the stone beside
the gate where bars would have been
placed. The inhabitants would lock the gates
by sliding the bars into sockets in the wall.
3:9. Hermon/Sirion/Senir. Hermon is in the
Anti-Lebanon range. Its highest peak, Jabal
ash-Shaykh, has an elevation of 9,232 feet and
is usually snowcapped. The term Sirion is
used in Egyptian, *Hittite and *Ugaritic materials.
*Assyrian records of the ninth century
refer to it as Saniru.
3:10. Salecah and Edrei. Edrei is identified as
modern Der’a in Syria, about sixty miles
south of Damascus and thirty miles east of the
Sea of Galilee near the Yarmuk River. No excavations
have been conducted here. The town
is also mentioned in ancient texts from Egypt
and *Ugarit. Salecah, modern Salhad, is another
twenty-five miles east of Edrei.
3:11. Og’s iron bed. Though many commentators
and even some translations have identified
this as a basalt sarcophagus, the language
is clear enough and “iron bed” should be retained.
Just as many objects described as gold,
silver or ivory are not made of those but are
decorated, overlaid or gilded with them, so
we need not imagine a bed of solid iron. This
account is still in the *Bronze Age, when iron
was considered precious, so it would not be
strange for this to be noted as a remarkable
piece. The bed is about thirteen feet long and
six feet wide. This is the same size as Marduk’s
bed in the temple Esagila in Babylon.
Beds were not just for sleeping but were often
used for reclining on during feasts and celebrations.
Some reliefs picture kings reclining
on magnificent couches.
3:11. Rephaim. See comment on 2:11.
3:12-20
The Division of Transjordan
3:12-17. geography. Gilead is the hilly section
of Transjordan between the Jabbok on the
south almost to the Yarmuk on the north. The
southern half of this, as well as the territory
taken from Sihon south to the Arnon (northern
border of Moab), was given to the tribes of
Reuben and Gad. The section of Gilead that
extends into the curve of the Yarmuk (the region
of Argob?) as well as some territory
north of the Yarmuk (all taken from Og) was
assigned to Manasseh. Geshur and Maacah
are excepted, though apparently part of Og’s
kingdom. Geshur is a small area just east of
the Sea of Galilee. Maacah is just north of Geshur
and stretches to Hermon. It is referred to
in the Egyptian *Execration Texts.
3:17. Pisgah. Pisgah is the designation of one
of the peaks of the Abarim range Num 27:12
paired with Mount Nebo, which is slightly
higher. They are identified as the two peaks of
Jebel Shayhan, about five miles northwest of
Medeba and about a mile and a half apart.
They stand about ten miles from the Jordan
River.
Deuteronomy 3:1-29
3:21-29
Moses Views the Land
3:27. view from Pisgah. Though Pisgah is
about four hundred feet lower than Nebo in
elevation, it is farther north and west and affords
a better view of the Jordan Valley and
the land opposite. At this point the Mediterranean
is about sixty miles west, but it cannot be
seen because the hills on the west side of the
Jordan obscure the view. On a clear day one
can see Mount Hermon, about a hundred
miles to the north, the mountains to the northwest
that flank the Jezreel Valley (Tabor and
Gilboa), the mountains of the central hill
country (Ebal and Gerizim) and to the southwest
as far as Engedi.
3:29. valley near Beth Peor. The Wadi Ayun
Musa at the foot of Mount Nebo is generally
considered to be the Valley of Beth Peor, with
the site Khirbet Ayun Musa as probably the
town.
175 DEUTERONOMY 4:1-20
4:1-40
Call to Obedience to the Law
4:3. Baal Peor. *Baal Peor is the god who was
worshiped at Beth Peor. This refers back to the
incident in Numbers 25, when the Israelites
were drawn into idolatrous worship by the
Moabite women. It was perhaps their first exposure
to the *fertility worship of Canaan.
Fertility *cults are common in agrarian societies
where the populace is dependent on rainfall
and the fertility of the soil for survival.
These cults often featured a “dying and rising”
god in the pattern of the change of the
seasons. The association of human fertility
with the earth’s fertility led to the development
of sexual elements in the religious *rituals.
4:6-8. result of the laws. The laws are presented
here as an evidence of wisdom and righteousness
that will distinguish Israel from the
other nations. In a number of the collections of
laws known from the ancient Near East there
is a prologue and epilogue explaining that the
collection of laws will demonstrate how wise
and just the king is. Likewise Solomon’s wisdom
was evidenced by how he was able to
make just decrees and rulings. The kings of
the ancient Near East usually counted on their
collections of laws to convince the gods that
they were wise and just rulers. Here the Lord
is revealing his own wisdom and justice to his
people and the world.
4:7. nearness of god. In Mesopotamia the laws
were presented to the god of justice (Shamash)
by the king as evidence that he was a
just king. The king had been given the authority
to make laws by the gods, the guardians of
cosmic law. Law was seen as something inherent
in the universe, and laws were supposed
to somehow reflect that impersonal cosmic
law. In Israelite thinking, however, law emanated
from the character of God and he was
seen as the source of the laws. Moses was not
the lawmaker, *Yahweh was. By proclaiming
laws, the Lord is therefore revealing himself in
an act that distinguished him from the other
gods of the ancient world. This is the “nearness”
that the text remarks on.
4:10. Horeb. Horeb is another name for Mount
Sinai, most likely located in the southern section
of the Sinai peninsula. See the comment
on Exodus 19:1-2.
Deuteronomy 4:1-20 4:13. two stone tablets. See the comments on
Exodus 24:12; 32:15-16.
4:15-18. prohibition of images. The second
commandment concerns how *Yahweh is to
be worshiped, for the idols that it prohibits are
idols of him (the previous commandment already
dismissed the thought of other gods).
The commandment has nothing to do with
art, though the graven images of the ancient
world were indeed works of art. They were
typically carved of wood and overlaid with
hammered sheets of silver or gold, then
clothed in the finest attire. But the prohibition
is more concerned with how they are employed,
and here the issue is power. Images of
deity in the ancient Near East were where the
deity became present in a special way, to the
extent that the *cult statue became the god
(when the god so favored his worshipers),
even though it was not the only manifestation
of the god. As a result of this linkage, spells,
incantations and other magical acts could be
performed on the image in order to threaten,
bind or compel the deity. In contrast, other
rites related to the image were intended to aid
the deity or care for the deity. The images then
represent a worldview, a concept of deity that
was not consistent with how Yahweh had revealed
himself.
4:19. astral worship in the ancient Near East.
The celestial gods (sun god, moon god and
Venus particularly; in *Babylonia, Shamash,
Sin and *Ishtar respectively) were primary in
most ancient religions. Controlling calendar
and time, seasons and weather, they were
viewed as the most powerful of the gods.
They provided signs by which omens were
read, and they looked down on all. *Yahweh
has now warned the Israelites against *fertility
worship (v. 3), magic and manipulation
(idolatry, vv. 16-18), and omens and linking
deities to cosmic phenomena (v. 19), all the
major characteristics of the pagan polytheism
of the ancient world.
4:20. iron-smelting furnace. The ancient
world did not have the blast furnace, which is
used today to produce cast iron. Iron has a
melting point of 1,537 degrees C., a temperature
that could not be consistently achieved
with ancient technology. But once the iron is
heated beyond 1,100 degrees C., it takes a
spongy, semisolid form that can be forged. The
furnace was usually fueled by charcoal to provide
the carbon necessary for the chemical process.
The strength of the steel is dependent on
the amount of carbon it is able to absorb. The
lower the temperature, the more often the process
has to be repeated in order to get rid of
enough slag to achieve a usable product. While
a furnace can certainly be a metaphor of oppression,
the fire of the smelting furnace is not
destructive but constructive. It is the furnace
that transforms the malleable ore to the durable
iron product. The exodus experience transformed
Israel into the *covenant people of God.
DEUTERONOMY 4:26—6:3 176
4:26. heaven and earth as witnesses. In ancient
Near Eastern treaties the gods are typically
called to witness as ones who would be
able to adjudicate any failures to adhere to the
terms. Here heaven and earth are not understood
as deified, but, representing the entire
created universe, they signify that the agreement
is intended to endure long beyond human
life spans. A clearer indication of the
implications can be seen in the fuller wording
of Psalm 89:28-29, 34-37 (see also Jer 33:20-21.
4:28. view of idols. Other passages that articulate
this view are Isaiah 44; Jeremiah 10; and
Psalm 115:4-8. On the beliefs about idols in ancient
Near Eastern religious practice, see the
comment on 4:15-18. It has long been of interest
to scholars that the text does not refute mythology
or the existence of the pagan gods but
attacks their understanding of idols. In the
end, however, it is very difficult to prove to
someone that his gods do not exist. But it can
be shown that the gods do not operate in the
way they are believed to. To the biblical authors
the “idol as fetish” aspect of pagan belief
was the most vulnerable and the most ridiculous.
If the gods were not manifest in their images,
then many of the other aspects of the
common worldview were also in jeopardy.
4:32-34. Israel’s unique experience with deity.
The two aspects the text highlights as
unique are the two major features of the *covenant:
election (vv. 34, 37) and revelation (vv.
33, 35). *Yahweh distinguished himself from
the gods of the ancient Near East by these actions.
The gods of the ancient Near East were
sometimes believed to have chosen an individual
or a family to favor with their blessing.
Usually this would be a king who claimed a
particular deity as his sponsor. But without
revelation, such “election” is only inference or
propaganda. The gods of the ancient Near
East did not reveal their long-term plans and
were not necessarily considered to have any.
They did not reveal what they were like or
what pleased or displeased them. All of this
had to be inferred or deduced by those who
worshiped them. But *Yahweh has chosen to
reveal himself both through the law (“I am holy,
so you are to be holy”) and through his actions
(covenant with forefathers, plagues,
exodus, bringing them to the land, etc.).
4:41-43
Cities of Refuge
4:42. cities of refuge. For more information on
the cities of refuge, see the comments on
Numbers 35. Bezer is in the region around
Medeba. It is known from the Mesha inscription
(ninth century B.C.), but its archaeological
identification is uncertain. The principal candidates
are Umm al-Amad (about seven miles
northeast of Medeba) and Tell Jalul (three or
four miles directly east of Medeba). Ramoth
Gilead is generally identified as Tell er-Rumeith
near modern Ramtha south of Edrei along the
King’s Highway. Excavations at the site, however,
have turned up nothing earlier than Solomon.
Golan, the modern Sahm al-Joulan, is
at the eastern boundary of the Golan Heights
on the east side of the river el-Allan.
4:44-49
Territorial Description
4:48. borders. Finally the whole Transjordan
territory is circumscribed, from the Arnon
River in the south (the north border of Moab
proper) to Mount Hermon in the north. The
Jordan rift valley is included and the Dead Sea
(Sea of Arabah).
5:1-33
The Ten Commandments
5:2. Horeb. Horeb is another name for Mount
Sinai, most likely located in the southern section
of the Sinai peninsula. For more detailed
discussion see the comment on Exodus 19:1-2.
5:6-21. the Ten Commandments. See the comments
on Exodus 20.
5:22. two stone tablets. The use of two tablets
probably indicates that Moses was given two
copies, not that some of the commandments
were on one tablet and some on the other. The
fact that they were stone suggests a larger size
than clay tablets would have been, though inscribed
stone tablets such as the Gezer calendar
were small enough to fit in the palm of the
hand. The Egyptian practice of this period
was to use flakes of stone chipped from rocks.
Inscription on front and back was not unusual.
When the writing reached the bottom of
one side, the scribe would often continue
around the bottom edge and move onto the
second side. Even flakes that fit in the palm of
the hand could contain fifteen to twenty lines.
Deuteronomy 4:26—6:3
6:1-25
The Importance of the Law
6:3. milk and honey. The land of Canaan is
described as a land “flowing with milk and
honey.” This refers to the bounty of the land
for a pastoral lifestyle, but not necessarily in
terms of agriculture. Milk is the product of
herds, while honey represents a natural resource,
probably the syrup of the date rather
177 DEUTERONOMY 6:4-8
than bees’ honey. A similar expression to this
is found in the *Ugaritic epic of *Baal and Mot
that describes the return of fertility to the land
in terms of the wadis flowing with honey.
Egyptian texts as early as the Story of *Sinuhe
describe the land of Canaan as rich in natural
resources as well as in cultivated produce.
6:4. categories of monotheism. There are several
levels of monotheism that can be identified
and that may have characterized the
beliefs of various Israelites in various periods.
The ultimate monotheism could be called
philosophical monotheism: there has only ever
been one God in existence. *Henotheism acknowledges
the existence of other gods but often
insists on the supremacy of one’s own
god. Similarly, *monolatry describes a situation
where a person or group has determined to
worship only one God, regardless of whether
other gods, exist or not. Finally, a practical
monotheist may acknowledge a number of
gods, but most of his religious and worship
activity is focused on one particular deity. The
material in Deuteronomy does not allow for
practical monotheism but does allow for
henotheism and monolatry at the very least.
6:4. Yahweh is one. The claim that a deity is
one, or alone, in other ancient Near Eastern
texts (made, for instance, by *Enlil [Sumerian]
and *Baal [Canaanite]) generally relates to the
supremacy of their rule. Another possibility is
that the statement insists on a unified view of
*Yahweh. Since a major god in the ancient
Near East may have a number of different
shrines, each shrine would come to emphasize
a different perspective on the god. In Mesopotamia
they may consider *Ishtar of Arbela
quite differently from Ishtar of *Uruk. Inscriptions
in Palestine do in fact indicate that this
was true in Israel as well, as reference is made
to Yahweh of Samaria and Yahweh of Teman.
6:4. monotheism in the ancient Near East.
There were two movements interpreted as
monotheistic in the ancient Near East of the
Old Testament period. The first was by the
Egyptian pharaoh Akhenaten in the general
time period of the Pentateuch; the second by
the *Babylonian king Nabonidus in the years
just before the fall of Babylon to the Persian
king Cyrus. Neither movement lasted more
than twenty years. Akhenaten attempted to
establish the sole worship of the sun disk, Aten,
a god with no mythology, portrayed with
no human form. It was a worship without image
and had little use for temple or *ritual. Every
attempt was made to eradicate the worship
of Amun-Re, previously the major deity
of the land, and the sun disk was proclaimed
the sole god (though there was no apparent
attempt to eradicate many other gods).
Though Akhenaten may have intended this to
be philosophical monotheism (some have
even tried to identify it as trinitarian), it does
not appear that many of his subjects adopted
his beliefs. Nabonidus embarked on an official
sponsorship of the moon god Sin by restoring
his temple in Harran. For ten years he then
stayed in Teima in northwest Arabia, apparently
(according to some interpretations) devoted
to establishing the *cult of Sin. There is
little evidence, however, that this was done to
the exclusion of other deities. Though he favored
Sin, he continued to make requisite appearances
at and donations to other temples.
His time in Teima may have been the result of
a falling out with the priestly powers in Babylon,
or may have had trade policies or other
political ends motivating it, but there is no
reason to attribute monotheistic reform to it.
Whether Israelite belief at this stage is labeled
monotheism or henotheism, there is thus little
to compare it with in the rest of the ancient
world.
Deuteronomy 6:4-8 6:6. anatomical metaphors. Like English, Hebrew
used parts of the body metaphorically to
refer to different aspects of the person.
“Hand” can refer to power or authority;
“arm” to strength; “head” to leadership, and
so on. Many of these metaphors have carried
into English either because of their inherent
logic or because of the role of the Bible in the
English-speaking world. Not all anatomical
metaphors, however, carry the same significance
in the two languages. For instance, the
kidneys were considered the seat of the conscience
in Hebrew, and the throat was connected
with life and essence of personhood. In
English, “heart” is used metaphorically for the
seat of emotions, in contrast to logic and reason.
Hebrew uses it as the center of both emotions
and reason/intellect. This usage is also
true of the related Semitic languages, such as
*Ugaritic, *Aramaic and *Akkadian.
6:8. symbols on hands and forehead. Headbands
and armbands were common accessories
in Syro-Palestine, though there is no
graphic evidence proving Israelites wore
them. *Amulets were often worn in the ancient
Near East as protection from evil spirits.
Precious metals and gems were considered
particularly effective. At times amulets would
include magical words or spells. Israelite practice
disapproved of amulets, but if used here
they are converted to reminders of the law or,
in other places, may contain prayers or blessings,
such as the small silver scrolls that were
found in a preexilic tomb just outside Jerusalem
in 1979. These miniature scrolls contain
DEUTERONOMY 6:9—7:2 178
the blessing of Numbers 6:24-26 and represent
the oldest extant copy of any biblical text.
There is also evidence that symbols worn on
the forehead or arm were used as indicators of
loyalty to a particular deity.
6:9. inscription on door frames and gates.
Aside from doorways as entrances representing
the house itself and needing special protection,
there is evidence from Egypt of sacred
inscriptions on doorposts. Requirements of
this sort could function either to preserve the
continuity of life in positive ways and a mutually
beneficial relationship with deity; or to
prevent negative consequences of dangerous
situations. While Passover blood on the doorposts
functioned in the latter way, the law on
the doorposts is an example of the former. The
idea that written texts provided protection is
found in the Mesopotamian Erra Epic, where
the invasion by the god of plague can be prevented
as long as a copy of the text of this
work is kept in the house.
6:10-11. cities of Canaan in the Late Bronze
Age. *Late Bronze Age Canaan (1550-1200
B.C.) was characterized by declining population
and fewer fortified cities than the *Middle
Bronze period. Even the villages and rural
settlements show significant decline. In the
*Amarna letters (fourteenth-century correspondence
between Canaan and Egypt),
Hazor and Megiddo were two of the most important
and powerful city states in the north,
Shechem in the central region, and Jerusalem
and Gezer in the south. Archaeology has
found that the cities’ wealthier inhabitants
had comfortable houses, usually with center
courtyards. Most cities were surrounded by
arable land farmed by the majority of the
population. The work of digging wells and
hewing out stone cisterns, preparing the soil
and setting up irrigation had all been part of
the agricultural lifestyle in Canaan. Groves
and vineyards usually took many years to develop
and be productive, but all of this
groundwork was already done.
Deuteronomy 6:9—7:2 6:13. oaths in Yahweh’s name. Since oaths
were considered powerful and effective, the
utterance of oaths would demonstrate which
deity was truly considered powerful. Though
inheriting the cities, homes and farms of the
Canaanites, the Israelites are not to inherit the
gods that had been associated with protecting
these cities and providing fertility to this land.
One of the ways to demonstrate their rejection
of those gods is to refuse to attribute power to
them through oaths.
6:16. Massah. Massah is the name given to the
place at Rephidim near Sinai where water
came out of the rock (see Ex 17:7.
7:1-26
Promises and Policies Concerning
the Nations
7:1. peoples of Canaan. The *Hittites were
from Anatolia, modern Turkey, but groups occupying
sections of Syria and Canaan were
also called Hittites and may or may not have
been related. The Hittites in Canaan have
Semitic names, while the Hittites of Anatolia
were Indo-European. Girgashites are little
known, though they are attested in the
*Ugaritic texts. *Amorites (known in Mesopotamia
as Amurru or Martu) are known from
written documents as early as the middle
third millennium B.C.. Most scholars think
that they came to occupy many areas in the
Near East from their roots in Syria. The term
can be used to refer to a geographical area
(“westerners”) or to an ethnic group. Some
Amorites were nomadic, but there were
Amorite city-states in Syria as early as the end
of the third millennium. Canaan is mentioned
as early as the Ebla tablets (twenty-fourth century
B.C.), and the Canaanite people were the
principal inhabitants of the fortified cities of
the land, though they do not seem to have
been native to the land. The kings of this area
refer to themselves in the *Amarna letters
(mid-second millennium) as Kinanu, a term
also used in Egyptian inscriptions of this period.
There is still debate as to whether the term
Perizzites is ethnic or sociological (those living
in unwalled settlements). The Hivites are
sometimes connected to the Horites, in which
case they may be *Hurrians. The Jebusites occupied
the region later associated with the
tribe of Benjamin, notably the city of Jerusalem,
and are often related to the Perizzites
who were located in the same region. There is
no mention of the Perizzites, Hivites or Jebusites
outside the Bible.
7:2. the ban *(herem). Ban is sometimes chosen
as the English word to represent the concept
of total destruction that is commanded here in
verse 2 and elaborated in verses 5-6. Just as
there were some types of sacrifices that belonged
entirely to the Lord, while others were
shared by priest and offerer, so some plunder
was set aside as belonging solely to the Lord.
Just as the whole burnt offering was entirely
consumed on the altar, so the ban mandated
total destruction. Since the warfare was commanded
by Yahweh and represented his judgment
on the Canaanites, the Israelites were on
a divine mission with Yahweh as their commander.
Since it was his war, not theirs, and
he was the victor, the spoil belonged to him.
Although the divine warrior motif occurs
179 DEUTERONOMY 7:3—8:7
throughout the ancient Near East, the h@erem
concept is more limited—the only other occurrence
of the term is in the Moabite Mesha inscription,
but the idea of total destruction is
also in the *Hittite material. Some sites, such
as Gezer, feature a distinct burn layer in association
with the *Late Bronze period. Under
siege conditions sanitation is at its worst and
disease is often rampant. The practice of burning
everything after the defeat of a city thus
had an element of health connected to it.
7:3. command not to intermarry. In *Hittite
documents of this period certain cities are designated
temple cities and accorded special
privileges. In order to protect those privileges,
the inhabitants are prohibited from marrying
outside the community. In a similar way the
entire land of Israel has been designated
“God’s land,” and the Israelites are a kingdom
of priests. The prohibition against intermarriage
therefore protects the privileges of the
*covenant as well as the *purity of their religious
ideals.
7:5. sacred stones. Standing stones or masseboth
were apparently a common feature of
Canaanite religion and also appear as memorials
in a number of Israelite *covenantal contexts
(see Ex 24:3-8; Josh 24:25-27. Their
association with *Asherah, *Baal and other
Canaanite deities is the basis for their being
condemned as rivals and a threat to *Yahweh
worship. Archaeologists have discovered sacred
stones at Gezer, Shechem, Hazor and Arad.
In the latter three cases, they are clearly
within a sacred precinct and part of the *cultic
practices at these sites. The Hazor stones include
incised representations of upraised
arms and a sun disk.
7:5. Asherah poles. *Asherah can be either the
name of a *fertility goddess or the name of a
*cult object (as here). The goddess was popular
in the pagan deviations in Israel and was
sometimes considered to be a mediator of
*Yahweh’s blessings. An indication of this belief
is found in the inscriptions from Kuntillet
Ajrud and Khirbet el-Qom. In Canaanite mythology
she was the consort of the chief god,
*El. She appears in Mesopotamian literature
as early as the eighteenth century, where she
is the consort of the *Amorite god Amurru.
The *cult symbol may or may not have borne
a representation of the deity on it. The pole
may represent an artificial tree, since Asherah
is often associated with sacred groves. Sometimes
the cult object can be made or built,
while on other occasions it is planted. We
have little information on the function of these
poles in *ritual practice.
7:6-11. the *covenant relationship. The terminology
used here of love, loyalty and obedience
are common to the international treaties
of this time. *Hittite, *Akkadian, *Ugaritic and
*Aramaic examples all show that the positive
action of the suzerain toward the vassal is expressed
as love, kindness and graciousness,
and in return the vassal is expected to respond
with obedience and loyalty.
7:15. diseases of Egypt. Some consider this to
be a reference to the plagues, while others associate
it with diseases indigenous to Egypt. If
the latter is intended, it is difficult to be more
specific, though examination of mummies has
suggested the prevalence of smallpox, malaria
and polio. Emphysema and tuberculosis are
also evidenced. Egyptian medicine was well
known for its treatment of eye diseases and
diseases of the digestive and excretory/urinary
systems. This might suggest that that
was where persistent disease was encountered.
All of these were worsened by the very
primitive sanitation conditions archaeologists
have identified even around the estates of the
wealthy. The dry season in Egypt is known for
its proliferation of diseases, usually brought to
an end by the annual flooding of the Nile.
7:20. the hornet. Insects are often used as metaphors
for armies, for instance, bees and flies
Is 7:18-19 and locusts Joel 1—2). However,
some interpreters see this as a wordplay on
Egypt (see comment on Ex 23:28 or a reference
to Egypt by means of an insect that was
used to symbolize Lower Egypt. Other interpreters
have translated the word as “plague”
or “terror.”
Deuteronomy 7:3—8:7
8:1-19
Remembering What God Had Done
8:3. manna. The food that nourished the Israelites
in the wilderness is not easily identified.
For possibilities see the comment on Exodus
16:4-9.
8:4. clothes not wearing out. In the Gilgamesh
Epic, *Utnapishtim instructs that *Gilgamesh
be clothed with garments that do not wear out
for his return journey. Job 13:28 describes the
“wearing out” of clothes as being “moth-eaten”
or perhaps moldy. This verse suggests a
supernatural protection from decay.
8:7. water sources. The text mentions streams,
pools and springs. The first is the result of
runoff from precipitation at high elevations,
and the other two represent subterranean water
sources. In a land where rainfall is seasonal
and, in some areas, limited, irrigation is necessary
to sustain agriculture, and water sources
are important both for animal herds and for
human settlements. While there are few
DEUTERONOMY 8:8—10:6 180
streams west of the Jordan, there are many
springs that were used to sustain cities and
villages.
8:8. staples of agriculture. Seven agricultural
products are mentioned here that are the staple
products of the region. The Egyptian Story
of *Sinuhe describes the land of Canaan and
lists six of the seven named here (pomegranates
are omitted). Wine and olive oil were two
of the principal exports of the region, while
the other products provided a significant portion
of their diet. The honey referred to here is
the product of the date palm, not bees’ honey.
8:9. iron and copper. The text also identifies
the natural resources of the land from the mining
perspective. There are numerous deposits
of poor-quality iron ore in Palestine, but few
of high quality. The only major deposits of
iron ore known in Palestine today are at
Mughar-at el-Wardeh in the Ajlun hills by the
Jabbok River. Copper mining sites are mostly
in Transjordan. While iron can be mined on
the surface, copper mining requires shafts.
9:1-6
Conquest as Punishment
9:1. walled cities. City defenses were of most
concern in troubled, insecure times. The latter
part of the *Middle Bronze Age in Canaan
(eighteenth-sixteenth centuries) was one such
time, and many fortified cities were built. The
end of that period brought the destruction of
many of these cities, and many were not rebuilt
during the *Late Bronze Age (1550-1200).
It is generally assumed that this was because
Egypt controlled the region and offered security
to it. There were, however, still a number
of fortified cities that served as administrative
centers for Egyptian control. The fortification
techniques developed in the Middle Bronze
period included steep earthen slopes (some
reaching fifty feet) at the foundation of the
walls and a ditch around the outside dug to
bedrock. These features would both hamper
the approach of siege machines and prevent
tunneling. The stone walls were twenty-five to
thirty feet wide and perhaps thirty feet high.
9:2. Anakites. See comment on 1:28.
Deuteronomy 8:8—10:6
9:7—10:11
Remembering the Events at Sinai
9:8. Horeb. Horeb is another name for Mount
Sinai, most likely located in the southern section
of the Sinai peninsula. See comment on
Exodus 19:1-2.
9:9. stone tablets. See comment on 5:22.
9:16. golden calf. Bull or calf figurines, made
either of bronze or a combination of metals,
have been found in several archaeological excavations
(Mount Gilboa, Hazor and Ashkelon),
but they are only three to seven inches long.
The calf symbol was well known in the
Canaanite context of the second millennium
and represented fertility and strength. The
gods were typically not depicted in the form of
bulls or calves, but portrayed standing on the
back of the animal. Nevertheless worship of
the animal image was not unknown, and there
is little in the biblical text to suggest the Israelites
understood the figure merely as a pedestal
(not unlike the ark). The fact that the calf is
worshiped in the context of a feast to Yahweh
suggests that this may be a violation of the second
commandment rather than the first.
9:22. Taberah, Massah, Kibroth Hattaavah.
These are all places where the Israelites experienced
God’s judgment. Taberah and Kibroth
Hattaavah are in Numbers 11 in connection
with the plague from eating quail, and Massah
is associated with the incident in Exodus
16 where the people challenged the Lord to
provide water.
9:23. Kadesh Barnea. Kadesh Barnea was the
main camping place during the wilderness
wandering. See comment on 1:46.
9:28. belligerent deities. Though the claim
made in verse 28 might seem a preposterous
way to think, it would not have been an unusual
view in the religious world of the ancient
Near East. In a polytheistic system gods
could not be omnipotent, so they might fail to
accomplish something they set out to do. Additionally
they were not considered to be
friendly, forthright or predictable. Examples
would include the Mesopotamian god *Ea
telling his “favorite” *Adapa that the food he
would be offered was “bread of death” when
in reality it would have procured eternal life
for him. In the *Gilgamesh Epic, Ea advises
deceiving the people into thinking that blessings
cannot rain down on them unless *Utnapishtim
leaves in his boat. After they send
him off, they are rained on in a totally unexpected
way when the flood comes and destroys
them. Around 1200 B.C. the Libyans
complain that the gods gave them initial success
against Egypt with the intent to eventually
destroy them. In Egypt the mortuary texts
(Pyramid Texts and Coffin Texts) are targeted
against hostile deities.
10:6. wells of the Jaakanites, Moserah, Gudgodah,
Jotbathah. These sites are also in the
itinerary of Numbers 33:30-34. Most of them
are unidentified, but Jotbathah has been associated
with Tabeh, an oasis along the western
shore of the Gulf of Aqaba.
181 DEUTERONOMY 10:12—11:30
10:12—11:32
Covenant Response to Yahweh
10:17. divine titles. The enumeration of divine
names and attributes is a common form of
praise in the ancient Near East. Perhaps most
notable is the *Babylonian creation epic, *Enuma
Elish, that proclaims the fifty names of
*Marduk, chief god of Babylon.
10:17. gods accepting bribes. In the religious
beliefs of the ancient Near East the gods could
be manipulated because they were believed to
have needs. Sacrifice and temple upkeep were
part of a program of taking care of them and
feeding them. By providing the food, clothing
and shelter that the gods needed, an individual
could win the favor of the deity. This text
makes it clear that *Yahweh is not to be
thought of in the same way as the gods of Israel’s
neighbors. This also reflects the picture of
Yahweh as a just judge who refuses to distort
justice for personal gain.
11:1. loving deity in ancient Near East. In
the *Amarna letters (from vassal kings of
Canaan to their Egyptian overlord) “love” is
used as a characterization of friendly and
loyal international relationships. It expresses
the vassal’s intentions to be loyal and to honor
the terms of the treaty agreement between
the parties. The biblical text shows a clear example
of this usage in 1 Kings 5:1. There are
rare instances in Mesopotamian literature
where an individual is admonished to love a
deity, but in general the gods of the ancient
Near East neither sought love from their
worshipers nor entered into *covenant relationships
with them.
11:2. outstretched arm. The “outstretched
arm” is a metaphor that was used by the
Egyptian Pharaohs for the extension of their
power and authority. It was *Yahweh’s outstretched
arm that extended his power over
Egypt to bring deliverance to his people. See
comment on Deuteronomy 26:8.
11:4. Red Sea/Reed Sea. There have been
many different suggestions concerning the
identification of this body of water. Lake Balah
or Lake Timsah are the most common. See
comment on Exodus 13:18.
11:9. land of milk and honey. See comment on
6:3.
11:10. irrigation methods in Egypt. The contrast
here does not favor rainfall over irrigation,
for everyone recognized the value and
success of irrigation methods and technology.
Furthermore, it is not suggested that the often-
sparse rainfall of Palestine is superior to
the regular abundant annual flooding of the
Nile. There is no known irrigation method
that would be identified as “watering by
foot,” but that phrase is used as a euphemism
for urinating in the reading preserved in some
manuscripts of 2 Kings 18:27. If that is the
meaning here, the contrast would have to do
not with technologies of irrigation or abundance
of water supply but with the purity of
the water used to grow food.
11:11-15. seasons in Israel. Israel has a rainy
season (winter months) and a dry season
(summer months). The rainy season begins
with the autumn rains (“early rains,” October-
November) and ends with the spring rains
(“latter rains,” early April). These are important
for what they contribute to the overall
moisture levels in the earth and for softening
the ground for plowing. Grain is harvested in
the spring (barley in May, wheat in June), and
the summer months (July and August) are for
threshing and winnowing. Grapes are harvested
in the fall, while the olive harvest
stretches into the winter.
11:18. symbols on hands, foreheads and
doorframes. See comment on 6:8-9.
11:24. Lebanon to the Euphrates. For the general
boundaries of the land, see the comment
on 1:7.
11:29. Gerizim and Ebal. Gerizim and Ebal
are the mountains that flank the town of
Shechem in the central hill country, Gerizim
(elevation 2,849 feet) to the south, Ebal (elevation
3,077 feet) to the north. This site was chosen
for the ceremony because it was believed
to represent the center of the land Judg 9:37
and because from here a large portion of the
land could be seen. The valley that runs between
the two mountains, Wadi Nablus, was
one of the only passageways through the region.
The valley at its southeastern end is
quite narrow (the lower flanks of the hills are
separated by little over a quarter of a mile)
and would easily accommodate the antiphonal
ceremony anticipated here.
Deuteronomy 10:12—11:30 11:29. blessings and curses. The international
treaties of this time featured blessings and
curses on the parties responsible for keeping
the terms of the *covenant. The blessings
and curses typically were seen as to be carried
out by the deities in whose name the
agreement had been made. The blessing formulas
are rarer and the curse formulas grow
longer between the second and first millennia.
11:30. Gilgal. This is not the same Gilgal that
the Israelites use as a base in the book of
Joshua but is farther north in the vicinity of
Shechem. One possibility is the site of El-Unuk,
about four miles east of Shechem along
the Wadi Far’ah.
DEUTERONOMY 12:1-16 182
12:1-32
Central Place of Worship
12:2-3. outdoor shrines. Apparently the use of
outdoor shrines was common among the
Canaanites. These local *cult sites were considered
abhorrent to the writer because they
promoted a “popular” brand of religion that
contained elements of Canaanite worship that
deviated from the established *Yahweh-only
doctrine. Thus local altars, sacred poles dedicated
to *Asherah, sacred groves and any
place associated with a Canaanite god (*Baal,
*El, etc.) and the worship of God outside of
Jerusalem, “the place the Lord your God will
choose” Deut 12:5, were forbidden. There is
a difference between these outdoor *cultic
places and the “high place” (bamah) often
mentioned as a religious center in the local
towns and cities 1 Kings 11:7; Jer 7:31; Ezek
16:16; 2 Chron 21:11; Mesha’s inscription). The
“high place” was apparently an indoor facility,
built to house sacred furniture, an altar and
precincts large enough to accommodate a
priesthood. A clear differentiation is drawn
between these two types of religious sites in
2 Kings 17:9-11.
12:3. sacred stones. See comment on 7:5.
12:3. Asherah poles. One common feature of
Canaanite worship and of *syncretized Israelite
worship on “high places” and in city
shrines is the erection of *Asherah poles (Judg
3:7; 1 Kings 14:15; 15:13; 2 Kings 13:6. There is
some uncertainty about whether these were
simply wooden poles erected to symbolize
trees, perhaps containing a carved image of
the *fertility goddess, or part of a sacred
grove. The reference in 2 Kings 17:10, which
refers to Asherah poles beside “every spreading
tree,” seems to indicate that these were
poles erected for *cultic purposes rather than
planted trees. As the consort of *El, Asherah
was clearly a popular goddess (see 2 Kings
18:19), and her worship is mentioned in
*Ugaritic texts (1600-1200 B.C.). Her prominent
appearance in the biblical narrative indicates
that her *cult was a major rival to *Yahweh
worship (see the prohibition in Ex 34:13; Deut
16:21). This explains the number of examples
in which Asherah poles are erected and venerated,
the strong condemnations of this practice
and the depictions of these poles being cut
down and burned Judg 6:25-30; 2 Kings 23:4-
7). For more information see the comment on
Deuteronomy 7:5.
12:4, 30-31. their way of worshiping. The prohibited
aspects of Canaanite religion would
have included the use of idols to manipulate
the deity, *fertility practices (perhaps including
*ritual sex with temple prostitutes, but see
comment on 23:17-18), child sacrifice, *divination
and appeasement rituals.
12:3-5. wipe out their names, the Lord establishing
his name. The potency and power associated
with names and name giving are
clearly demonstrated in the biblical narrative
(see Gen 17:5; 41:45; Ex 3:13-15; Deut 5:11.
One sign of this is found in the practice of
erasing the names of discredited officials and
even pharaohs from their monuments in ancient
Egypt. Names were also used in *execration
formulas throughout the Near East to
curse enemies and to call down divinely inspired
disaster Num 22:6; Jer 19:3-15. *Execration
texts are known in Egypt throughout
the second millennium and consist of names
of rulers or cities written on objects that were
then smashed. When the Israelites are called
on to wipe out the names of the Canaanites
and their gods, the command is to wipe them
from the pages of history. Utter destruction, in
a world tied to the service of named persons
and gods, could only come if all memory of
these names was obliterated. Once that was
done, only one name would remain, and there
would be no reason or desire to worship another
(see Is 42:8.
12:5-7. sacrifices in the presence of deity.
Throughout the ancient Near East it was a
common understanding that deities had their
own realms of influence and thus were tied to
particular sites (e.g., *Marduk of *Babylon or
Baalzebub of Ekron). It was expected that devotees
of these gods would come to the principal
shrines, where they could offer sacrifices,
take vows, formalize contracts or treaties, or
provide legal testimony within the sacred precinct
of the god (as in the Code of *Hammurabi
and the *Middle Assyrian laws). By doing
this, the supplicant could draw on the god as
a witness and thus add force to the act being
performed. It also provided validity to the
shrine, marking it as the place where God’s
presence was made manifest.
12:11. vows. See comment on Leviticus 27:2-
13.
Deuteronomy 12:1-16 12:16. pouring out blood before eating meat.
Sacred literature from *Ugarit and Mesopotamia
identified blood as the life force of any animal.
In Israelite tradition, blood as the life
force belonged to the life-giver, the Creator
God *Yahweh. Therefore, the Israelites were
prohibited from consuming meat which still
contained blood. This sacred fluid had to be
drained from the meat and “poured on the
ground like water” so that it returned to the
earth. In sacrificial contexts, the blood was to
be poured on the altar (see Lev 17:11-12.
183 DEUTERONOMY 12:20—14:2
12:20. eating meat. The promise that the Israelites
would be able to eat their fill of meat is
tied to the *covenantal promise of land and
fertility. This society, however, was generally
never so rich in animals that they could be
slaughtered indiscriminately. Animal sacrifice
was therefore both a sacred and a solemn occasion.
The meat of the sacrifice might be the
only meat eaten for weeks at a time.
Deuteronomy 12:20—14:2
13:1-18
Those Who Encourage the Worship
of Other Gods
13:1-18. sources of rebellion. In this passage
prophets, close relatives and a localized subversive
population are viewed as potential
breeding grounds for rebellion. In Assyrian
king Esarhaddon’s instructions to his vassals,
he requires that they report any improper or
negative statements that may be made by enemy
or ally, by relatives, prophets, ecstatics or
dream interpreters.
13:1-3. prophet urging worship of other gods.
In its effort to delineate a *Yahweh-only religion,
Deuteronomy had to discredit and disavow
the teachings and pronouncements of
all other gods and their prophets. Prophets,
diviners and priests for these other gods were
present among the Canaanites and other
neighboring groups (mentioned in *Mari
texts, the account of Balaam in Numbers 22—
24 and the Deir ‘Alla inscriptions). However,
what seems most heinous here are Israelites
who speak in the name of other gods. This
type of internal proselytizing was particularly
frightening since it had a stronger degree of
credibility and could therefore be most effective
(see Num 25:5-11. Should the words or
the predictions of prophets come true (a sign
of their validity as prophets, Deut 18:22, the
Israelites were to be alert to whether they attributed
the signs to Yahweh. If not, it was a
test of their faithfulness, and they must reject
the prophet and condemn him to death as a
corrupting influence.
13:1-5. foretelling by dreams in ancient Near
East. Dreams were one of the standard means
for receiving messages from a god in the ancient
Near East (see Jacob in Gen 28:12; Joseph
in Gen 37:5-11; Nebuchadnezzar in Dan 2, 4).
They appear in *Old Babylonian omen texts,
along with reports of the examination of
sheep livers, anomalies in the weather and
birth of animals, and other presumed signs of
divine will. Among the most famous is the
dream of Gudea of *Lagash (c. 2150 B.C.), who
was commanded in a dream to build a temple
by a figure reminiscent of the apocalyptic figures
in Daniel’s dreams and Ezekiel’s call narrative
Dan 7; Ezek 1:25-28. The royal correspondence
from *Mari (c. 1750 B.C.) contains
around twenty prophetic utterances involving
dreams, always from nonprofessional personnel.
These portents were taken quite seriously
and studied. The professional priesthood in
both Mesopotamia and Egypt included instruction
in the interpretation of dreams and
other omens (see the appearance of wise men,
mediums and astrologers in Gen 41:8 and Dan
2:4-11).
13:10. stoning as capital punishment. Aside
from the ready availability of stones in Israel,
stoning was chosen as a form of execution because
it was communal. No one person was
responsible for the death of the condemned
criminal, but in the case of public offenses
(apostasy, blasphemy, sorcery, stealing from
the *herem) every citizen was required to take
a hand in purging the community of evil (see
Deut 17:5; Lev 20:27; 24:14; Josh 7:25. Familial
offenses such as adultery and recurrent disobedience
also were punishable by stoning,
and again the entire community was involved
Deut 21:21; 22:21). Stoning is not mentioned
as a form of capital punishment outside the
Bible. Ancient Near Eastern law codes list
only drowning, burning, impalement and beheading,
and in each case it is an official body,
not the community at large, that is charged
with carrying out the punishment.
13:16. plunder as burnt offering. There are
two types of plunder reckoned as belonging
solely to God: that taken in a *herem (holy war,
Josh 6:18-19 and that gathered from a village
condemned for its apostasy. To keep any of
these objects corrupts the one who takes them
and brings down God’s wrath on the people
Josh 7.
13:16. ruin. The Hebrew word that the NIV
translates as “ruin” is tel, and it has come into
English as *“tell,” referring to a mound made
up of the layers of the accumulated ruins of
ancient settlements.
14:1-21
Clean and Unclean Food
14:1-2. ritual for the dead. Ancestor worship
and *rituals associated with mourning and
memorializing the dead were common in ancient
Israel. The assumption behind them was
that the dead, although having a rather shadowy
existence, could for a time have some effect
on the living (see 1 Sam 28:13-14. Thus
libations were poured out during meals, and
special garments were worn by the mourner.
Unlike public worship, however, the rituals
DEUTERONOMY 14:2-22 184
for the dead were private and thus more difficult
to control. These practices were specifically
targeted in the late monarchy period as
efforts were made to nationalize *Yahweh
worship and move toward strict monotheism
in the reigns of Hezekiah and Josiah (2 Kings
23:24). The specific practices (such as lacerating
the skin) prohibited in Deuteronomy are
also mentioned in the *Baal cycle of stories
and in the *Aqhat epic from *Ugarit (c. 1600-
1200 B.C.). Their association with magic and
with polytheistic cultures would have made
them prime targets for the Israelite writers.
See comments on Numbers 3:12-13 and Deuteronomy
26:14.
14:2. treasured possession. The phrase “treasured
possession” uses a word common in
other languages of the ancient Near East to
describe accumulated assets, whether through
division of spoils or inheritance from estate.
That people can be so described is evident in a
royal seal from *Alalakh, where the king identifies
himself as the “treasured possession” of
the god Hadad. Likewise in a *Ugaritic text
the king of Ugarit’s favored status as a vassal
is noted by naming him a “treasured possession”
of his *Hittite overlord. Additionally, the
Israelites are identified as a “kingdom of
priests,” which identifies the nation as serving
a priestly role among the nations as intermediary
between the peoples and God. Additionally
there is a well-attested concept in the
ancient Near East that a city or group of people
may be freed from being subject to a king
and placed in direct subjection to a deity. So
Israel, freed from Egypt, is now given sacred
status.
14:3-21. dietary restrictions. In Mesopotamia
there were numerous occasions on which certain
foods were prohibited for a short period.
There is also evidence in *Babylonia that there
were certain restrictions concerning animals
that particular gods would accept for sacrifice.
But there is no overriding system such as that
found here. Yet though there is no known parallel
in the ancient world to anything like the
Israelite system of dietary restrictions, the permitted
animals generally conform to the diet
common in the ancient Near East.
14:6-10. criteria for classification of animals.
The main criteria are (1) means of locomotion
and (2) physical characteristics. Nothing is
mentioned of their eating habits or the conditions
of their habitat. Anthropologists have
suggested that animals were considered clean
or unclean depending on whether they possessed
all the features that made them “normal”
in their category. Other suggestions have
concerned health and hygiene. The weakness
of each of these is that there are too many examples
that do not fit the explanation. A popular
traditional explanation suggested that the
animals prohibited had some connection to
non-Israelite *rituals. In fact, however, the sacrificial
practices of Israel’s neighbors appear
strikingly similar to Israel’s. A recent promising
suggestion is that the Israelite diet is modeled
after God’s “diet”—that is, if it could not
be offered in sacrifice to God, then it was not
suitable for human consumption either.
14:8. pigs. *Assyrian wisdom literature calls
the pig unholy, unfit for the temple and an
abomination to the gods. There is also one
dream text in which eating pork is a bad
omen. Yet it is clear that pork was a regular
part of the diet in Mesopotamia. Some *Hittite
*rituals require the sacrifice of a pig. Milgrom
observes, however, that in such rituals the pig
is not put on the altar as food for the god but
absorbs *impurity and then is burned or buried
as an offering to underworld deities. Likewise
in Mesopotamia it was offered as a
sacrifice to demons. There is evidence in
Egypt of pigs being used for food, and Herodotus
claims they were used for sacrifice there
as well. Egyptian sources speak of herds of
swine being kept on temple property, and pigs
were often included in donations to the temples.
The pig was especially sacred to the god
Seth. Most evidence for the sacrifice of pigs,
however, comes from Greece and Rome, there
also mostly to gods of the underworld. In urban
settings pigs, along with dogs, often scavenged
in the streets, making them additionally
repulsive. The attitude toward the pig
in Israel is very clear in Isaiah 65:4; 66:3,17, the
former showing close connection to worship
of the dead. It is very possible then that sacrificing
a pig was synonymous with sacrificing
to demons or the dead.
14:21. disposal of roadkill. In a proteinstarved
area such as ancient Israel, it would
have been almost criminal to let good meat go
to waste. However, since the carcass would
not have been drained of its blood, Israelites
might not eat it (see Deut 12:16; Lev 11:40;
17:50). The meat could be distributed as charity
to resident aliens (one of the protected
classes, Deut 1:16; 16:11; 26:11). It could also be
sold to foreigners who were not settlers in Israel.
14:21. goat in its mother’s milk. See comment
on Exodus 23:19.
Deuteronomy 14:2-22
14:22-29
Tithes
14:22-29. tithes and taxes. In the ancient Near
185 DEUTERONOMY 14:23—15:3
East there was little difference between tithes
and taxes. Both were exacted from villages as
payment to the government and usually
stored in temple complexes, from which the
grain, oil and wine were then redistributed to
maintain royal and religious officials. In collecting
and redistributing the tithe, the distinction
between sacred and secular was
blurred. The kings were considered divinely
chosen, and the storage centers were religious
centers. The services that were provided in exchange
for the tithe/tax included both administrative
and sacred tasks. The process is well
laid out in 1 Samuel 8:10-17, a text describing
how the king will “take a tenth . . . and give it
to his officials and attendants.” This is precisely
the same procedure outlined in *Ugaritic
economic texts and royal correspondence.
There too specialists (artisans, bureaucrats,
temple personnel) are listed, along with their
ration. State building throughout the ancient
Near East required assessing the annual production
of their lands and villages. The harvesting
of the tithe is a reflection of that type
of state planning. See comment on Numbers
18:21-32 for further information.
14:23. eating the tithe. It is unlikely that the
one who is tithing is expected to eat the entire
tithe. That would frustrate its purpose of providing
for the priestly community and serving
as a reserve for the destitute. The injunction
probably has more to do with bringing the
tithe (or its value in silver) to God’s sanctuary
in Jerusalem and thereby demonstrating devotion
(see Deut 14:24-26. What is eaten
would serve as a *covenantal meal, similar to
that eaten in Exodus 24:9-11.
14:27-29. provision for the Levites. As spelled
out more completely in 18:1-8, the Levites
were to receive a portion of the sacrificial tithe
because they were not apportioned any section
of the land after the conquest. As religious
specialists, they would be allotted a
ration from the land’s produce in much the
same way that bureaucrats and artisans are
assigned specific grain and wine rations in the
*Ugaritic economic documents (see comment
on 14:22-29). It is therefore to be expected that
the Levites would be paid for services rendered.
14:29. provision for the vulnerable. A major
aspect of Israelite legal tradition involves
making provision for groups classified as
weak or poor: widows, orphans and the resident
alien (see Ex 22:22; Deut 10:18-19; 24:17-
21). Thus the tithe from the third year (not an
additional tithe in that year) is to be set aside
and used to support the vulnerable of society.
Concern for the needy is evident in Mesopotamian
legal collections as early as the mid-third
millennium, but this generally addresses protection
of rights and guarantee of justice in the
courts rather than financial provision.
15:1-18
Cancellation of Slavery and Debts
15:1-11. financial systems in the ancient Near
East. Since the wealth of the nations of the ancient
Near East was based on the dual economic
foundations of natural resources
(mines and agriculture) and trade, an intricate
financial system had to be developed to support
these ventures. For instance, risk capital
(in the form of gold, silver, precious stones,
spices, etc.) was provided by kings and entrepreneurs
in Egypt and Mesopotamia to mariners
plying the Mediterranean routes to
Cyprus and Crete and the trade routes south
along the Red Sea to Arabia, Africa and India.
Loans were also made to merchants leading
caravans throughout the Near East (with an
expected yield on investment of at least 100
percent) and to farmers to provide seed and
equipment for the growing season. These
loans were generally made at interest (although
there was an interest-free category of
loan within a set payment period). *Hammurabi’s
code contains numerous examples governing
the rate of interest and even prescribing
forfeiture of investment if the creditor
charged more than 20 percent. Individual
farmers who experienced a bad harvest would
often have to incur debt in order to provide
food for the coming year and supplies for the
next year’s planting. Continuing bad harvests
would lead to the indenturing of the land or
the sale of his family and eventually himself
into debt slavery.
Deuteronomy 14:23—15:3 15:2-3. debt remission. In granting an absolute
remission of all debt at the end of the seventh
year, the Deuteronomic law expands on
the original sabbatical year legislation (Ex
23:10-11), which related to the fallowing of the
land. As the economy expanded, this required
broadening the law to include debt as well as
the return of property that had been given as
collateral for debt (see the Jubilee law in Lev
25). The likelihood that this is total remission
of debt rather than a suspension of debt for
the year is confirmed by the misharum decree
of the *Old Babylonian king Ammisaduqa
(1646-1626 B.C.). This document prohibits
creditors from pursuing the payment of debt
after the decree has been issued, on pain of
death. However, as in Deuteronomic law, merchants,
who were often foreign nationals or
new settlers (foreigners in 15:3), are still re-
DEUTERONOMY 15:1—16:12 186
quired to repay investors, since this is a transaction
rather than a debt.
15:1-6. sabbatical year. The fallowing of the
land in the seventh year, as an acknowledgment
of the Creator’s work and an example of
good husbandry, is first found in Exodus
23:10-11. An expansion of that law is later
found in Leviticus 25:2-7, providing more
specificity about how it affects the land and
the people. The Deuteronomic legislation is
more concerned with debt remission, manumission
of slaves (15:12-18) and the educational
process of reading the law publicly (31:10-
13) during the sabbatical year. Although there
is no direct parallel to either sabbath or sabbatical-
year legislation outside the Bible, the
*Ugaritic epic of *Baal contains a seven-year
agricultural cycle that may be related. In
*Hammurabi’s laws women and children sold
into slavery would be freed after three years.
15:12. Hebrew. It may well be that originally
Hebrew, like *Habiru in *Akkadian texts, was a
generic term for landless, stateless persons
who contracted themselves as mercenaries, laborers
and servants. This is not necessarily a
pejorative designation. There are some negative
connotations present, since persons in the
ancient world tended to identify themselves
with a group or place. But considering the fact
that the first “Hebrew,” Abram, was a landless
immigrant, something like “gypsy” might
give a general idea of meaning. Israelite villagers
considered themselves to be free landowners.
Hebrew, therefore, would refer to an
Israelite who had become destitute (compare
Jer 34:9 or was living in foreign lands (Judg
19:16). The Hebrew had to work his full sixyear
term in order to regain his mortgaged
land and landowner status. Thus the Hebrew
in Exodus 21:2, Deuteronomy 15:12 and Jeremiah
34:9 would be an Israelite, who, unlike
the non-Israelite, could not be sold into permanent
slavery. It was his right to release that
distinguished him from the non-Israelite.
15:16-17. ear-piercing ceremony. See the comment
on Exodus 21:5-6. The only difference in
the description of the ceremony is that Deuteronomy
has added the phrase “Do the same for
your maidservant” in verse 6, since this version
of the manumission law deals more fully
with both male and female slaves.
Deuteronomy 15:1—16:12
15:19-23
Firstborn Animals
15:19-23. treatment of firstborn animals. Dedication
of firstborn animals to deity is without
firm attestation in the other cultures of the ancient
Near East, though some claim to have
found such a practice in the *Ugaritic texts. If
it is there, the texts give us little information to
understand the reasoning behind the practice.
15:23. eating blood. See the comments on Leviticus
17:11 and Deuteronomy 12:16, 20, regarding
the prohibition against consuming
the blood of animals along with their meat.
16:1-17
The Three Major Festivals
16:1-17. Israel’s sacred calendar. Other versions
of the calendar are found in Exodus
23:12-19; 34:18-26; Leviticus 23; and Numbers
28—29 (see the comments there).
16:1. Abib. The month of Abib (March-April)
is considered the first month in the Israelite
calendar and is tied to the exodus event (see
Ex 13:4; 23:15). It is one of the month names
that is often thought to have been brought
over from the Canaanite month names. The
first month later came to be known as the
month of Nisan when the names were adopted
from the *Babylonian calendar. In Exodus
23:15, Abib is tied to the Feast of Unleavened
Bread, while in the Deuteronomic law it is
keyed to the Passover.
16:1-8. Passover. Compare the comment on
the Passover in Exodus 12. This Deuteronomic
legislation makes allowance for the changes in
Israelite society that have taken place since the
exodus and centralizes the celebration of the
Passover in “the place [God] will eventually
choose as a dwelling for his Name” (v. 5), that
is, Jerusalem.
16:8. sacred assembly. Sacred assemblies or
proclamations were an important part of most
religious practice in the ancient world. They
refer to local or national gatherings for public,
corporate worship. The people were summoned
together away from their occupational
work.
16:9. standing grain. The Feast of Weeks (see
Ex 23:16 is tied to the wheat harvest of
March-April. The Gezer calendar notes this as
the month to “reap and feast.” Since the grain
would have matured at different times in the
various locales of the country, the harvest of
“standing grain” would have required the
prescribed seven-week period to complete.
16:9-12. Feast of Weeks. This second of the
three major harvest festivals comes seven
weeks after the harvest of the early grain (Ex
34:22) and is also known as the Feast of Harvest
or Pentecost Ex 23:16. In the agricultural
cycle it marks the end of the wheat harvest
season, and by tradition it is tied to the giving
of the law on Mount Sinai. It is also associated
with *covenant renewal and pilgrimage. Cele-
187 DEUTERONOMY 16:13—17:3
bration includes the bringing of a “wave offering”
of two loaves of bread, animal sacrifices
(seven year-old lambs, one bull and two rams)
and a drink offering in thanksgiving for a
good harvest. A goat is also to be sacrificed as
a sin offering for the people.
16:13-17. Feast of Tabernacles. The final harvest
of the year occurred in the autumn prior
to the onset of the rainy season and marked
the beginning of a new agricultural year (fifteenth
day of the seventh month). At this time
the last of the ripening grain and fruits were
gathered and stored. The seven-day event is
also known as the Feast of Ingathering (Ex
23:16) and is symbolized by the construction
of booths decorated with greenery for the harvesters.
The use of the term booths for this festival
appears first in Deuteronomy and is
probably a reflection of the practice of harvesters
of setting up shelters in the fields so
that they could work throughout the day
without returning to their homes (see Lev
23:42). The festival was tied into Israelite tradition
as a commemoration of the wilderness
wanderings. It was also the occasion for the
dedication of Solomon’s temple in Jerusalem
1 Kings 8:65.
16:16. pilgrimage feasts. See the comment on
Exodus 23:17 regarding the obligation imposed
on the Israelites to come before the
Lord as pilgrims three times a year. In the rest
of the ancient world each town had its patron
deities and its local temples. Festivals and other
worship activities would therefore not
require lengthy pilgrimage. Nevertheless festivals
such as the great Akitu (new year’s)
festival of *Marduk in *Babylon would undoubtedly
have drawn pilgrims from near
and far. One of the primary aspects of the ancient
Near Eastern festivals was procession,
where the image of the God was carried
through various symbolic stages. Instead of
finding its parallels in other religions’ festivals,
the pilgrimage aspect of Israel’s festivals
finds similarity to the *Hittite treaty documents
that require the vassal king to travel periodically
to the suzerain in order to reaffirm
his loyalty (and pay the annual tribute).
Deuteronomy 16:13—17:3
16:18—17:13
Establishing Justice
16:18-20. judiciary institutions in ancient
Near East. As evidenced by the preface to the
Code of *Hammurabi (c. 1750 B.C.) and the
statements made by the “eloquent peasant” in
Egyptian wisdom literature (c. 2100 B.C.),
those in authority were expected to protect the
rights of the poor and weak in society. “True
justice” (see Lev 19:15 was required of kings,
officials and local magistrates. In fact, the
“world turned upside down” theme found in
the book of Judges and in prophetic literature
Is 1:23 describes a society in which “laws are
enacted, but ignored” (for example in the
Egyptian Visions of Neferti [c. 1900 B.C.]). An efficiently
administered state in the ancient
Near East depended on the reliability of the
law and its enforcement. To this end, every organized
state created a bureaucracy of judges
and local officials to deal with civil and criminal
cases. It was their task to hear testimony,
investigate charges made and evaluate evidence,
and then execute judgment (detailed in
the *Middle Assyrian laws and the Code of
Hammurabi). There were some cases, however,
that required the attention of the king (see
2 Sam 15:2-4, and appeals were occasionally
forwarded to that highest magistrate (as in the
*Mari texts).
16:19. bribes in the ancient world. The temptation
for judges and government officials to
accept bribes is found in every time and place
(see Prov 6:35; Mic 7:3. Taking bribes becomes
almost institutionally accepted in bureaucratic
situations as competing parties attempt to
outmaneuver each other (see Mic 3:11; Ezra
4:4-5). However, at least on the ideal level, arguments
and penalties are imposed to eliminate
or at least lessen this problem. Thus
*Hammurabi’s code places harsh penalties on
any judge who alters one of his decisions (presumably
because of a bribe), including stiff
fines and permanent removal from the bench.
Exodus 23:8 forbids the taking of bribes and
the perversion of justice as an offense against
God, the weak and innocent, and the entire
community (see Is 5:23; Amos 5:12.
16:21. Asherah poles. See the comments on
Exodus 34:13 and Deuteronomy 7:5; 12:3.
16:22. sacred stones. See the comments on Exodus
23:24 and Deuteronomy 12:3.
17:3. astral worship. The worship of the celestial
bodies (sun, moon, planets, stars) was
common throughout the ancient Near East.
One of the principal gods of *Assyria and
*Babylonia was a sun god (Shamash), and a
moon god (Thoth in Egypt; Sin in Mesopotamia;
Yarah in Canaanite religion) was widely
worshiped. During most of their history the
Israelites would have been familiar with and
heavily influenced by Assyrian culture and religion
(see Deut 4:19; 2 Kings 21:1-7; 23:4-5).
These forbidden practices continued to be a
source of condemnation during the Neo-
Babylonian period, as Israelites burned incense
on altars placed on the roofs of their
houses to the “starry hosts” Jer 19:13. Be-
DEUTERONOMY 17:5-17 188
cause worship of the elements of nature diminished
*Yahweh’s position as the sole
power in creation, they were outlawed. However,
the popular nature of this type of worship
continues to appear in prophetic
literature and in Job (see Job 31:26-28; 38:7).
For additional information see comment on
Deuteronomy 4.
17:5. stoning as capital punishment. See the
comment on 13:10.
17:6-7. witnesses in the ancient court system.
The task of serving as a witness occurs in a variety
of legal contexts and is a solemn duty
which is not to be abused Ex 20:16; Num
35:30; Deut 19:16-19. It can involve hearing
testimony, signing commercial or civil documents,
or testifying on a legal matter (laws of
*Ur-Nammu, Code of *Hammurabi and the
*Middle Assyrian laws). Witnesses serve an
essential purpose in verifying business transactions
Jer 32:44; Hammurabi), such as the
sale of property, marriages and changes in social
status (*Middle Assyrian laws). Occasionally,
they function as representatives of the
people in matters brought before a god (Ex
24:9-11; Hammurabi).
17:8-13. verdict by omen in ancient Near
East. In situations where physical evidence
was not present or was insufficient, a verdict
could be determined by the reading of omens.
This meant that plaintiffs had to consult religious
professionals (Levitical priests in 17:9),
whose service included seeking divine verdicts.
Among the *divination methods used in
the ancient Near East were the examination of
a sheep’s liver (hepatoscopy), the interpretation
of dreams (specific *Babylonian texts contain
lists of dreams and what they portend—
accidents, deaths, military defeats or victories;
see Dan 2:9, the noting of freak occurrences in
nature and the use of astrological charting (especially
during the period of the *Assyrian
empire in the tenth to seventh centuries B.C.).
In the biblical text, the Urim and Thummim
Ex 28:30; Num 27:21 were used to help divine
God’s will, and a number of the prophets
point to famines, droughts and other natural
calamities as a sign of God’s judgment on an
unfaithful people Amos 4:10-12; Hag 1:5-11.
Deuteronomy 17:5-17
17:14-20
The King
17:14-20. king chosen by deity. The *Sumerian
King List, which purports to contain the
names of kings from before the flood until the
end of the *Ur III dynasty (c. 2000 B.C.), begins
with the line, “When the kingship was lowered
from heaven.” The assumption throughout
Mesopotamian history is that every ruler
received his certification to reign from the
gods. Thus *Hammurabi (1792-1750 B.C.)
speaks in the prologue to his law code of the
gods’ establishment of “an enduring kingship”
in *Babylon and how the gods Anum
and *Enlil specifically chose him to rule on behalf
of the people. The result is an obligation
imposed on the king to rule wisely and with
justice, never abusing his power and being responsible
to the commands and requirements
of the gods. The situation is slightly different
in Egypt, where each pharaoh was considered
to be a god.
17:16. proliferation of horses. Since horses
were used primarily to draw chariots and carry
horsemen into battle, the acquisition of
large numbers of these animals implies either
an aggressive foreign policy or a monarch
who wishes to impress his people and his
neighbors with his wealth and power. The reference
to Egypt is suggestive of dependence
on that nation as an ally and a supplier of
horses for war Is 36:6-9. Such alliances in the
late monarchy period proved disastrous for
Israel and Judah and were roundly condemned
by the prophets Is 31:1-3; Mic 5:10.
17:17. royal marriage as alliance. Marriage
was a tool of diplomacy throughout the ancient
Near East. For instance, Zimri-Lim, the
king of *Mari (eighteenth century B.C.), used
his daughters to cement alliances and establish
treaties with his neighboring kingdoms.
Similarly, Pharaoh Thutmose IV (1425-1412
B.C.) arranged a marriage with a daughter of
the *Mitannian king to demonstrate good relations
and end a series of wars with that middle
Euphrates kingdom. Solomon’s seven
hundred wives and three hundred *concubines
1 Kings 11:3 were a measure of his
power and wealth (just as horses are in Deut
17:16), especially his marriage to the daughter
of the pharaoh 1 Kings 3:1. While the political
advantages were quite evident, the danger
of such marriages is demonstrated in the introduction
of the worship of other gods by Solomon’s
wives 1 Kings 11:4-8.
17:17. royal treasuries. The theme of excessive
acquisition of royal symbols of power (horses,
wives, gold and silver) continues in this admonition
against overtaxing the people simply
to fill the royal treasury. All of the categories
of wealth are said to lead to excessive
pride, apostasy and a rejection or diminution
of *Yahweh’s role (compare 8:11-14). The vanity
of kings who amass wealth without purpose
other than pride is found in Ecclesiastes
2:8-11 and Jeremiah 48:7. The treasuries typically
contained the precious metal assets of
189 DEUTERONOMY 17:18—18:10
temple and state, including contributions as
well as plunder. Though coinage or bullion
may have been included, much of it would be
in the form of jewelry, vessels for *ritual use,
religious objects or the various accessories of
royal or wealthy households. Payment of tribute
at times required drawing from or even
emptying the treasuries (see 1 Kings 14:26; 2
Kings 18:15). Excavations or descriptions of
temples and palaces often indicate rooms as
treasuries, and royal officers included keepers
of the treasuries.
17:18-20. king subject to the law. In Egypt
and Mesopotamia the king was the fountainhead
of law. It was his task to perceive and
maintain the order that was built into the universe
(Egyptian ma’at; Mesopotamian me). The
king could not be “brought to justice,” except
by the gods. He was not above the law, but
there was no mechanism by which he could
be tried in a human court. Judicially this may
have been no different in Israel, though the
prophets, as spokesmen for the deity, could
call the king to account.
Deuteronomy 17:18—18:10
18:1-13
Priests and Levites
18:1-5. provision for Levites. Whether or not
the worshiper ate a portion of the sacrifice, a
number of the sacrifices provided an opportunity
for the priests to eat. This was also true in
*Babylonian practice, where the king, the
priest and other temple personnel received
portions of the sacrifices. As early as *Sumerian
texts it was considered a grievous crime to
eat that which had been set apart as holy. See
also the comment on Numbers 18:12-19 for
tithes paid to the priests.
18:6-8. function of the Levites in the towns.
During the early settlement period, Levites officiated
at local shrines and altars. It would
have been their role to serve as religious professionals,
performing sacrifices and instructing
the people on the law. While some Levites
may have been tied to these places for generations
1 Sam 1:3, there is also evidence of itinerant
Levites, who traveled about the country
and were hired to serve for a time at a local
shrine or high place Judg 17:7-13. Without an
inheritance of their own Josh 14:3-4, the Levites
stood out within a society that was territorial.
The Levites were supposed to instruct the
people in proper worship, though the book of
Judges makes it clear that sometimes they
were a major part of the problem rather than
the solution. They were supposed to be preservers
of tradition and law and would have
often served as judges.
18:9-22
Receiving Information from Deity
18:10. divination. See the comment on Leviticus
19:26. *Divination involves a variety of
methods used by prophets Mic 3:11, soothsayers,
mediums and sorcerers to determine
the will of the gods and to predict the future.
These included the examination of the entrails
of sacrificial animals, the analysis of omens of
various types and the reading of the future in
natural and unnatural phenomena (see Gen
44:5). While there were acceptable divination
practices among the Israelites (use of the Urim
and Thummim), what is being condemned
here is a group of practitioners, who served as
professional fortunetellers.
18:10. sorcery. Since magic in the ancient
world was a means of contacting the supernatural
realm, it was considered to have two
facets: good magic and evil. In Mesopotamia
and among the *Hittites harmful magic was
practiced by sorcerers and was punishable by
death. It involved the use of potions, figurines
and curses designed to bring death, disease or
bad luck to the victim. This was distinguished
from the practical and helpful magic of professional
exorcists and “old women,” whose
role included the rites involved in temple construction
and dedication, as well as medical
aid. Only in Egypt was there no distinction between
white and black magic. There the practitioners’
job involved intimidating demons
and other divine powers to perform required
tasks or to remove curses. The Israelite law totally
rejected all these practices because of
their polytheistic character and the diminishing
of *Yahweh’s role as lord of creation (see
Ex 22:18.
18:10. omens. One of the priestly classes mentioned
in Mesopotamian texts is the baru-diviners.
It was their task to perform extispicy
(generally on lambs), examining the liver and
interpreting this omen for the person who has
asked for a reading of the future. The baru
might be consulted by a king who wished to
go to war (compare 1 Kings 22:6, a merchant
about to send out a caravan or a person who
had become ill. Government officials often included
the report of omens in their letters
(*Mari texts). However, since omens were not
always clear, several groups of diviners might
be used before action was taken. An entire
body of omen texts (with descriptions of past
events and predictions) were archived in temples
and palaces for consultation by staff diviners.
Even clay models of livers were used
in schooling apprentices in the trade.
18:10. witchcraft. Like sorcery, witchcraft was
DEUTERONOMY 18:11-14 190
generally classed as an illegitimate use of
magic. Its practitioners might serve in royal
courts or temples or as local herbalists and
itinerant diviners, who would, for a price,
provide the means to harm or destroy an enemy
(see Lev 19:26; 20:6; 2 Kings 21:6. The Mesopotamian
distinction between good and evil
magic is lost in Israelite law, where the female
witch is condemned Ex 22:18 and the words
of sorcerers are declared to be unreliable (Jer
27:9; Mal 3:5.
18:11. spells, medium, spiritist. The practitioners
of spiritism and sorcery are condemned
because of their association with Canaanite religion
and because their “art” attempted to
circumvent *Yahweh by seeking knowledge
and power from spirits. They represented a
form of popular religion that was closer to the
folk practices of the common people and
served as a form of “shadow religion” for
many. Sometimes, because of its association
with *divination, their *rituals and methods
stood in direct opposition to official religion or
as an alternative to be used in times of desperation
(see Saul’s use of the outlawed witch of
Endor in 1 Sam 28. Sorcery and potions used
in the practice of magic were also banned in
the Code of *Hammurabi and the *Middle Assyrian
laws, suggesting that the prohibition
and fear of these practices were not unique to
Israel.
Deuteronomy 18:11-14 18:11. consulting the dead. Although there
was no clear sense of an afterlife in ancient
Mesopotamia, no envisioning of a place of reward
or punishment, ancestor worship did
exist, and offerings were made to the spirits of
the dead. A group of magical practitioners
created a means for consulting the spirits of
the dead to find out about the future (see the
witch of Endor in 1 Sam 28:7-14. This was
called necromancy and could involve consulting
a particular or “familiar” spirit, or it could
be the raising of any ghost attracted by the
spells of the medium. Ritual pits, stuffed with
bread and blood, were commonly used in
*Hittite ritual by diviners, and the Greek hero
Odysseus used a pit filled with blood to attract
the shades of his dead companions. It
was believed that if libations were poured out
to them, the spirits of dead ancestors could offer
protection and help to those still living. In
*Babylon the disembodied spirit (utukki) or
the ghost (etemmu) could become very dangerous
if not cared for, and such spirits were often
the objects of incantations. Proper care for
the dead would begin with proper burial and
would continue with ongoing gifts and honor
of the memory and name of the deceased. The
firstborn was responsible for maintaining this
ancestor worship and therefore inherited the
family gods (often images of deceased ancestors).
18:10-13. worldview basis for prohibiting
divination. The worldview promulgated in
the Old Testament maintains that *Yahweh is
the sole God and is the ultimate power and
authority in the universe. In stark contrast, the
polytheistic religions of the ancient Near East
did not consider their gods (even as a group)
to represent the ultimate power in the universe.
Instead they believed in an impersonal
primordial realm that was the source of
knowledge and power. *Divination attempted
to tap into that realm for the purposes of gaining
knowledge; incantations tried to utilize its
power. Both *divination and incantation can
therefore be seen to assume a worldview that
was contradictory to Yahweh’s revealed position.
18:14-22. function of the prophet. These individuals
were more than simple religious practitioners.
While some of them were members
of the priestly community, they stood outside
that institution. Their role was to challenge
the establishment and the social order, to remind
the leadership and the people of their
obligation to the *covenant with *Yahweh and
to provide warning of the punishment that
went with violation of the covenantal agreement.
The prophet is invested with special
powers, a message and a mission, and there is
a special compulsion associated with being
called as a prophet. It can be denied for a time
(see Jonah’s flight) but ultimately must be answered.
It should also be noted that prophets
may be reluctant to speak harsh words or condemnations
of their own people. When this
occurs, the prophet will experience a compulsion
to speak that cannot be resisted Jer 20:9.
Since they speak a message that comes from
God, they separate themselves from the
words and thus cannot be charged with treason,
sedition or doomsaying. The message is
thus the most important thing about the
prophet, not the prophet himself or herself.
Certainly, there were some prophets like Balaam
and Elijah who acquired a personal reputation,
but this was based on their message or
their ability to speak for God. For a prophet to
gain credibility with the people, the message
must come true. Although sometimes the
prophets are mentioned as part of the *cult
community (Isaiah and Ezekiel) and as court
prophets (Nathan), they always seem to be
able to stand apart from these institutions to
criticize them and to point out where they
have broken the *covenant with God. In the
early periods of the monarchy, the prophets
191 DEUTERONOMY 18:20—19:6
primarily addressed the king and his court,
much like their ancient Near Eastern counterparts
did (they have been termed “preclassical”
prophets). Beginning in the eighth
century, however, they turned their attention
increasingly to the people and became the social/
spiritual commentators whom we most
readily identify with the prophetic institution
(the “classical” prophets and the “writing”
prophets). Their role was not to predict as
much as it was to advise of God’s policies and
plans.
18:20-22. false prophecy. Like Deuteronomy
13:1-3 and its discussion of persons urging
the worship of other gods, false prophets are
generally those who speak in the name of
other gods. Deuteronomy discounts the existence
of these other gods and thus the veracity
of their prophets. In cases where
prophets presume to speak in *Yahweh’s
name without permission, the test of true
prophecy is whether what they say actually
occurs. There are a number of examples of
false prophecy cited in the biblical text. Jeremiah
rails against it in his accusation against
Hananiah Jer 28:12-17 and in his warning
against other prophets who predicted a
quick end to the exile (29:20-23). In some
cases, the potential for confusion involved is
such that events must take their course before
the true prophet is revealed (see 1 Kings
22). The Israelites were not alone in their
caution concerning false prophecy. In other
cultures, however, they generally used *divination
to try to confirm the message of the
prophet, but this was not permissible for Israel.
18:14-22. prophecy in the ancient Near East.
Texts from Mesopotamia, Syria and Anatolia
contain a large number of prophetic utterances,
demonstrating the existence of prophets
throughout much of ancient Near Eastern history.
While some of these texts may actually
fall into the realm of wisdom literature or
omen reports, many involve individuals who
claim to have received a message from a god.
Most famous among these texts are about fifty
texts from *Mari (eighteenth century B.C.) that
contain reports from both male and female
prophets: warnings about plots against the
king, admonitions from a god to build a temple
or to provide a *funerary offering, and assurances
of military victory. These prophets
present divine messages received in dreams
or through omens. Others are said to fall into
a trance state and speak as ecstatic prophets.
This type of prophecy is also found in the
eleventh-century B.C. Egyptian tale of *Wenamon
and in 1 Samuel 10:5-11 and 2 Kings 3:15.
19:1-21
Capital Punishment Cases
19:1. Late Bronze Canaanite cities. Most of
what is known about *Late Bronze Canaanite
cities comes from archaeological excavations
and surveys and the inscriptions of the Egyptian
Pharaohs who ruled that region. Evidence
suggests that the major cities of this period
(Jerusalem, Shechem, Megiddo) were walled,
but settlements were spaced fairly far apart.
The central hill country was sparsely inhabited
prior to 1200 B.C. The population was
mixed, containing peoples who had come
from the *Hittite kingdom, Syria, Mesopotamia
and the desert areas of Arabia. The Egyptians
apparently had some difficulty governing
the area and were required on numerous
occasions to send military expeditions to quell
revolts and end brigandage (reported in the
fourteenth-century B.C. *Amarna letters as
well as in the victory inscriptions of Amenophis
II [c. 1450-1425 B.C.] and of Merenptah [c.
1208 B.C.]).
19:2-3. refuge cities in ancient Near East. See
the comment on Numbers 35:6-34 for a discussion
of the cities of refuge in Israel. The concept
of asylum and refuge is quite old.
*Babylonian and *Hittite texts both speak of
sacred space where all are to be protected. The
inhabitants of the great temple cities of Nippur,
Sippar and Babylon were granted special
status because of the protection afforded by
patron deities of these places. The principle
was that only the god could withdraw protection
from persons here, and thus no one could
shed their blood without an omen or sign
from the god (Herodotus has an example from
the classical period). Egyptian tradition regarding
asylum appears to apply only to the
temple precinct rather than to the entire city.
This would parallel the biblical examples in
which a fugitive takes refuge at the altar (1
Kings 1:50-53; 2:28-34).
Deuteronomy 18:20—19:6 19:6. avenger of blood and the justice system.
See the comment on Numbers 35:9-34 for a
discussion of the responsibility of the family
to avenge a death. It is possible that the title
“avenger of blood” evolved out of the family
obligation to engage in blood revenge when
one of their clan members was slain. Such a
process, while typical of tribal society, is extremely
disruptive to the maintenance of order
within an organized state. As a result, the
“avenger of blood” (a term which appears
only in the context of the cities of refuge) may
have been appointed by the government to
serve the needs of both the family and the
state by apprehending the accused and then
DEUTERONOMY 19:11—20:15 192
carrying out the sentence if the verdict was
murder.
19:11-13. capital punishment. In the Bible
capital punishment is the sentence imposed
for apostasy Lev 20:2, blasphemy (Lev
24:14), sorcery Lev 20:27, violation of the
sabbath Num 15:35-36, stealing from the
*herem Josh 7:25, gross disobedience to parents
Deut 21:21, adultery Deut 22:21, incest
Lev 20:14 and deliberate homicide (Num
35:9). While stoning is the most common form
of capital punishment, some offenses require
burning or stabbing with a sword. In every
case the purpose is to eliminate contaminating
elements from society and thereby purge the
evil that threatened to draw the people away
from the *covenant.
19:14. moving boundary stones. Since the
land had been given to the people by God and
apportioned according to a God-given formula,
to move boundary stones and thus appropriate
territory unlawfully was a crime of
theft against God. The antiquity of laws concerning
property rights is affirmed by inscriptions
on sixteenth-century B.C. Kassite kudurru
boundary stones, admonitions in eleventhcentury
B.C. Egyptian wisdom literature
against relocating a surveyor’s stone (Teachings
of Amenemope) and in the curse in Hosea
5:10. Each example calls on the gods to protect
the owner’s rights against encroachment.
19:15-20. the role of witnesses in the ancient
judicial system. Witnesses were an essential
part of the judicial system in the ancient
world. One sign of this is that Israelite law required
two witnesses to convict a person of a
crime Num 35:30; Deut 17:6; 1 Kings 21:13.
Both *Hammurabi’s code and the *Middle Assyrian
laws rely heavily on the presence of
witnesses to certify business transactions and
to testify in civil and criminal cases.
19:21. lex talionis. The legal principle of “an
eye for an eye” or lex talionis (“law of retaliation”)
is found in both the biblical law codes
and the codes of Mesopotamia. Biblical examples
Ex 21:24; Lev 24:20 express the desire to
eliminate a corrupting or unclean element in
society. The admonition is to have “no mercy”
on the culprit. Mesopotamian law contains
both the idealized version of lex talionis and an
amelioration to set limits of compensation.
For instance, the law collection of *Eshnunna
sets a fine of one mina of silver for the loss of
an eye. In the personal liability laws found in
*Hammurabi’s code, reciprocity for injury
may be an exactly equivalent injury, a fine or
mutilation, depending on the social status of
the injured party and the accused. Even in the
cases where exact reciprocity is required by
Mesopotamian law, it is quite possible that a
monetary equivalent was taken in compensation
(if not explicitly included in the law),
rather than an eye or a tooth being actually removed.
20:1-20
Rules for Warfare
20:2. priest addressing the army. Since warfare
was considered a religious enterprise, it
was expected that priests and other religious
functionaries would accompany the army.
*Assyrian texts and reliefs depict the roles
performed by priests accompanying the
troops. They carried or attended the images
and emblems of the gods (see Josh 6:4-5; 1Sam
4:4), performed religious *rituals and sacrifices,
and undoubtedly addressed the army in
the name of the gods. This latter task may
have involved interpreting of omens, assuring
the aid of the gods and exhorting the troops to
fight for the god’s chosen king (as in the annals
of Tukulti-Ninurta I [1244-1208 B.C.] and
Ashurnasirpal II [883-859 B.C.]).
Deuteronomy 19:11—20:15 20:5-9. exemptions from military duty. While
every able-bodied free man was expected to
serve in the military, in practice exemptions
were allowed for special categories, such as
priests (in the *Mari texts), newlyweds (Deut
24:5) and those who have religious duties to
perform (see Lev 19:23-25. Conscription of
troops was necessary to fulfill feudal obligations
to kings and took various forms, including
census taking and coercion (at Mari). The
biblical injunction to allow the “frightened” to
leave the army may have had its basis in
maintaining discipline in the ranks, but it is
also an assurance that those who fight are certain
of Yahweh’s aid in battle (see Judg 7:1-3.
The law codes are at times contradictory on
the matter of hiring substitutes for service in
the military. The *Hittite code allows this
practice, but it is outlawed in the Code of
*Hammurabi. This latter case is based on a direct
order to join the king’s campaign. It is
possible that arrangements could be made for
members of the nobility that would preempt
any awkward legal problems. In the Canaanite
*Keret Epic the king raises an army in a
cause so important that normal exemptions
(newlywed among them) are abandoned.
20:10-15. normal warfare practices. In the ancient
world, the standard procedure was not
to pay soldiers a wage. Instead they were given
a portion of the loot taken in the capture of
villages and towns. Because warfare was also
seen as a divine mission, ordered by the
god(s) and facilitated by divine intervention,
193 DEUTERONOMY 20:16—21:17
all plunder taken in battle was technically the
sacred property of the god(s). As a result strict
procedures had to be followed in its division
in order to prevent a violation of sacred taboos.
For instance, in the *Mari texts officers
took an oath not to “eat the asakkum” (i.e., infringe
on the rights) of their peers or of lesser
ranks. Violators were punished with heavy
fines. Following this pattern, Mesopotamian
as well as Israelite armies commonly took
women and children as spoils, along with animals
and moveable property, while the men
were killed (see Gen 34:25-29; *Assyrian Annals
of Sennacherib). In this way the efforts of
the victorious were rewarded, and the psychological
effect of the sight of devastated cities
served the purpose of enhancing the
reputation of the conquering nation and its
god(s).
20:16-18. holy war procedures. In unusual circumstances,
an army chose to forego taking
prisoners or spoils and dedicated it entirely to
the god who had given them the victory. This
practice is known as *herem in Hebrew and is
used very sparingly as a method of warfare.
Only in a few instances is the total destruction
of a city called for: Jericho in Joshua 6:17-24,
Hazor in Joshua 11:10-11, Zephath in Judges
1:17 and the Amalekites in 1 Samuel 15:3.
There are several instances where some variation
on utter destruction is allowed, as in Deuteronomy
2:34-35 and 3:6-7 (people killed,
livestock taken as spoil). Outside the Bible,
this perspective on war is attested as early as
the ninth century B.C. in the war against the
tribe of Gad by the Moabite king Mesha. A
similar concept may be reflected in the annals
of several of the *Assyrian kings, who used total
destruction as a psychological ploy to
make revolting nations submissive.
20:20. siege works. To capture a walled city, it
was necessary to employ a variety of siege
works, including ramps 2 Sam 20:15; 2 Kings
19:32), towers Is 23:13; Ezek 21:22 or perimeter
walls to prevent escape Ezek 26:8; Mic
5:1). Battering rams Ezek 26:9 as well as supports
for tunnels undermining the walls also
required the use of timbers. This explains the
dispensation allowed in Deuteronomy for the
cutting of trees during a siege. The *Assyrian
reliefs of Ashurnasirpal II (883-859 B.C.) at
Nimrud portray many of these siege engines
and simultaneous methods of warfare.
21:1-9
Unsolved Murder
21:1-9. innocent blood procedures and concepts.
See the comments on Numbers 19 dealing
with the significance of the purification
*ritual and the use of the red heifer. These
comments also deal with the importance of
expiation for the shedding of “innocent
blood.” In *Hittite law if a body was found
out in the open country, the person’s heir was
entitled to some property from the town nearest
the place where the body was found, up to
three leagues’ distance. This legislation is
more concerned with the rights of the heir
than with the issue of innocent bloodshed.
21:10-14
Rights of Captive Women
21:10-14. treatment of captive women. Part of
warfare is the disposition of prisoners. Some
female captives could expect to serve as slaves
2 Kings 5:2-3, but many would also be taken
as wives by the soldiers. The Deuteronomic
law deals with the transformation process as
these women were adopted into Israelite society.
This included the shaving of the head, a
change of clothing and a period of mourning
marking the death of the woman’s old life and
the beginning of a new one (compare Joseph’s
transformation in Gen 41:41-45. The *Mari
texts also provide clothing and a job to captive
women. The rights extended to the former
captive after she has married are similar to
those of Israelite women and are designed to
demonstrate that there is no reduction of her
status if a divorce occurs. Similar concerns are
reflected in the *Middle Assyrian laws, which
require former captives who are now married
to dress like all Assyrian women of that class.
Deuteronomy 20:16—21:17
21:15-21
Treatment of Sons
21:15-17. right of the firstborn. Inheritance
rights are based on the law of primogeniture.
This stipulates that the firstborn son is to receive
a double share of his father’s property.
That this was the normal situation in the ancient
Near East can be seen in Middle Assyrian
texts, *Larsa, *Mari and *Nuzi documents,
just to name a few. The intent of such laws is
to insure orderly transmission of property
from one generation to the next. *Hammurabi’s
law gives the father the right to favor
whichever son he chooses. In the Nuzi texts
the father had the option of altering the firstborn
rights. In the ancient Near East the closest
legislation to that found here is the
stipulation in Hammurabi’s law that says the
children of the slave wife, if acknowledged as
children during the father’s lifetime, have an
equal share in the inheritance with the full
DEUTERONOMY 21:18—22:11 194
wife’s children.
21:18-21. execution of a rebellious son. When
a breakdown of family coherence occurred
and a son refused to give his parents the obedience
and support they were entitled to, it
became a threat to the community as a whole.
The language used here makes it clear that a
repudiation of the *covenant is involved. The
references to gluttony and drunkenness are
considered indications that the son is beyond
reform. Due process includes parental witness
of the offense, and then a communal form of
execution is prescribed (see comment on Deut
13:10). This offense is as grave a threat to the
covenant as worshiping other gods. Mesopotamian
law also defends the rights of parents,
but only extending to disinheritance or mutilation.
See the comment on Exodus 21:17. The
legislation limits the authority of the parents
in that they have to bring such a matter before
the elders rather than having the freedom to
act independently.
21:22-23
Treatment of Executed Criminals
21:22-23. exposure of executed criminals.
Since the Deuteronomic laws are seldom concerned
with matters of ritual *purity and polluting
elements (see Lev 13—17 and comments
on Lev 20:10-16; 22:3-9), it may be that
the sense of “desecrating” the land is based on
either the sight or the smell of an exposed and
decaying body. The corpse was considered a
defiling object Lev 22:8; Num 5:2 and thus a
danger to the living. Very few narratives describe
the practice of exposing a body (Josh
8:29; 10:26-7; 2 Sam 4:12; 21:8-13). It is unlikely
that hanging was the form of execution used
here. Rather, a tree or pole was used to impale
the bodies for public display. *Assyrian reliefs
from the palace of Sennacherib in *Nineveh
(704-681 B.C.) depict soldiers erecting stakes
holding the impaled bodies of men of Lachish.
It is possible that the horror of this form of
shameful display is the basis for the Israelite
law requiring the body to be removed and
buried at sunset rather than leaving it to be
devoured by birds and other animals (Gen
40:19; 2 Sam 21:10.
Deuteronomy 21:18—22:11
22:1-12
Miscellaneous Laws
22:1-3. lost property. Just as in Exodus 23:4, it
is expected that an Israelite will either return
lost property (animals, clothing, etc.) or keep
it safe until the owner reclaims it. Taking the
two laws together, this maxim applies to fellow
Israelites as well as enemies. The laws of
*Eshnunna and *Hammurabi also deal with
lost property, but they broaden the legislation
to include both the responsibilities of the finder
and the legal rights of the owner when
property is resold.
22:5. transvestism in the ancient Near East.
Just as clothing served as a status marker in
the ancient world, it also distinguished gender.
In classical contexts, cross-dressing occurred
in the theater, where women were not
allowed to perform, and was also an aspect of
homosexual practice. Most instances in which
cross-dressing or transvestism are mentioned
in ancient Near Eastern texts are *cultic or legal
in nature. For instance, when the *Ugaritic
hero *Aqhat is murdered, his sister Paghat
puts on a male garment under her female
robes in order to assume the role of blood
avenger in the absence of a male relative. An
*Assyrian wisdom text contains a dialogue between
husband and wife who propose to exchange
their clothing and thus assume each
other’s gender roles. This may be a *fertility
rite or perhaps a part of a religious drama
honoring a goddess. It may be this association
with other religions that made transvestism
an “abomination” in Deuteronomy, but the issue
may also be the blurring of gender distinctions.
*Hittite texts use gender-related objects
as well as clothing in a number of magical
rites used to influence one’s sexual status or
diminish or alter the gender status of an adversary.
The objects of the female were mirror
and distaff; those of the male, various weapons.
22:6-7. treatment of bird’s nest. Aside from
the apparent humanitarian concern for the
welfare of the creatures involved here, conservation
of nature is found in leaving the mature
bird to breed again. One might compare
this with the prohibition against cutting down
fruit trees in Deuteronomy 20:19-20. In both
instances, future sources of food are preserved
while an alternative is suggested for immediate
needs.
22:8. parapet on house. Since roofs were considered
living space (see 2 Sam 11:2; 2 Kings
4:10), a parapet would have been an appropriate
safety measure. This law deals with the liability
of a homeowner for injury to a visitor in
the case of negligent building practices.
*Hammurabi’s code (laws 229-33) cautions
builders against doing a substandard or unsafe
job that could lead to injury or death.
Penalties ranged from fines to capital punishment.
22:9-11. mixing. Some mixtures were considered
to be reserved for sacred use. The mix-
195 DEUTERONOMY 22:12-25
ture of wool and linen was used in the
tabernacle and in the high priest’s outer garments,
and was reserved for those uses. This
interpretation is offered in the Dead Sea
Scrolls (4QMMT). Sowing of two types of seed
is also prohibited in the *Hittite laws with a
death threat to violators. While it is not entirely
clear why these mixtures are prohibited, it
is possible that their origin is based on either
religious or cultural taboos. The fact that the
crop is “defiled” or forfeited to the priesthood
suggests religious implications and perhaps a
reaction to a Canaanite *fertility *ritual or
practice. In Leviticus 19:19 the prohibition is
against mating two kinds of animals, while
here it concerns plowing with them together.
Experiments with hybridization and crossbreeding
are attested as early as the third millennium
B.C.
22:12. tassels. All adult male Israelites were
commanded to sew blue cords into the four
quarters of the hem of their robes as a perpetual
reminder of God’s commandments (Num
15:37-41). Decorative hems are common in ancient
Near Eastern fashion as many reliefs,
paintings and texts attest. Hem design was often
an indication of a person’s status or office.
The tassels are symbolic and are designed to
promote right action, not to serve as an *amulet
to ward off danger or temptation.
Deuteronomy 22:12-25
22:13-30
Laws Concerning Marriage
22:13-21. proof of virginity. Virginity prior to
marriage was prized as a means of insuring
that one’s children and heirs were actually
one’s own. The integrity of the woman’s
household was based on her being able to
show proof of her virginity. The physical evidence
demanded in this case could be either
the sheets from the initial consummation
(bloodied by the breaking of the hymen) or
possibly rags used during the woman’s last
menstrual period, showing that she was not
pregnant prior to the marriage.
22:19. one hundred shekels of silver. The fine
imposed here for false accusation amounts to
about two and one-half pounds of silver.
*Hammurabi’s laws include cases of false accusation
of sexual misconduct, but these do
not concern the wedding context, and monetary
fines are not set. Based on the bride price
paid in Deuteronomy 22:29 of fifty shekels,
this penalty amounts to twice the bride price
and thus would be a real deterrent to such accusations.
It would be the equivalent of about
ten years of normal wages.
22:22. adultery. Having sexual relations with
another man’s wife was punishable by death
in both the biblical and ancient Near Eastern
codes. The Egyptian Tale of Two Brothers calls it
a “great crime” that no honest man or woman
would consider. This was an attack on a man’s
household, stealing his rights to procreate and
endangering the orderly transmission of his
estate to his heirs (see comment on Ex 20:14.
The act itself defiles both participants (Lev
18:20; Num 13:5. Since it is not only an attack
on the sanctity of the household but also a
source of general contamination, adultery
serves as a reason for God to expel the people
from the land Lev 18:24-25.
22:23-24. “in town” criterion. The rape of a
virgin within a town brings an automatic
death penalty because the woman had the opportunity
to cry out and could expect to receive
assistance. This is based on implied
consent on her part. Mesopotamian codes also
include locale as part of the rape law. However,
in the *Sumerian laws, the focus is more on
whether her parents were aware that she was
out of the household and whether the rapist
knew whether she was slave or free (laws of
*Ur-Nammu and *Eshnunna impose fines for
raping a virgin slave woman). *Hammurabi’s
law most closely resembles the Deuteronomic
law. In this case the rapist is to be executed if
he attacks a woman in the street and witnesses
testify that she defended herself. *Middle
Assyrian laws allow the parents of the victim
to take the rapist’s wife and have her raped.
There is also provision for the rapist to marry
the victim, if the family chooses, for a premium
bride price.
22:23, 25. “pledged” status. A marriage contract
was a sacred compact, comparable to the
*covenant agreement made with Yahweh (see
Ezek 16:8. The “pledge” agreement (1) set a
bride price as well as the amount of the dowry,
(2) guaranteed that the bride would be a
virgin at the time of marriage and (3) required
complete fidelity of the parties. Marriage was
such an important economic and social factor
in the ancient Near East that it was the basis of
a huge amount of legislation. For instance, the
laws of *Eshnunna and *Hammurabi explain
the importance of having an official marriage
contract. Hammurabi’s laws also provide
guidance on payment of the bride price and
instances when one party or the other wishes
to break the contract (see 2 Sam 3:14. Once an
agreement is in place, it is expected that other
persons will respect the betrothed status of the
woman as technically already married (see
Gen 20:3. Thus the laws of adultery are in full
force even before the actual ceremony and
consummation of the marriage.
DEUTERONOMY 22:25—23:16 196
22:25-27. “in the country” criterion. In this
case, Israelite law adds another criterion by
specifying the guiltlessness of the woman
who is raped in the countryside, where her
screams were unlikely to attract assistance.
The assumption of her innocence is based on
implied resistance to the rape in this circumstance.
It is likely that the law applied to married
as well as to betrothed women, even
though only the latter are mentioned. A similar
statement appears in *Hittite law, which
condemns the man only if he seizes a woman
“in the mountains” and condemns the woman
only if the crime occurs “in (her) house” (see
the adulterous woman in Prov 5:3-14.
22:29. fifty shekels. The bride price probably
varied depending on the status and wealth of
the bride-to-be’s family. Fifty shekels of silver
may have been a standard amount (equivalent
to the value of the bride’s virginity, according to
*Middle Assyrian laws), but there were probably
other items exchanged as well (compare Ex
22:16-17). To provide one measure of these
transactions, in the *Ugaritic religious texts the
moon god Yarih offers one thousand shekels of
silver as a bride price for the moon goddess Nikkal.
These amounts should be measured
against the fact that the standard annual wage
in the ancient world was ten shekels.
22:29. divorce in ancient Near East. The most
straightforward statement on divorce in the
ancient Near Eastern law codes is Middle Assyrian
law 37, which simply says that it is a
man’s right to divorce his wife and that he
may choose whether or not to provide her
with a settlement. Other legal clauses, however,
at least provide grounds for divorce: wife
neglects household duties to go into business
(Hammurabi); wife’s desertion of her husband
(*Middle Assyrian laws); failure to produce
children (Hammurabi). General indications
are that men in both Egypt and Mesopotamia
could divorce their wives on almost
any grounds. There are also a number of
sources that prescribe a fixed settlement: one
mina of silver to a primary wife and one-half
mina of silver to a former widow (Ur-Nammu);
one mina of silver if no bride price was
paid (Hammurabi). It should be noted that
women did have some rights in divorce proceedings:
to keep the bride price (*Middle Assyrian
laws); to have dowry returned
(Hammurabi); to receive a share of the inheritance
as a dowry (Hammurabi). There is also
one case in which a woman was able to leave
an unsatisfactory marriage, taking her dowry
with her (Hammurabi). However, this was
based on an examination of her character,
which could lead to her execution if she was
found to be at fault (Hammurabi).
22:30. incest. Incest was equally abhorrent in
most other societies (e.g., the prohibitions in
*Hittite laws). The most well-known exception
is Egypt, where it was a common practice in
the royal family (but little attested elsewhere)
as a means to strengthen or consolidate royal
authority. This concept is also seen among
*Elamite kings. *Hammurabi’s laws call for the
execution of a son who has intercourse with his
mother after the death of his father.
23:1-14
Defiling the Assembly and the Camp
23:1-8. exclusions from the assembly. “Assembly
of the LORD,” like the more common
“assembly of Israel,” is a technical term for all
those adult males who are enfranchised to
make decisions, participate in *cultic activities
and serve in the military of Israel Mic 2:5.
Because they were a chosen people, who were
required to maintain their *ritual purity as
part of the *covenant Ex 19:6, the unclean
and the stranger were excluded from the activities
of the assembly. The examples listed
include persons who were sexually impaired
(probably eunuchs) and thus incapable of procreation,
men of illegitimate birth (including
incest and intermarriage) and certain national
groups who were excluded from ever being
adopted into the assembly.
23:4. Balaam’s home. The exact location of Balaam’s
home is unknown. Numbers 22:5, 23:7
and Deuteronomy 23:4 seem to indicate the
area of the upper Euphrates, perhaps the site
of Pitru, twelve miles south of Carchemish,
mentioned in the monolith inscription of the
*Assyrian king Shalmaneser III (858-824 B.C.).
However, the journey of Balaam described in
Numbers 22:21-35 suggests a shorter distance,
possibly a journey from Ammon.
23:9-14. sanitation in the camp. Since the
army is engaged in a holy war, they must
maintain themselves in a state of ritual purity
consistent with God’s holiness. Thus matters
of personal hygiene are elevated to reinforce
the need to keep both person (see Lev 15:16-
17) and place clean. Obviously, there would be
health value in digging latrines outside the
camp, but such mundane activities here are
keyed to preventing the ritual *impurity that
would cause God to abandon them (see Deut
8:11-20).
Deuteronomy 22:25—23:16
23:15-25
Miscellaneous Laws
23:15-16. slavery. Although debt slavery oc-
197 DEUTERONOMY 23:17—24:4
curred in ancient Israel, it had a term limit of
six years and then the slave was freed. Perpetual
slavery did exist as well, but that involved
foreign captives and Israelites who had made
the decision to accept that condition Ex 21:2-
11; Deut 15:12-18. It is most likely this latter
class of persons that is mentioned in this law,
since debt slaves could expect to be released
eventually. Israel’s fugitive slave law is unusual
in the context of ancient Near Eastern law.
However it is tied to Israel’s former condition
as slaves in Egypt and thus is based on a national
hatred of the institution (see Ex 22:21.
The Code of *Hammurabi makes hiding a runaway
slave a capital crime and sets a bounty of
two shekels of silver for the return of a slave.
Similarly, the international treaty between Pharaoh
Rameses II and the *Hittite king Hattusilis
III (c. 1280 B.C.) includes an extradition clause
requiring the return of fugitive slaves.
23:17-18. cultic *prostitution. One can distinguish
between several different categories. In
“sacred” prostitution, the proceeds go to the
temple. In “cultic” prostitution, the intent is to
insure *fertility through sexual *ritual. We
must also differentiate between occasional sacred/
cultic prostitution (as in Gen 38 and
professional sacred/cultic prostitution (as in
2 Kings 23:7. The evidence for cultic prostitution
in ancient Israel or elsewhere in the ancient
Near East is not conclusive. Canaanite
texts list prostitutes among the temple personnel,
and *Akkadian literature attests those
who were dedicated for life to serve the temple
in this way. Although the Hebrew word
used here is related to an Akkadian word for
prostitute, this does not prove that any religious
ritual or cultic practice is involved. It is
quite possible for prostitutes to be employed
by temples as a means of raising funds without
their having any official status as priestesses.
Furthermore, since women often did
not have personal assets, sometimes the only
way of earning money by which to pay a vow
appeared to be prostitution. The injunction
against bringing the wages of a prostitute to
the temple may, however, be a reaction
against practices like that of the *Ishtar temple
servants in the Neo-Babylonian period, who
hired out female members of their community
as prostitutes. Their wages would have been
placed in the temple treasury. All of this demonstrates
the existence of sacred prostitution,
both occasional and professional, in Israel and
the ancient Near East. But the existence of cultic
prostitution on either level is more difficult
to prove. Cultic prostitution is not easily confirmed
in Mesopotamia, unless one includes
the annual sacred marriage ritual. But it is
hard to imagine that prostitutes serving at the
temple of Ishtar (who personified sexual
force) were not viewed as playing a sacred
role in the fertility cult. The translation “male
prostitute” in Deuteronomy 23:18 is based on
the use of the Hebrew word that usually
means “dog.” In the fourth-century B.C. Kition
inscription, this term is used to describe a
group that receives temple rations. It is possible,
but not certain, that this refers to a temple
official or priest. Recent study has shown that,
at least by the Persian period (sixth-fifth century),
dogs had some significant role in Phoenician
*cultic practice. Kalbu (dog) has a more
positive meaning of “faithful one,” as can be
seen in its use in personal names (like the biblical
Caleb). (See Ex 34:16.)
23:19-20. charging interest. See the comment
on Exodus 22:25. In Deuteronomy, though not
in Exodus, it is explicitly stated that interest
may be charged on loans to non-Israelites.
23:21-23. vows. In the Decalogue is the commandment
that no one should “misuse the
name of the Lord” Ex 20:7. When a vow using
God’s name is spoken, it brings God into
contract with that person. Thus any failure to
carry out the stipulations of the vow breaks
the contract and subjects that person to divine
wrath (see Judg 11:35-36. The instruction
about vows contained in Deuteronomy is a
wisdom statement similar in form to Ecclesiastes
5:4-7. It is designed as a caution against
unwise speech and has many parallels in ancient
Near Eastern wisdom literature. For instance,
the seventh-century B.C. *Assyrian
Instructions of *Ahiqar notes that “a human
word is a bird; once released it can never be
recaptured.” Similarly, the Egyptian Admonitions
of Amenemope state that “to stop and
think before you speak . . . is a quality pleasing
to the gods” (c. 1100 B.C.). For more information
on vows, see comments on Leviticus
27 and Numbers 30.
23:24-25. hand gleaning. Just as widows may
glean in a ripe field or orchard to sustain
themselves from the harvest provided by
God, it is permissible for a traveler to refresh
himself with a handful of fruit or grain, taken
in passing from a field (see Deut 24:19-21.
However, it is theft if a person purposefully
harvests from a neighbor’s field. The hospitality
rights of travelers are also discussed in the
Egyptian Tale of the Eloquent Peasant (c. 2100
B.C.).
Deuteronomy 23:17—24:4
24:1-22
Protection of Dignity
24:1-4. divorce. The basis for divorce in the
DEUTERONOMY 24:4-18 198
biblical text is the dissatisfaction of the husband
with his wife (as in the *Middle Assyrian
Laws). In that sense there must be clear
grounds for the divorce (as in *Hammurabi
and the *Middle Assyrian Laws). A “bill of divorcement”
is drawn up specifying these particulars
(see Jer 3:8, which, if it follows the
manner of other legal proceedings, would be
reviewed by a body of elders, and testimony
would be given (as in Hammurabi’s laws). For
further information see the comment on Deuteronomy
22:29.
24:4. defilement. The very unusual form of
the Hebrew verb used in verse 4 makes it clear
that the woman in this case is the victim, not
the guilty party. She has been forced to declare
her uncleanness by the uncharitable actions of
the first husband, and the second marriage
demonstrates that another husband has been
capable of accommodating whatever *impurity
she was plagued with. The prohibition is
aimed at preventing the first husband from
marrying the woman again (in which case he
might be able to realize some financial gain),
whereas if the woman were impure the prohibition
would be against her and would preclude
a marriage relationship with anyone.
24:5. newlywed rule. This humanitarian law
could be compared to the recruitment law in
Deuteronomy 20:7. The latter exempts men
who are betrothed from service, while this one
specifically exempts the newly married man.
In both cases the object is to give him time to
father an heir and establish a household.
However, the law in chapter 24 also concerns
itself with the right of the individual to take
pleasure in the joys of life before going to war.
24:6. millstone as necessary for survival. The
millstone was made up of two stones, usually
basalt. The lower millstone was heavy (sometimes
nearly one hundred pounds), a flat or
slightly curved stone upon which the grain
was laid and then ground into flour with the
upper, lighter stone (weighing four or five
pounds), which was shaped to the hand of the
worker. The poor, who could not buy processed
grain from others, had to grind it themselves
each day. If they were forced to give
their millstone in pledge for a day’s labor,
they could be left without the means to feed
themselves.
24:7. slave trade in ancient Near East. While
slaves were bought and sold throughout the
ancient Near East (see Gen 37:28-36, it was
forbidden by law for persons to kidnap free
citizens and sell them as slaves (compare Ex
21:16). Both the Deuteronomic law and *Hammurabi’s
laws condemned the kidnapper to
death. In this way some restraint was placed
on slave traders adding to their stock by simply
taking stray children or unlucky adults.
The vast majority of persons who did end up
on the slave block either were sold to the
slavers by their own families or were prisoners
of war.
24:8-9. leprosy. See the comments on the diagnosis
of skin diseases by the priests in Leviticus
13:1-46. The Deuteronomic injunction
simply reinforces the prerogatives and authority
of the priests to determine whether a person
had the skin condition (probably psoriasis
or other skin disease, since Hansen’s disease
was unknown in the Near East until the Hellenistic
period) and, when it was cured, to perform
a purification *ritual.
24:10-15. regulations concerning a pledge. It
was a common business practice in the ancient
Near East for a person to “make a
pledge” (i.e., offer as collateral) a portion of
his property as a guarantee of paying off a
debt or other financial obligation. For instance,
the Code of *Hammurabi and *Hittite
laws stipulate the pledging of land or planted
fields. Hammurabi and *Middle Assyrian
laws both deal with the legal rights of persons
who have been taken in pledge for a debt.
What is distinctive about the Deuteronomic
law, as compared to the older version in the
*covenant code Ex 22:26-27, is its emphasis
on protecting both the humanitarian rights
and the personal honor of the debtor. Thus the
creditor may not enter the debtor’s house to
take an object in pledge. Instead, the debtor’s
dignity is preserved by maintaining the sanctity
of his personal dwelling and by giving
him the opportunity to choose what will be offered.
In this way the poor are treated on a par
with all other Israelites.
Deuteronomy 24:4-18 24:16. family culpability. This legal concept of
personal responsibility is cited in 2 Kings 14:6
as the basis for sparing the sons of condemned
men. What is unclear is this principle’s relationship
to the concept of *corporate responsibility,
evidenced in Deuteronomy 13:12-17
and 21:1-9. In the latter cases, the entire nation
was expected to maintain their ritual purity
by eliminating contaminating elements. If individual
and corporate responsibility were coexisting
legal ideas, then the instances where
entire families were slain because of the sin of
the father Josh 7:24-26; 2 Sam 21:1-9; 2 Kings
9:26) would be viewed as cases of divine punishment
rather than the actions of the civil legal
system.
24:17-18. justice for the vulnerable. Once
again the legal rights of the “protected classes”
of society (widows, orphans, resident
aliens) are listed (see Ex 22:21-24; Deut 26:12.
199 DEUTERONOMY 24:19—25:8
The basis for protecting and providing for
these persons is God’s compassion during the
exodus event, as well as the *covenant promise
of a fertile land. The theme of legal protection
for the vulnerable is quite common in the
ancient Near East Ex 23:6, especially in wisdom
literature. For example, in the Egyptian
Teachings of Amenemope appears the admonition
not to “steal from the poor, nor cheat the
cripple . . . nor poach on the widow’s field.”
Among the titles that the “Eloquent Peasant”
of Egyptian literature uses for the local governor
is “father of the orphan” and “husband of
the widow,” reminding him of his responsibilities
to uphold the rights of the weak in society.
24:19-22. provision for the needy. Since the
bounty of the harvest is a reflection of God’s
*covenant promise, it is only just that the owners
of fields and orchards share a portion of
their harvest (see comments on Ex 22:22-24
and Deut 23:24-25. Such a provision served
several purposes. It insured that the entire
community participated in the humanitarian
efforts to sustain the poor (see Lev 23:22. The
practice of leaving a portion of a field unharvested
may also be tied into the regular fallowing
of fields Ex 23:10-11, which allowed
the land to rest and regain its fertility. In the
ancient Near East in general it is likely that
what was left in the fields was originally associated
with sacrificial offerings to local *fertility
gods. By designating this produce for the
poor, rather than local deities, the biblical
writer both removes the taint of false worship
and establishes a practical welfare system.
Deuteronomy 24:19—25:8
25:1-19
Individual Rights
25:1-3. punishments meted out by courts. In
complex societies, when a legal dispute arises,
it is necessary to take it to the judicial system.
This system must include judges and a place
for the hearing of testimony. On the village
level this simply means drawing together the
“elders” at the gate or threshing floor (see
Deut 21:18-21; Ruth 4:1-12. In towns and cities,
the judges were officials appointed by the
government, who could hear appeals from
village courts Deut 17:9-10 or try cases within
their own jurisdiction 2 Sam 15:3; Jer 26:10-
19). Their responsibility included hearing testimony,
making a judgment based on the law
and officiating to insure that punishment was
meted out exactly as the law decreed (in the
*Middle Assyrian laws the judges are expected
to observe the punishment).
25:2-3. limitation on number of lashes. Ancient
Near Eastern law (*Middle Assyrian
laws and *Hammurabi) stipulate that both
men and women be flogged for various
crimes. The number of lashes ranges from
twenty to sixty. In Deuteronomy, however,
forty lashes serves as the upper limit. This
limit may be based on either the symbolic value
of forty or the degree of mutilation and
personal humiliation permissible for an Israelite
to bear without being permanently excluded
from social and religious activities.
25:4. role of oxen in grain processing. Oxen
were used to plow fields and to pull threshing
sleds to crush the stocks of grain once they
were harvested. At the threshing floor, the
grain would be laid in such a way that a
heavy sled could be driven over it. The hooves
of the oxen would also aid in the processing of
the grain. The injunction that the ox not be
muzzled follows the humanitarian pattern of
previous laws and allows the animal to eat a
portion of the grain as its wage. Since few
farmers owned their own team of oxen, they
were provided by government officials (observed
in *Mari texts) or hired from wealthier
farmers or even other villages (as in *Lipit-Ishtar
laws and *Hammurabi, which include statutes
regarding the hire and liability for oxen).
25:5-10. levirate marriage. For additional information
on this practice, see the comment
on Genesis 38:6-26. *Hittite law 193 and *Middle
Assyrian law 33 have very similar legislation,
though neither offers an explanation in
terms of providing a family heir or of passing
on property in an orderly fashion. Both of
these concerns are referred to in Deuteronomy.
Thus the law, although it is also designed
to provide the widow with the security attendant
upon marriage and having a son, is primarily
focused on the rights of the deceased
husband. The obligation owed to the deceased
by his brother (defined best as nearest male
kin) can be an economic hardship (see Ruth 4.
Thus the second part of this law allows the
levir to renounce his obligation publicly and
thus, judging by the example in Ruth, presumably
allow the widow to marry whomever
she wishes. Even though the levir must
submit to public humiliation and be labeled
uncooperative, the financial factors involved
might make it justifiable.
25:7-8. elders at town gate. Because of the
constant traffic at the gate as people went to
and from the fields, it became the place of
judgment and business transaction in ancient
Near Eastern towns. Merchants would set up
collapsible booths or simply sit under an umbrella
while their customers came to them (see
Lot in Gen 19:1. When a legal matter came
DEUTERONOMY 25:9—26:8 200
up, a group of the town elders either could be
found sitting in the gate Prov 31:23 or could
be gathered from those passing by Ruth 4:1-
2).
25:9. removing sandal. Sandals were the ordinary
footwear in the ancient Near East, but
they were also a symbolic item of clothing, especially
in the relationship between the widow
and her legal guardian or levir. This is due
to the fact that land was purchased based on
whatever size triangle of land one could walk
off in an hour, a day, a week or a month (1
Kings 21:16-17). Land was surveyed in triangles,
and a benchmark was constructed of
fieldstones to serve as a boundary marker
Deut 19:14. Since they walked on the land in
sandals, the sandals became the movable title
to that land. By removing the sandals of her
guardian Ruth 4:7, a widow removed his authorization
to administer the land of her
household.
25:11-12. law. There is a very close parallel to
this law in the *Middle Assyrian code, in
which the degree of physical punishment on
the woman is dependent on whether one or
both testicles are damaged. It would appear
that punishment in the Deuteronomic law is
based not on the degree of injury inflicted on
the man’s genitals but on the act of immodesty
displayed by the woman. Her hand is severed
because it is the offending appendage
(see the comment on the laws of talion in Deuteronomy
19:21). Although she is attempting
to help her husband, by grasping another
man’s genitals she has committed a sexual act
that disonors her and her husband.
25:13-16. weights and measures standards.
Commerce in a society without coined money
is dependent on standard weights and measures.
Examples of stone and metal weights,
marked with specific symbols designating
weight values, have been found in Egyptian
tombs as well as at several sites in Israel and
Mesopotamia (stylized lion-weights were
found in eighth-century B.C. levels of Nimrud
in *Assyria). The merchant who used a heavier
weight to buy than to sell defrauded his
suppliers and customers (see Prov 11:1; 20:23;
Amos 8:5. Although this was condemned as
an abhorrent practice, it was common enough
in the ancient world. A good example is in the
Egyptian Tale of the Eloquent Peasant, which accuses
government officials and grain distributors
of “shorting” the people.
Deuteronomy 25:9—26:8 25:17-19. Amalekites. See the comment on
Numbers 24:20. The Amalekites wandered
through vast stretches of land in the Negev,
Transjordan and Sinai peninsula. They are unattested
outside the Bible, and no archaeological
remains can be positively linked to them.
However, archaeological surveys of the region
have turned up ample evidence of nomadic
and seminomadic groups like the Amalekites
during this period. Despite several attempts
to eliminate the Amalekites Ex 17:8-13; 1 Sam
15:2-3), they reappear as enemies of Israel on
an alarming number of occasions Judg 6:3;
1 Sam 30:1; 2 Sam 8:12; 1 Chron 4:43. Their refusal
to aid the Israelites as they crossed Sinai
functions, as it does here, as the basis for the
original enmity, but subsequent disputes are
probably based on territorial clashes and raiding
of each others’ villages.
26:1-18
First Fruits
26:1-15. first-fruit offering in ancient Near
East. The religious principle involved in offering
the “first fruits” (animal, vegetable or human)
to the gods is based on the promotion of
fertility. From earliest times the assumption
was made that the gods created life in its various
forms and that they expected to receive as
their due offering the first of the harvest or the
first fruit of the womb. Israelite religion tempered
this by allowing for the redemption of
some animals and all human firstborn males
Ex 13:11-13; Num 18:14-15. The giving of the
first fruits could also take on a political character.
The *Assyrian annals of Sennacherib (705-
681 B.C.) contain his command that conquered
peoples pay their first-fruit offerings of sheep,
wine and dates to the gods of Assyria.
26:5. wandering Aramean. The creedal statement
contained here emphasizes the nomadic
character of Israel’s ancestors. The original
homeland of Abraham and his family is generally
identified as Paddan Aram or Aram Naharaim
(see comment on Gen 11:28. The
mention of Arameans in relation to Abraham
and Jacob is likely a reference to scattered
tribes of peoples in upper Mesopotamia who
had not yet coalesced into the nation of *Aram
that appears in later texts. Based on other examples
from *cuneiform literature, the name
Aram may in fact have originally been that of
a region (cf. Sippar-Amnantum of the *Old
Babylonian period) that was later applied to
people living there. For more on the
Arameans see comment on Genesis 28:5.
26:8. mighty hand and outstretched arm as
Egyptian metaphors. These two attributes of
God also appear together in 4:34; 5:15; 7:19;
11:2; and 26:8, and in the prophetic literature
Jer 32:21; Ezek 20:33. Its origin may be found
in Egyptian royal hymns and official correspondence.
For example, in the fourteenth-
201 DEUTERONOMY 26:9—27:7
century B.C. *Amarna letters, Abdi-Heba, the
governor of Jerusalem, refers to “the strong
arm of the king” as the basis for his government
appointment. Similarly, the Eighteenth-
Dynasty “Hymn to *Osiris” equates Osiris’s
growing to majority with the phrase “when
his arm was strong,” and Haremhab’s “Hymn
to *Thoth” describes the moon god as guiding
the divine bark through the sky with “arms
outstretched.”
26:9. milk and honey. See comment on 6:3.
26:11. sharing with Levites and aliens. Once
again the “protected classes” are listed, and
the command is made to share a portion of the
sacrificial offering with them. In the case of
Levites and aliens, neither group is allowed to
own land, and thus both are economically impaired
(see 1:16; 12:18; 14:29; 16:11). Their receipt
of aid is balanced in the case of the
Levites by their service as priests and in the
case of aliens by their itinerant labor service.
26:12-15. tithing in ancient Near East. See the
comments on tithing in 14:22-29 and Numbers
18:31-32.
26:12. third year, year of the tithe. See comment
on 14:29.
26:12-13. provision for the needy. The four
categories of needy persons are the Levites,
aliens, widows and orphans. Because they
lack either land or the protection of a household,
it becomes the obligation of the nation to
provide food and legal protection to these vulnerable
people (see 1:16). In this case, the form
of support which they are to receive is the
tithe in the third year. However, it may be presumed
that additional provision was made
throughout the year, every year, for them (see
Ruth 2:2-18.
26:14. eating while mourning or unclean.
This threefold litany of ritual purity and obedience,
similar in form to Job’s “oath of clearance”
Job 31, maintains that the offerer has
not contaminated the sacred meal by being in
an impure state. For example, persons who
had come in contact with the dead were considered
unclean Lev 5:2. *Hittite *ritual for
the preparation of the king’s food and meal
offerings for the gods included meticulous attention
to physical cleanliness as well as the
exclusion of ritually impure animals (dogs
and pigs) and ritually unclean persons. The
Deuteronomic statute may also be tied to ritual
meals associated with the ancestor *cult or
with Canaanite or Mesopotamian *fertility rituals
(see women mourning for *Dumuzi/
Tammuz in Ezek 8:14.
26:14. offerings for the dead. See the comments
on Numbers 3 and Deuteronomy 14:1-2
on *rituals associated with the ancestor *cult.
In this case the assurance is given that the sacrificial
meal has not been contaminated by unclean
persons or polluting actions, such as
giving a portion as an offering to the dead.
This might include food provided for the spirit
of a dead person, to strengthen it for its journey
to Sheol (as seen in Tobit 4:17) or to learn
something of the future Deut 18:11. In addition,
an association between eating “sacrifices
offered to the dead” and the worship of the
Canaanite god *Baal is made in Psalm 106:28.
Either purpose would place reliance on powers
other than *Yahweh, and both were therefore
condemned by the biblical writer as
polluting and leading to destruction.
Deuteronomy 26:9—27:7
27:1-8
Setting Up the Altar on Mount Ebal
27:2. monuments on stones coated with plaster.
Ancient writing techniques included ink
on papyrus (Egypt), a stylus on clay tablets
(Mesopotamia), an inscribing tool on stone
and a stick on wax-coated wooden boards.
Engraving in stone could be very time-consuming,
so one variation for longer inscriptions
was to coat the stone surface with plaster
and then write in the soft plaster. Inscriptions
of this type have been found in the Palestine
region at Deir Allah (see comment on Num
22:4-20) and Kuntillet Ajrud (see the comment
on Asherah poles in 7:5).
27:4. Mount Ebal. Gerizim and Ebal are the
mountains that flank the town of Shechem in
the central hill country, Gerizim (elevation
2,849 feet) to the south, Ebal (3,077 feet) to the
north. The altar spoken of here is actually constructed
in Joshua 8. Some archaeologists believe
that the remains of this altar have been
found. It is a structure on one of the peaks of
Mount Ebal about twenty-five by thirty feet
with walls about five feet thick and nine feet
high made of fieldstones. The fill is dirt and
ashes, and what appears to be a ramp leads
up to the top. The structure is surrounded by
a courtyard, and animal bones litter the site.
Pottery on the site goes back to 1200 B.C.
27:5. altar built with fieldstones; no iron tool.
These instructions parallel those found in Exodus
20:25. Iron tools were used for dressing the
stone—shaping it to make a sturdier structure.
Altars of dressed stone have been found in
Judah (the best example is at Beersheba). This
altar was not supposed to be attached to a sanctuary,
and perhaps the use of unhewn stone
helped keep that distinction. There is a fieldstone
altar in the court of the Arad fortress
sanctuary dating from the monarchy period.
27:6-7. purpose of the altar. It appears that
DEUTERONOMY 27:8—28:11 202
this altar was not intended to be a permanent
installation (another reason to use fieldstones),
but was set up for the purpose of the
celebration ceremonies of this occasion. It is
specifically fellowship offerings (see comment
on Lev 3 that are offered here—no purification
or reparation offerings.
27:8. law on monumental stones. *Hammurabi’s
laws were inscribed on a diorite stele
eight feet tall and displayed publicly for all to
see and consult. Royal inscriptions often were
placed in prominent locations. Memorial inscriptions
in our culture are used on tombstones,
cornerstones of buildings and at
various historical sites. The purpose in these
cases is for people to see, take note and remember.
Treaty documents in the Near East,
in contrast, were often stationed in holy places
that were not accessible to the public. Here the
purpose was to put the agreement in writing
before the gods in whose name the agreement
had been sworn.
27:9-26
The Recitation of Covenant Curses
27:12. Mounts Gerizim and Ebal. See comment
on 11:29.
27:15-26. curse recitation. The curses here are
not statements of what will happen to the one
breaking the *covenant but statements calling
down unspecified curses on particular types
of covenant-breaking conduct. This section
constitutes a solemn oath entered into by the
people concerning secret violations. Such
oath-taking ceremonies regularly accompanied
international treaties.
27:15. use of idols. See comment on 4:15-18.
27:16. dishonoring parents. Honoring and respecting
parents consists of respecting their
instruction in the *covenant. This assumes
that a religious heritage is being passed on.
The home is seen as an important and necessary
link for the covenant instruction of each
successive generation. Honor is given to parents
as representatives of God’s authority and
is for the sake of covenant preservation. If parents
are not heeded or their authority is repudiated,
the covenant is in jeopardy. In this
connection, notice that this commandment
comes with covenant promise: living long in
the land. In the ancient Near East it is not the
religious heritage but the fabric of society that
is threatened when there is no respect for parental
authority and filial obligations are neglected.
Violations would include striking
parents, cursing parents, neglecting the care of
elderly parents and failing to provide adequate
burial. (See Ex 20:12.)
27:17. importance of boundary stones. See
comment on 19:14.
27:19. justice for vulnerable classes. A major
aspect of Israelite legal tradition involves
making provision for groups classified as
weak or poor: widows, orphans and the resident
alien (see Ex 22:22; Deut 10:18-19; 24:17-
21). Concern for the needy is evident in Mesopotamian
legal collections as early as the midthird
millennium and generally addresses
protection of rights and guarantee of justice in
the courts.
27:20-23. incest and bestiality. Incest was abhorrent
in most other societies as well (see, for
example, the prohibitions in *Hittite laws).
The exception is Egypt, where it was a common
practice in the royal family (but little attested
elsewhere) as a means to strengthen or
consolidate royal authority. This concept is
also seen among *Elamite kings. Bestiality
was practiced in the context of *ritual or magic
in the ancient Near East. It occurs in the mythology
of *Ugarit (and was probably ritually
imitated by the priests) and is banned in legal
materials (especially the Hittite laws).
27:25. taking bribe to kill innocent. What is
uncertain in this context is whether the curse
concerns a payment made to an assassin (thus
giving a variation on the previous verse) or a
bribe made to a judge or witness in order to
condemn an innocent man of a capital crime
and thus have him executed (cf. 1 Kings 21:8-
14). The temptation for judges and government
officials to accept bribes is found in every
time and place (see Prov 6:35; Mic 7:3.
Taking bribes becomes almost institutionally
accepted in bureaucratic situations as competing
parties attempted to outmaneuver each
other (see Mic 3:11; Ezra 4:4-5. However, at
least on the ideal level, arguments and penalties
are imposed to eliminate or at least lessen
this problem. Thus *Hammurabi’s code (law
5) places harsh penalties on any judge who alters
one of his decisions (presumably because
of a bribe), including stiff fines and permanent
removal from the bench. Exodus 23:8 forbids
the taking of bribes and the perversion of justice
as an offense against God, the weak and
innocent, and the entire community (see Is
5:23; Amos 5:12.
Deuteronomy 27:8—28:11
28:1-14
Covenant Blessings
28:2-11. ancient Near Eastern treaty curses
and blessings. Curses and blessings are standard
elements of the ancient treaties of the
third, second and first millennia B.C., though
they vary in specificity and proportion from
203 DEUTERONOMY 28:22-56
one period to another. Since the treaty documents
were confirmed by oath in the names of
deities, the curses and blessings were usually
those that were to be brought by the deities
rather than by the parties to the treaty. Here
that is of little difference because God is a party
to the *covenant rather than simply the enforcer
of it. Many of the curses found here are
found in similar wording in the *Assyrian
treaties of the seventh century B.C. Similarities
can also be seen in the Atrahasis Epic, where,
prior to sending the flood, the gods send various
plagues on the land. These include the
categories of disease, drought and famine,
sale of family members into slavery, and cannibalism.
Deuteronomy 28:22-56
28:15-68
Covenant Curses
28:22. pathology in the ancient Near East. Affliction
by various diseases is one of the curses
found in *Assyrian treaty texts. Pathology in
the ancient Near East was always considered
in the light of supernatural cause and effect.
Generally either hostile demons or gods angry
at the violation of some taboo were considered
responsible. “Wasting disease” probably
included tuberculosis (rare in ancient Israel)
as well as other diseases characterized by the
same outward symptoms; verse 22 also includes
categories of diseases characterized by
fevers and inflammation; verse 27 describes a
variety of skin diseases; and the symptoms of
verse 28 are common with syphilis (in the ancient
Near East generally the nonvenereal
type). The categories of pathology can therefore
be seen to be symptom related.
28:23. bronze sky, iron ground. An *Assyrian
treaty curse from the seventh century B.C. (Esarhaddon)
is very similar to this, not only using
the analogies of bronze and iron but
elaborating that there is no fertility in iron
ground and no rain or dew comes from
bronze skies.
28:25-29. devoured, infected, insane, plundered.
Esarhaddon’s treaties likewise include
a series very similar to this and in nearly the
same order. These, then, were typical ingredients
of a curse section of a document such as
this.
28:27. boils. Boils again represent a symptom,
not a disease. The symptoms are not given in
enough detail for specific diagnosis (guesses
have included smallpox, chronic eczema, skin
ulcers, syphilis and scurvy), but it is the
symptom more than the disease that is the
curse. This same symptom is the sixth plague
in Egypt Ex 9:8-11 and the affliction that tormented
Job Job 2:7-8, as well as being named
among the skin diseases in Leviticus 13 (vv.
18-23).
28:40. olives dropping off. The oil of the olive
is derived only from the black, ripe fruit. Olive
trees normally lose a large percentage of the
potential fruit due to the blossoms or the green
olives dropping off the tree. The small proportion
left can be further depleted by drought or
disease, causing heavier dropping off. This
curse is not found in *Assyrian texts because
sesame seed oil was used in Mesopotamia.
28:42. locusts. The Aramaic Sefire treaty has a
seven-year locust curse included in its list. Locusts
were all too common in the ancient Near
East and were notorious for the devastation
and havoc they brought. The locusts breed in
the region of the Sudan. Their migration
would strike in February or March and would
follow the prevailing winds either to Egypt or
Palestine. A locust will consume its own
weight each day. Locust swarms have been
known to cover as many as four hundred
square miles, and even one square mile can
teem with over one hundred million insects.
28:48. iron yoke. Yokes, usually made of
wood, consisted of a bar across the nape of the
animals’ necks. The bar had pegs placed
down through it on either side of each animal’s
head. The pegs were then tied together
under the chin. The iron yoke would likely be
one that featured iron pegs, the part most liable
to break.
28:51. grain, new wine, oil as staple products.
Besides being the three most significant staple
products of the region, grain, new wine and
oil represent the main produce of the three
major harvesting seasons (grain in the springsummer,
grapes in the fall and olives in the
winter). The oil referred to here is olive oil. It
was also one of the principal exports of the region,
since olives were not grown in either
Egypt or Mesopotamia.
28:53. cannibalism. Cannibalism is a standard
element of curses in *Assyrian treaties of the
seventh century B.C. It was the last resort in
times of impending starvation. This level of
desperation could occur in times of severe
famine (as illustrated in the Atrahasis Epic) or
could be the result of siege, when the food
supply had become depleted, as mentioned in
this text and anticipated in the treaty texts.
Siege warfare was common in the ancient
world, so this was not as rare an occasion as
might be presumed. An example of this drastic
measure can be seen in the biblical record
in 2 Kings 6:28-29.
28:56. touch the ground with the sole of her
foot. The author is showing that the most gen-
DEUTERONOMY 28:58—31:9 204
teel, refined woman imaginable, one who
would not even dream of walking around
barefoot, would be so desperate that she
would begin cannibalizing her family.
28:58. book. We tend to think of a book as
having pages, a binding and a cover. Books of
that sort did not exist in the ancient world.
The term used here can refer to any document
from inscription to scroll, from papyrus to
clay tablet to stone.
28:68. returning to Egypt in ships. *Assyrian
kings of the seventh century coerced their vassals
into supplying troops for their military
campaigns. One way then for Israelites to return
to Egypt in ships would be in the Assyrian
campaigns launched from the Phoenician
coast in which they were obliged to take part.
This represents continued oppression by foreign
enemies, as the curses have detailed. Another
possibility would include falling victim
to Egypt’s slave trade in Syro-Palestine, where
the slaves were often transported by ship.
29:1-29
Covenant Renewal
29:5. clothes and sandals not wearing out.
See comment on 8:4.
29:6. no bread or wine. The Lord’s provision
for them instead of bread and wine was manna
and water. The inclusion of strong drink
here is unusual—the only individuals restricted
from this were serving priests Lev 10:9
and those under a *Nazirite vow Num 6:3.
29:7. Sihon and Og. These battles are initially
recorded in Numbers 21. Sihon is known only
from the biblical records, and archaeology has
little information to offer regarding his capital
city or his kingdom. There is also no extrabiblical
information from historical sources or archaeology
to shed light on Og. For information
about Heshbon and Bashan, see comments
on Numbers 21:25-28, 33 and Deuteronomy 3:1.
29:19-21 the secret violator. The concept that
one who keeps a violation secret will nevertheless
be vulnerable to the curses is found in
Aramaic (Sefire) and *Hittite treaties, where
the curse includes the destruction of the violator’s
name (family).
29:23. land of salt and sulfur. Salt and Sulfur
(sometimes translated “brimstone”; see Gen
19) are both minerals that are detrimental to
the soil. They are the two most evident in the
Dead Sea region known for its infertility and
associated with the destruction of Sodom and
Gomorrah.
29:24-25. reason identified for punishment.
This same question and similar answer are
found in an *Assyrian text of the seventh century
where the Assyrian king Assurbanipal
describes his reasons for putting down an
Arab revolt that had violated the terms of a
treaty. The Arabs had broken the oaths they
made before the Assyrian gods.
29:29. secret things. In the ancient world there
were areas of knowledge that were believed to
belong only to the gods. In a hymn to Gula,
the craft of a physician is identified as a secret
of the gods.
30:1-20
Response to Curses and Blessings
30:2-5. forgiveness clause. Unlike the treaties
of the ancient Near East, the *covenant as represented
in Deuteronomy has a forgiveness
clause that offers second chances when the
covenant has been violated. Repentance and
recommitment to the terms of the covenant
would result in restoration. Such mercy was
not impossible with ancient treaties, but there
is no example of such a possibility being explicitly
included in the written document.
30:6. circumcise the heart. This is of course
not asking for a physical surgical procedure.
*Circumcision had been adopted as a sign of
commitment to the *covenant and acceptance
of its terms. As such it could be applied to the
heart as a reflection that the outer *ritual had
permeated the inner being.
30:19. heaven and earth as witness. See comment
on 4:26.
Deuteronomy 28:58—31:9
31:1-8
Commissioning of Joshua as Moses’
Successor
31:2. life expectancy in ancient Near East. In
Egypt the ideal length of life was 110 years; in
a wisdom text from *Emar in Syria it was 120.
Examination of mummies has demonstrated
that the average life expectancy in Egypt in
this general period was between 40 and 50,
though texts speak of some reaching 70 and
80. Mesopotamian texts of several different
periods mention individuals who lived into
their seventies and eighties, and the mother of
the *Babylonian king Nabonidus was reported
to have lived 104 years.
31:4. Sihon and Og. For details on these two
kings and the battles against them, see comments
on Numbers 21.
31:9-13
Instructions for the Reading of the
Law
31:9. writing down laws. From the laws of
205 DEUTERONOMY 31:10—32:11
*Ur-Nammu (probably compiled in actuality
by his son Shulgi) around 2000 B.C. through
the laws of *Lipit-Ishtar, *Eshnunna and
*Hammurabi and the *Hittite laws in the first
half of the second millennium, to the *Middle
Assyrian Laws toward the end of the second
millennium, rulers made it a practice to compile
laws and write them down as evidence
that they were fulfilling their duty of maintaining
justice.
31:10. reading the law every seven years. Several
*Hittite treaties contain clauses requiring
periodic public reading of the document—one
stipulates three times a year, while others are
less specific, saying “always and constantly.”
31:10. year of canceling debts. The sabbatical
year featured remission of debts. See comment
on 15:1-6.
31:10. Feast of Tabernacles. The Feast of Tabernacles
is the fall harvest feast that commemorates
the wandering in the wilderness. See
comment on 16:13-17.
Deuteronomy 31:10—32:11
31:14-29
Future Rebellion
31:15. pillar at the entrance of the tent of
meeting. Prior to the construction of the tabernacle
in Exodus, the tent of meeting was outside
the camp and served as a place of
revelation (see the comment on Ex 33:7-10.
However, now that the tabernacle is in operation,
it also is referred to as the tent of meeting.
The Lord again appears in a pillar of
cloud. In the ancient world a bright or flaming
aura surrounding deity is the norm. In Egyptian
literature it is depicted as the winged sun
disk accompanied by storm clouds. *Akkadian
uses the term melammu to describe this visible
representation of the glory of deity, which
in turn is enshrouded in smoke or cloud. It
has been suggested that in Canaanite mythology
the melammu concept is expressed by the
word anan, the same Hebrew word here translated
“cloud,” but the occurrences are too few
and obscure for confidence. See comment on
Exodus 13:21-22.
31:22. covenant song. Songs of all sorts are
known throughout the ancient Near East from
the first half of the third millennium. One *Assyrian
list of songs about a century before
David includes titles of about 360 songs in
dozens of different categories. Songs concerning
the *covenant are also present in the book
of Psalms (e.g., Ps 89.
31:26. contents of the ark. The only objects
placed inside the ark were the tablets with the
law on them (10:2, 5). In Egypt it was common
for important documents that were confirmed
by oath (e.g., international treaties) to be deposited
beneath the feet of the deity. The Book
of the Dead even speaks of a formula written
on a metal brick by the hand of the god being
deposited beneath the feet of the god. There
were a number of objects placed before the ark,
including a jar of manna Ex 16:33-34 and
Aaron’s rod that budded Num 17:10. Here
the book of the law is added to them.
32:1-43
The Covenant Song of Moses
31:30. covenant song. See comment on 31:22.
32:4. rock metaphor. Used in 2 Samuel 22:3 as
a divine epithet, rock could also carry the
meaning “mountain” or “fortress.” It is used
in Israelite names both as a metaphor for God
(Zuriel, Num 3:35, “God is my Rock”) and as a
divine name (Pedahzur, Num 2:20, “Rock is
my redeemer”). It is used of other deities in
*Aramaic and *Amorite personal names, and
its application to other gods is hinted at here
in verses 31 and 37. As a metaphor it speaks of
safety and deliverance.
32:8. Most High (Elyon). In the Old Testament
the term Elyon is usually used as an epithet for
*Yahweh (see comments on Gen 14:17-24.
There is no convincing evidence thus far of
Elyon as the name of a deity in the ancient
Near East, but it is fairly common as an epithet
for various gods, particularly *El and
*Baal, the principal gods in the Canaanite pantheon.
32:8. deity granting nations inheritance. In Israelite
theology *Yahweh had assigned each
nation its inheritance (5:2, 9, 19; Amos 9:7,
though there is also some accommodation to
the concept that each god gave territory to his
people Judg 11:24. It was not uncommon for
kings in the ancient Near East seeking expansion
of territories to claim that deity had assigned
or delivered land to them. In Israel the
territorial assignment was uniquely based on
a *covenantal bond with *Yahweh.
32:10. apple of the eye metaphor. “Apple” is
the English idiom, not the Hebrew one. The
pupil is referred to here as a sensitive, protected
and significant part of the body.
32:11. eagle behavior. Though the eagle cannot
be ruled out, the bird named here is more
usually taken to be the griffin vulture, with a
wingspan of eight to ten feet. While Bible reference
books often report how the eagle carries
its young on its wings when they grow
weary of flying, or catches them on their
wings when they are fluttering in failure, this
behavior has been difficult for naturalists to
confirm through observation. In fact most ea-
DEUTERONOMY 32:13-25 206
gles and vultures do not take their first flight
until three or four months of age, at which
time they are nearly full grown. Furthermore,
observations by naturalists have consistently
confirmed that the first flight is usually taken
while the parents are away from the nest. Alternatively,
if the metaphor here concerns a
vulture, it may be political in nature. In Egypt,
Nekhbet was the vulture goddess who represented
Upper Egypt and served as a protecting
deity for Pharaoh and the land. Israel was
protected in Egypt until Yahweh brought
them to himself. Nekhbet was depicted as
particularly maternal and was believed to assist
at royal and divine births. Significant
building of her temple in el-Kab (capital of
third nome in Upper Egypt) took place in the
Eighteenth Dynasty toward the end of the Israelite
stay in Egypt, so we know that she was
a popular goddess at that time. It is conceivable
that the imagery of this verse was not
drawn from actual observation of the behavior
of vultures but from elements in the depiction
of the vulture goddess, Nekhbet, whose
characteristics are here transferred to *Yahweh
(see v. 12, “no foreign god was with him”).
The first half of the verse would then introduce
the metaphor of the vulture that cares for
and protects its young. The second half of the
verse speaks of the Lord’s care and protection
of his people using the imagery that was familiar
from Egyptian metaphors of care and
protection. Additionally, in Mesopotamia the
Tale of Etana includes an eagle that carries *Etana
and then repeatedly lets him go and
catches him on its wings. (See Ex 19:4.)
32:13. heights of the land metaphor. Cities
were typically built on hills because of their
natural defensibility, and armies chose hills as
strategic points of control. The metaphor of
treading on the heights therefore is one that
speaks of victory and security.
32:13. source of honey and oil. While most
honey spoken of in the Old Testament is the
syrup from the date palm, mention of the rock
here suggests bees’ honey from honeycombs
in the rocks. Olive trees, which were the main
source of oil, were able to grow in rocky soil
because they could thrive with minimal
amounts of water.
32:14. rams of Bashan. The region of Bashan
(see comment on Deut 3:1 was well known
for its choice livestock. The prime grazing
land of the area provided a natural diet that
produced animals of the highest quality.
32:15. Jeshurun. The word Jeshurun is built
from a root related to the one used in the
name Israel, and it is a poetic way to refer to
Israel.
32:17. sacrifice to demons. This word for demon
is used elsewhere in the Old Testament
only in Psalm 106:37, but it is a well-known
type of spirit/demon (shedu) in Mesopotamia,
where it describes a protective guardian mostly
concerned with the individual’s health and
welfare. It is not the name of a deity, but a category
of being (like cherub would be in the
Old Testament). A shedu could destroy one’s
health just as easily as it could protect it, so
sacrifices to keep it placated were advisable.
They are depicted as winged creatures (similar
to the cherub; see comments on Gen 3:24
and Ex 25:18-20, but they do not have idols
(as the gods have idols) by which they are
worshiped (see comment on Deut 4:28 for
how this worked).
32:22. foundations of the mountains. In the
ancient worldview the netherworld, the realm
of the dead, was down beneath the earth
where one found the foundations of the
mountains, especially those mountains that
were believed to support the dome of the
heavens. Though the Israelites clearly use the
language of this conceptual worldview, it is
difficult to distinguish between beliefs and
poetic usage.
Deuteronomy 32:13-25 32:23-25. divine punishment in the ancient
Near East. Famine, disease, wild beasts, war
—these are the tools of the gods when they
desire to punish their human subjects.
Throughout history and literature the apparent
randomness of these “acts of God” led
them to be considered signs of divine displeasure.
Atrahasis and the *Gilgamesh Epic both
contain accounts of the gods trying to reduce
human population through these means prior
to the flood. In contrast to the Old Testament,
where the offenses are identified that would
lead to these judgments, in the ancient Near
East the judgments would indicate only that
some deity was angry about something, leaving
the people to figure out what offense
might have been committed. Examples include
the *Hittite prayer of Mursilis, where he
prays that a plague might be abated, several
*Sumerian and *Akkadian texts of lamentations
over the fall of a major city, and Egyptian
Wisdom Admonitions (Ipuwer). These all
view various national calamities as the punishment
of the gods. Perhaps the most striking
example is the Erra Epic, in which civilization
itself is threatened by the anarchy and havoc
wreaked by the violence of Erra (the *Babylonian
deity Nergal). The text of Deuteronomy
32, however, must also be understood in the
context of its treaty form, where the punishments
are not random, arbitrary or unexplained.
Rather, they are commensurate with
207 DEUTERONOMY 32:33—33:22
the violation of the terms of the agreement.
32:33. poisonous serpents. The allusions in
the second half of verse 24 are generic, speaking
of carnivorous or ferocious beasts on the
one hand and creatures with poisonous bites
or stings on the other. The latter are not limited
to snakes, of which there were a few poisonous
species around, but could also include
scorpions.
32:38. food and drink of the gods. A common
view of sacrifices in the ancient Near East was
that they served as food and drink for the
gods, who needed their sustenance (see comments
on Lev 1:2. This view was rejected in
the ideal Israelite worldview (see Ps 50:7-15,
though many Israelites would have probably
accepted the concept. This text is mocking the
idea that gods who have needs would be adequate
for deliverance.
32:39. no pantheon. Most religions of that day
had a pantheon, a divine assembly that ruled
the realm of the gods, the supernatural and,
ultimately, the human world. There would
typically be a deity who was designated head
of the pantheon, and he, like the other gods,
would have at least one consort (female partner).
The first commandment forbids Israel to
think in these terms. *Yahweh is not the head
of a pantheon, and he does not have a consort—
there are no gods in his presence. This
verse goes further to insist that there is no other
god exercising power or competing for jurisdiction
and authority. Just as blessing and
prosperity is not the result of a benevolent deity’s
managing to hold back demonic forces
and chaos, so punishment is not the surge of
malevolent power to overwhelm the protector.
All happens within Yahweh’s plan—an
impossible concept in the pagan polytheism
of the rest of the world.
Deuteronomy 32:33—33:22
32:44-52
Conclusion and Instructions to
Moses
32:49. Abarim range and Mount Nebo. The
Abarim range extends east of the mouth of the
Jordan River and on around the northern end
of the Dead Sea (see Deut 32:49. It forms the
northwestern rim of the Moabite plateau. The
specific peak in this range from which Moses
will view the Promised Land is Mount Nebo,
2,740 feet in height. Pisgah and Nebo are identified
as the two peaks of Jebel Shayhan, about
five miles northwest of Medeba and about a
mile and a half apart. They stand about ten
miles from the Jordan River.
32:50. Mount Hor. The death site for Aaron
(although 10:6 identifies his death with Moseroth).
The traditional location is near Petra at
Jebal Nabi Harun, but this is not “on the border
of Edom.” Another possibility is Jebal
Madrah, west of Kadesh and near the
Edomite border, but it lacks sufficient water
sources.
32:51. Meribah Kadesh in the Desert of Zin.
Kadesh Barnea is in the wilderness of Zin (see
comment on Num 13:26. This is where the incident
in Numbers 20 occurred when Moses
struck the rock for water. Meribah means
“quarreling,” and it is a name applied to both
instances when water was brought from the
rock.
33:1-29
The Blessing on the Tribes
33:1. patriarchal pronouncements. In the biblical
material the patriarchal pronouncement
generally concerns the destiny of the sons
with regard to fertility of the ground, fertility
of the family and relationships between family
members. Blessings or curses pronounced
by the patriarch of the family were always
taken seriously and considered binding, even
though they were not presented as prophetic
messages from God. They were usually given
when the patriarch was on his deathbed. This
chapter is most reminiscent of Genesis 49,
when Jacob blessed his sons, the forefathers of
the tribes Moses now blesses.
33:2. Seir. Seir is generally considered the
mountainous central region of Edom (elevations
generally over 5,000 feet) between Wadi
al-Ghuwayr on the north and Ras en-Naqb on
the south.
33:2. Mount Paran. Mount Paran is considered
by most a poetic variation for Mount Sinai/
Horeb.
33:5. Jeshurun. See comment on 32:15.
33:8. Thummim and Urim. These were devices
used by the priests to give *oracular messages.
See the comment on Exodus 28:30.
33:17. bull/ox metaphor. The bull and ox are
symbols of fertility and strength. As such, the
latter term is used as a title of *El, the head of
the Canaanite pantheon. Both elements are included
in this blessing on the Joseph tribes,
Manasseh and Ephraim. One *Ugaritic text
describes the gods *Baal and Mot as strong,
goring like wild bulls, and the *Babylonian
king *Hammurabi describes his own military
might in terms of an ox goring the foe.
33:22. Bashan. The region of Bashan is centered
in the area of the upper Yarmuk River,
east of the Sea of Galilee. Its northern border is
Mount Hermon. Dan’s territory was originally
in the south by the Philistine coast, but the
DEUTERONOMY 33:24—34:8 208
Danites moved north to the region of the city
called Dan north of the Sea of Galilee and contiguous
to Bashan.
33:24. bathing feet in oil. Washing feet was a
constant need and an act of hospitality in the
dusty terrain. Only the wealthy and genteel,
however, would regularly make use of (olive)
oil for the washing. Compare John 12:3. This
metaphor speaks of prosperity.
33:25. bolts of the gates. The locking system
on gates and doors usually included a bar
(wood or metal) that slid into openings in the
posts. Brackets that held the bar firmly to the
doors are probably what is referred to by the
“bolts” of this passage. The gate could be
breached by applying a battering ram to the
center where the doors met in order to break
the bar. Brackets would make the bar much
harder to break, but they in turn could break.
Brackets of bronze or iron could make a gate
much harder to break through.
Deuteronomy 33:24—34:8
34:1-12
The Death of Moses
34:1. Nebo and Pisgah. See comment on 32:49.
34:1-3. view from Mount Nebo. At this point
the Mediterranean Sea is about sixty miles
west, but it cannot be seen because the hills on
the west side of the Jordan obscure the view.
On a clear day one can see Mount Hermon,
about a hundred miles to the north, the mountains
to the northwest that flank the Jezreel
Valley (Tabor and Gilboa), the mountains of
the central hill country (Ebal and Gerizim)
and to the southwest as far as Engedi.
34:1-3. the boundaries of the land. Even
though the land has not been distributed yet,
this viewing of the land is described partially
by tribal territories, to be distinguished from
the geographical descriptions given in Deuteronomy
1:7. The description moves from
Moses’ point toward the north and then counterclockwise
through the land.
34:6. Baal Peor. The Wadi Ayun Musa at the
foot of Mount Nebo is generally considered to
be the Valley of Beth Peor, with the site Khirbet
Ayun Musa as probably the town.
34:7. apocryphal literature concerning the
death of Moses. Jude 9 speaks of a dispute
over the body of Moses, and apocryphal and
rabbinic literature speculated about it in a
number of places, particularly in The Assumption
of Moses (of which manuscripts are no
longer known) and The Testament of Moses
(known from one Latin manuscript from the
sixth century A.D.). The former speaks of
Moses ascending directly to heaven, while in
the latter it is implied that he dies a natural
death. Deuteronomy makes it very clear that
he died, and there is nothing remarkable in
the account. The text leaves it somewhat ambiguous
who buried Moses, but it is clear that
the grave site is unmarked and unknown.
34:8. plains of Moab. This is the broad plain
or steppe region immediately north of the
Dead Sea and east of the Jordan River, just opposite
the “plains of Jericho” Josh 4:13. Its location
serves as the jumping-off point for
entrance into Canaan. (See Num 22:1.)
H I S T O R I C A L
L I T E R A T U R E
I n t r o d u c t i o n
THE IVP BIBLE BACKGROUND COMMENTARY: OLD TESTAMENT
We find a wealth of ancient Near Eastern material to illuminate the historical
literature of the Old Testament—far more than for other genres of Old Testament
literature. Among these ancient resources are items we may classify as royal
inscriptions, chronographic texts and historical literary texts. Royal inscriptions
preserve an account of the achievements of kings, particularly their military
exploits and their building projects. Chronographic texts delineate a sequence of
historical events ranging from simple lists of kings to court chronicles or military
annals. Historical literary texts are mostly poetic, epic narratives that recount the
experiences of kings. These texts are occasionally carved in stone (on cliff faces or
on stone reliefs or statues) but are more often inscribed on clay tablets. Some
chroniclers kept records on small rectangular shaped tablets, while others used
large slabs or even barrel, cylinder or brick-shaped clay polygons.
If a record of events is to be preserved for future generations, it must at some
point become part of a text. But writing that record as a text requires the compiler,
whether consciously or subconsciously, to work under a set of guiding principles.
We call this set of guiding principles historiography, and it will vary from culture to
culture, even from historian to historian. How history writers feel about the
appropriate form, content and structure for preserving a record of events contributes
to this historiography, but these are only surface issues. What is important
about the events of the past? Why is the account being compiled? How do events
come to pass? What causes or forces drive history? Are there patterns in history?
Is there design in history? The answers to these questions play a significant role in
determining how history is written. It goes without saying that different individuals,
different cultures, will answer such questions in different ways. Thus any
THE IVP BIBLE BACKGROUND COMMENTARY: OLD TESTAMENT 210
given historical record represents a particular perspective about the events of the
past. The shape of any given historiography is determined by the questions the
compiler seeks to answer. We cannot legitimately speak of “right” perspectives or
“wrong” perspectives concerning history. To do so would assume a commonly
accepted absolute criterion. Perspectives, perceptions and feelings exist or do not
exist. It is rarely a simple matter to label them right or wrong. In this light any historiography
should be referred to as “perspectives on history.” Any historiography
must in some sense be viewed as an editorial column.
When we study historiography, we must discover what purposes authors have
in writing their documents. Otherwise we will not know how to use their work as
we reconstruct the history of a period. It is important not to assume that their
ideas of writing history were the same as current western ideas. When history is
written in Western culture, it is often understood to be history for history’s sake
(even though that is sometimes not the case). One of the values of contemporary
society is the belief that it is essential to record, evaluate and thereby preserve the
events of the past—just for the record. Along with that comes a desire to reconstruct
“what really happened” and to identify cause and effect.
In most ancient historiography “what really happened” appears to be far less
important. A large majority of the documents that supply us with historical information
are generated through the sponsorship of the royal house. These documents
are designed to serve the king, not the objective interests of the historian.
Royal reputation is a far greater value than reliability. Our modern terminology
calls this propaganda. The historiography of the ancient Near East, whether represented
in royal inscriptions or chronicles, king lists or annals, has by all
accounts a propagandistic agenda. As with campaign speeches of our day, truth
can be useful to the royal house, but it is not its prime objective. Propaganda is
greatly enhanced when it has truth in its favor; but if it only has statistics or other
random “facts” it will make do. The perspective on truth that these texts take will
present the king in the best light. The recorder is trying to provide answers to the
question “Why should the king be considered good and successful?” In most
cases it cannot be determined whether concealment or disinformation are part of
the strategy, but negative information is uniformly lacking. When accounts of a
particular battle are available from both sides, it is not odd for each to claim victory.
It was common practice for a king to alter inscriptions by putting his own
name in place of his predecessor’s (even if it was his father). An ancient king
would rarely admit to a defeat, and negative assessments of a reign come rather
from later kings who may be seeking only to legitimate their own rule. Historiography
among ancient cultures was largely a self-serving enterprise.
Historical Literature Israel’s historical literature has features similar to chronographic texts and contains
a few isolated examples that can be compared to royal inscriptions or historical
literary texts. But the purpose of Israel’s literature is theological. It is selective,
as all historical writing must be, and it has an agenda. It is not interested in preserving
events for history’s sake. Its purpose is to document Yahweh’s action in
history and his control of the flow of events. In these documents the nation is
more important than the king, and God is the main focus. Israel’s identity and
function as Yahweh’s covenant people is the backbone of the entire historical cor-
211 HISTORICAL LITERATURE
pus. Thus we could say that whereas the objective of much of ancient historiography
is to offer the desired understanding of the accomplishments of the king, the
objective of Israelite historiography is to offer the desired understanding of the
accomplishments of God.
It is also important to realize that the ancient world had a different view of
deity’s role in history than is common in Western culture. Until the Enlightenment
it was common for a person’s worldview to be thoroughly supernaturalistic. The
role of deity was admitted, and the belief in occurrences that defied natural explanation
was commonplace. With the Enlightenment a significant shift occurred.
The resulting historical-critical method suggested that we should accept as true
only that which can be empirically proven. The new historiography was concerned
only with natural cause and effect in history. This is largely the view
adopted by our contemporary Western culture.
The worldview of society around us thus differs dramatically from the worldview
of the ancient historians. The way in which history is written today would
seem quite foreign to ancient authors. The simple recital of facts and events would
be meaningless to them unless the information was put to some use. While the
ancients would not deny the existence of natural cause and effect in history, they
were much more interested in the divine role in history. A modern historian’s
response to Israelite historiography might be “it has not provided information
that is reliable”; the Israelite historian’s response to modern historiography might
be “it has not provided information that is worthwhile.”
When we study the historiography of a pre-Enlightenment culture, then, it is
important to recognize the worldview that drives that historiography and to
respect the integrity of it. The worldview represented in Israel’s historiography is
one in which the directive activity of God is of primary importance. This view
extends far beyond the recognition of occasional supernatural interventions to see
God’s activity in natural occurrences as well. In fact, it insists that all events are
woven into the plan of God, which is the driving force of history.
Israel’s historiography holds much in common with neighboring ancient cultures.
Historical records in Mesopotamia, while not claiming to be revelation from
deity, nonetheless show great interest in discerning the activities of the gods. The
polytheistic nature of Mesopotamian religion, however, impedes the development
of any concept of a singular divine plan encompassing all of history. At best
the reigning dynasty may identify a divine plan in establishing and sustaining
that dynasty. Some documents look back into the distant past to see a pattern that
led to the present (e.g., the Weidner and the Akitu Chronicles). These typically
concern not what the deity has done but what has been done to the deity. In Mesopotamia
it is assumed that deity plays an active part in the cause and effect process
that makes up history. The gods are capable of intervention and are expected
to intervene. The causation of the gods and the intervention of the gods are
understood to be ad hoc rather than in accordance with any overarching plan or
grand design. As in the Mesopotamian view, Israel counted God as the cause of
every effect and as actively intervening to shape events. Israel’s record of history
was not intended to be a record of events but a record of the ways in which God
had acted in history. There is no secular Israelite historiography.
THE IVP BIBLE BACKGROUND COMMENTARY: OLD TESTAMENT 212
In the supernaturalistic view of the ancient world, events were revelation, the
result of divine activity. Unfortunately, those events required interpretation to discern
why the gods were doing what they did. Such interpretation was not provided
in the polytheistic cultures surrounding Israel. Mesopotamians were left to
their own devices to discern what the gods were up to. In Israel’s view, not only
events but historiography was revelation. That is, God took it upon himself not
only to act but to provide an interpretation of his acts, communicating why they
were done and what purposes they served. In this way Yahweh was both the
cause of the events and the source of the interpretation of the events. In theological
terms we would say that the general revelation of history was supplemented
by the special revelation of historiography.
In summary then, Israel shared with the ancient world the idea that events are
revelation—the evidence that the gods were at work. This approach stands in contrast
to Western historiography. But Israel distinctively believed that its historiography
was also revelation, a novel view in contrast to both modern and other
ancient historiography.
213 JOSHUA 1:1—2:6
J O S H U A
1:1-18
Joshua’s Commission
1:4. territory of the promised land. The “wilderness”
circumscribes the southern and eastern
boundaries of the land. The Lebanon and
the Euphrates are the northern boundaries on
both east and west. The Euphrates in similar
descriptions of the boundaries of the land (see
comment on Deut 1:7 refers to the area where
the river turns north in the region of Emar.
The Great Sea, the Mediterranean, marks the
western boundary. The Hittite country most
likely refers to Syria, where many Hittite
groups settled after the fall of the Hittite empire
about 1200 B.C.
1:8. Book of the Law. We tend to think of a
book as having pages, a binding and a cover.
Books of that sort did not exist in the ancient
world. The term used here can refer to any
document: from inscription to scroll, from papyrus
to clay tablet to stone. The Book of the
Law is the copy of instructions given to Moses
in Deuteronomy and put in front of the ark
(see comment on Deut 31:26.
1:16-18. pledge of loyalty. In international relations
as they are known from the documents
of the ancient Near East, when a new king
came to the throne, vassals of the previous
king were asked to subscribe to loyalty oaths
professing their allegiance to the new king.
This practice is attested between the pharaohs
of Egypt and the city-state kings of Palestine
during this period.
2:1-24
JOSHUA 1:1—2:6 Spies in Jericho
2:1. Shittim. The full name of this site was
Abel Shittim Num 33:49, and it was the
jumping-off point for Joshua’s spies and for
the Israelites’ entrance into Canaan Josh 2:1;
3:1; Mic 6:5. Josephus places it seven miles
from the Jordan River. Its actual location is uncertain,
but it may be Tell el-Hammam on the
Wadi Kefrein.
2:1. Jericho. Jericho is located by an oasis
(er-Riha) about five miles west of the Jordan
River along the Wadi Kelt and six miles north
of the Dead Sea. It guards the strategic passageway
between the Jordan valley and the
central hill country to the west (including
Jerusalem, about fifteen miles west-southwest,
and Bethel, about the same distance
west-northwest), as well as the major ford between
the Jabbok and the Dead Sea. Though it
averages only four to six inches of rain per
year, Jericho is supplied with ample water
from the spring system today called Ain es
Sultan. The tell of the ancient city is Tell es
Sultan. It is 825 feet below sea level, the lowest
city in the world. The oblong-shaped mound
covers an area of about ten acres, with a circumference
of about half a mile. A city of that
size would have housed perhaps as many as
two thousand people, though more would
have lived in surrounding farms and villages.
See comment on 6:1 for archaeological information.
2:2. spies in the ancient Near East. Spies in
the ancient Near East regularly collected information
about enemy movements and troop
sizes. It would not be unusual for spies to infiltrate
the enemy forces by posing as deserters
or refugees. In reconnoitering a city they
would be interested in defenses, food and water
supply, number of fighting men and general
preparedness for attack or siege. Most
important was to find out what they could
about the source of the water supply. If that
could be cut off or compromised, a siege
would have a much better chance of success.
2:3. city-state kings. Canaan at this time was
not a unified political entity. Instead it was
made up of many small “kingdoms”—citystates,
usually including a major fortified city
plus the small villages and farms in the region.
Each such city-state would have its own
king and its own army. The Amarna letters
from the fourteenth century are the correspondence
between many such Canaanite citystates
and the Egyptian pharaoh of whom
they were vassals.
2:5. closing city gate at dusk. Closing the city
gate at dusk was not an unusual practice for
walled towns, but it was much more rigorously
observed when an enemy was at hand. Hittite
records speak of the diligence with which
this was undertaken. The highest ranking officials
in the town personally supervised the
locking and sealing of the gate. Since the gates
were massive structures with chambers between
the several entrances, watchmen and
even officers slept right by the gate.
2:6. house architecture. The typical Israelite
house known mostly from 1200 on is called a
four-room house. It was a rough stone or
baked brick structure about thirty feet square.
JOSHUA 2:6—3:10 214
It had an open courtyard surrounded by
rooms (sometimes two stories) with a flat roof.
Less is known about the earlier Canaanite
houses, though they still featured an open
courtyard with rooms arranged around it.
Outside walls would be made of larger stones
piled up (sometimes only one row thick, other
times several feet thick) with smaller stones
stuck in the cracks. The wall was usually coated
on the outside with mud and on the inside
with plaster. Doors were wooden and turned
on a stone socket beneath the ground. There
were often no windows. The rooms were usually
separated from the courtyard by a row of
wooden or stone pillars, perhaps with curtains
hung as dividers. The roof would be
made of wooden beams laid across the walls,
covered with twigs and straw and coated with
clay. The dirt floors were sometimes coated
with plaster, though stone slabs would be put
down in the kitchen area.
JOSHUA 2:6—3:10 2:6. stalks of flax. Flax is a plant used for making
linen. Young plants are used for high quality
cloth and ripe, tougher plants for sturdy
material such as rope. Although there is reference
to the cultivating of flax in the Gezer calendar,
much of it was imported from Egypt.
The harvested plants need to be laid out to
dry before “retting,” a process involving soaking
in stagnant water to separate the usable fibers.
The stalks must then be laid out to dry
thoroughly before the process can continue.
The smell and the sogginess would have
made hiding here a distinctly unpleasant experience,
perhaps equivalent to burying oneself
in a pile of pig slops.
2:7. fords of the Jordan. Without bridges, the
places where a river could be forded served as
strategic locations. From the southern end of
the Sea of Galilee to the Yarmuk River, the Jordan
is not easily fordable. From the Yarmuk
south to the Wadi Jalud (Herod Stream) are a
number of fording places, especially from the
region of Beth Shan coming out of the Jezreel
Valley across into Gilead. South of this area
the mountains come up closer to the rift valley
until the confluence with the Jabbok, with the
fords at Adam just below it. The terrain then
becomes difficult on either side of the Jordan
until one reaches the fords by Jericho nearly
twenty miles further south.
2:10. Sihon and Og. There is no historical information
on Sihon and Og outside the Bible.
They are the two Amorite kings who were defeated
by the Israelites in Transjordan. For
more information see the comments on Numbers
21:21-35.
2:11. Rahab’s Confession. Rahab expresses
fear of Israel’s God, Yahweh, and acknowledges
him as God in heaven and on earth. In
the context of ancient Near Eastern religious
thought, this places Yahweh in the category of
cosmic deity and recognizes him as a powerful
national patron god. The report the
Canaanites have heard suggests that he can
influence the weather as well as bodies of water,
disease and the animal world. Though her
confession expresses how impressed they all
are with the range of Yahweh’s authority and
power, it is far from an expression of monotheism.
She has neither renounced her gods
nor offered to dispose of them. She has not affirmed
any loyalty to Yahweh but has requested
his help. She shows no knowledge of the
obligations of the law, and we have no reason
to think she is aware of the revolutionary religious
system that was developing in Israel. In
short, her speech does not suggest that she has
risen much above her polytheistic perspective—
but she knows power when she sees it.
The dread of a deity as a divine warrior was
often believed to precede a powerful, successful
army into battle. Egyptian texts attribute
this terror to Amun-Re in the inscriptions of
Thutmose III, and Hittite, Assyrian and Babylonian
texts all have their divine warriors who
strike terror into the hearts of the enemy.
2:15. houses on the wall. Houses built into the
side of the city wall were common to this period.
This benefited the city by adding extra
width and support for the wall and benefited
the resident by providing a firm wall to support
the house. Excavations at Jericho have
discovered houses built on the plaster rampart
between the two walls with their backs up
against the inside of the outer wall (see comment
on 6:1).
JOSHUA 2:6—3:10
3:1—4:24
Crossing Jordan
3:1. Shittim. See comment on 2:1.
3:4. two thousand cubits. Two thousand cubits
is a little over half a mile.
3:10. the inhabitants of the land. The list here
is similar to that occurring frequently in the
Pentateuch. In the list of the seven people
groups that inhabited Canaan three are well
known, while the other four are barely known
at all. Canaan may be mentioned as early as
the Ebla tablets (twenty-fourth century), but
the earliest certain reference is in the material
from Mari (eighteenth century). The Canaanite
people were the principal inhabitants of the
fortified cities of the land, though they do not
seem to have been native to the land. The
kings of this area refer to themselves in the
Amarna Letters (mid-second millennium) as
215 JOSHUA 3:16—4:19
Kinahhu, equivalent to a term (Kinanu) also
used in Egyptian inscriptions of this period.
The well-known Hittites were from Anatolia,
modern Turkey, but groups occupying sections
of Syria and Canaan were also called
Hittites and may or may not be related. The
Hittites in Canaan have Semitic names, while
the Hittites of Anatolia were Indo-European.
The Hivites are sometimes connected to the
Horites, in which case they may be Hurrians.
There is still debate as to whether the term
Perizzites is ethnic or sociological (those living
in unwalled settlements). Girgashites are little
known, though they are attested in the Ugaritic
texts. Amorites (known in Mesopotamia as
Amurru or Martu) are known from written
documents as early as the middle third millennium.
Most scholars think that they had
roots in Syria and came to occupy many areas
in the Near East. The term can be used to refer
to a geographical area (“westerners”) or to
ethnic groups, though not necessarily related
to one another. Some Amorites were nomadic,
but there were Amorite city states in Syria as
early as the end of the third millennium. The
Jebusites occupied the region later associated
with the tribe of Benjamin, notably the city of
Jerusalem, and are often related to the Perizzites,
who were located in the same region.
There is no mention of the Perizzites, Hivites
or Jebusites outside the Bible.
3:16 parting of the Jordan. This is springtime
(see 4:19), and the melting snow from the Anti-
Lebanon mountains often creates a flood
stage for the Jordan. Mudslides as a result of
flood waters undercutting the cliffs or from
seismic activity occasionally interfere with the
flow of the Jordan at the very place mentioned
here in the text (once as recently as 1927).
Those recorded have generally blocked the
Jordan for a couple of days.
3:16. Adam in Zarethan. Adam is modern
Damiya on the east side of the Jordan just
south of where the Jabbok River flows, eighteen
miles north of the fords at Jericho. The
steep banks of the Jordan are particularly susceptible
to mudslides because of the large
amount of water flowing together here from
the two rivers. Zarethan is often identified either
with Tell es-Sa’idiyeh, about twelve miles
further north, or with Tell Umm Hamad on
the north side of the Jabbok.
3:17. on dry ground. There is an interesting inscription
of Sargon II of Assyria (eighth century)
where he claims that he led his army
across the Tigris and Euphrates at flood stage
as on dry ground.
3:17. the role of the ark. In the divine warrior
motif, the deity is fighting the battles and defeating
the deities of the enemy. In Assyria
Nergal is the king of battle and Ishtar is
viewed as a war goddess. The Canaanite Baal
and the Babylonian Marduk are divine warriors.
This is not to be viewed as “holy war,”
because in the ancient Near East there was no
other kind of war. In most situations prayers
would be made and omens asked to assure
the god’s presence. Standards or statues of the
deity were usually carried to symbolize their
presence. The ark, as Yahweh’s standard, represents
the Lord as clearing the way before the
Israelites and leading the armies into Canaan.
This concept is not very different from the Assyrian
belief that the gods empowered the
weapons of the king and fought before him or
at his side.
Joshua 3:16—4:19 4:13. forty thousand men. The word translated
“thousand” can sometimes refer to a military
division. The latter may be intended here,
though it is a complex issue. For more information
see the comment on Exodus 12:37. Compare
this number to the estimated population of
Jericho, fifteen hundred or two thousand.
4:13. the plains of Jericho. Jericho is about
five miles from the Jordan, and there is a
broad flat area across the entire region between.
4:18. return to flood stage. If the stoppage was
caused by a mudslide up river, a tremendous
amount of water would have backed up, and
when the blockage was broken up by the force
of the water, the renewed flow would have
been considerable.
4:19. tenth day of first month. The last chronological
notation we had was in Deuteronomy
1:3, the first day of the eleventh month of the
fortieth year. After that address Moses went up
to the mount and died Deut 32:48, and then
the people mourned for thirty days Deut 34:8.
We would assume that it is now the first month
of the forty-first year, just two months after the
death of Moses. The first month is Nisan (spanning
March-April), time for the Passover celebration.
It is a good time for military activity
because the invading troops can be sustained
from crops in the field. If the early date for the
exodus is accepted (see date of the exodus sidebar
in Exodus 12, the date is right around 1400
B.C. If the later date of the exodus is correct, it is
around 1240.
4:19. Gilgal. The site of Gilgal is currently unidentified.
Some guesses put it to the northeast
of Jericho near Khirbet Mefjir, where there is a
decent water supply, a significant outcrop of
flint (see 5:2) and remains from ancient times
(but only after 1200). Another biblical Gilgal
has been identified with Khirbet ed-Dawwara,
located in the middle of a circle circumscribed
JOSHUA 5:1-2 216
around Jericho, Ai, Gibeon and Jerusalem, no
more than six miles from any of them. But this
is not considered a likely site for this Gilgal.
JOSHUA 5:1-2
5:1-12
Circumcision and Passover
5:1. Amorite and Canaanite Kings. The region
at this time was comprised of many
small city-states, each with their own king,
army and territory. Amorites occupied the hill
country, while Canaanites were in the coastal
plains. The Canaanite cities were more strategically
located, since the major trade route
from Egypt came up the coast (for more information
on the trade routes see sidebar on pages
70-71). The Israelites were much more
successful gaining control of the hill country
than they were the plains. The Amarna letters
give us a good deal of information about the
city-states of Canaan in the fourteenth century.
In many of these letters the kings are appealing
to Egypt to send more troops to help
them against the Apiru/Habiru who are stirring
up trouble. Habiru is a term used to describe
dispossessed peoples in over 250 texts
spanning the second millennium and ranging
from Egypt to Anatolia to east of the Tigris.
Certainly the Israelites (Hebrews) would have
been counted among the Habiru. The most
prominent kings in the region of Palestine
from the Amarna archives are Milkilu (Gezer),
Abdi-Heba (Jerusalem), Lab’ayu (Shechem)
and Abdi-Tirshi (Hazor). The Egyptians had a
number of administrative cities, including
Gaza and Joppa on the coast and Beth Shan
where the Valley of Jezreel (and the trade
route) goes to the Jordan.
5:2. flint knives. The earliest tools and weapons
known from the Stone Age were flakes of
stone produced by striking flint at the proper
angles. The edges of these flakes were extremely
sharp, easily accessible and reasonably durable.
A flint flake was used for the process of
circumcision in Israel and Egypt even after
metal tools and weapons were readily available.
The use of stone blades may reflect either
a long tradition that precedes the ready availability
of metal blades or simply the need for
many blades at once. It has been suggested that
the text refers to obsidian, which was valued
for the smooth sharp edges it afforded.
5:2. circumcision. Circumcision was practiced
widely in the ancient Near East as a rite of puberty,
fertility or marriage. Egyptian reliefs
from as early as the third millennium depict
the circumcision of adolescents by priests using
flint knives. Although the Israelites are not
the only people in the ancient Near East to circumcise
their sons, it is used to mark them as
members of the covenantal community. When
used in relation to marriage, terminology suggests
it was performed by the new male
in-laws, indicating that the groom was coming
under the protection of their family in this new
relationship. Performed on infants it is more a
ritual scarring than something done for health
reasons. The fact that blood is shed also signifies
that this is a sacrificial ritual and may function
as a substitution for the human sacrifice
that was practiced by other people. Circumcision
can be seen as one of many cases where
God transforms a common practice to a new
(though not necessarily unrelated) purpose in
EGYPTIAN INFORMATION ABOUT CANAAN AND ISRAEL
From the rise of the eighteenth dynasty in the mid-sixteenth century B.C., the Egyptians established a foothold
in Canaan that waxed and waned over four centuries. Military expeditions were common, and in some periods
Egyptian presence was established in terms of garrisons at critical points along the trade routes. During
the reign of Thutmose III (fifteenth century), Syria-Palestine became an Egyptian province. After a period of
decline in the Amarna period (fourteenth century), the early part of the nineteenth dynasty (early thirteenth
century) brought renewed military activity, with Canaan secured as a base of operations against the Hittites in
a struggle for the control of Syria. Aside from the Amarna texts, which provide invaluable information about
the political situation in Canaan and the significant role of Egypt in the region, Egyptian records have provided
other pieces of information that contribute to this period. (1) Itineraries from Egyptian campaigns often
make reference to cities that the Bible also mentions. Thutmose III lists over one hundred cities of Canaan.
Sometimes these itineraries can help locate a city because it will identify the cities on either side of it. In addition,
there are some cities for which excavations show no occupation for this period, but the Egyptian itineraries
name them so we know they were occupied. (2) Egyptian reliefs from the thirteenth century depict
Canaanite fortresses and fortified cities of the same sort that must have been encountered by Joshua. (3) The
famous victory stele of Merenptah (second half of thirteenth century B.C.) is the earliest reference to Israel in
extrabiblical sources. Discovered in 1896, the black granite monument, standing seven and a half feet tall,
details the campaigns of the pharaoh against the Libyans and Sea Peoples. It then mentions victories over Ashkelon,
Gezer, Yanoam and Israel as part of the plundering of Canaan. One Egyptologist (F. Yurco) has suggested
that these campaigns of Merneptah are also engraved on the walls at Karnak. If he is correct, this would
constitute the earliest depiction of Israelites.
217 JOSHUA 5:3—6:5
revealing himself and relating to his people.
5:2. “again.” One might well wonder how an
individual could be circumcised again. This
could refer to initiating the rite of circumcision
a second time (see v. 5) or to a more radical
surgical procedure. Egyptian circumcision
involved only a dorsal incision rather than a
total removal of the foreskin. Verses 5-8 argue
against this latter explanation.
5:3. Gibeath Haaraloth. Gibeath Haaroloth
means “hill of foreskins.” If this is meant to refer
to a place name, its location is unknown.
5:6. milk and honey. The land of Canaan is described
as a land “flowing with milk and honey.”
This refers to the bounty of the land for a
pastoral lifestyle but not necessarily for agriculture.
Milk is the product of goat herds,
while honey represents a natural resource,
probably the syrup of the date rather than
bees’ honey. A similar expression to this is
found in the Ugaritic epic of Ba’al and Mot,
which describes the return of fertility to the
land in terms of the wadis flowing with honey.
Egyptian texts as early as the Story of Sinuhe
describe the land of Canaan as rich in natural
resources as well as in cultivated produce.
5:10. Passover. Passover celebrated the deliverance
from Egypt and also may have represented
a purification ceremony in preparation for
the conquest. See comments on Exodus 12:1-11.
5:12. manna. For a full discussion of Manna
see comment on Exodus 16:4-9. The fact that
manna has been provided through all the different
terrains that Israel has passed through
suggests something far different from what
the various natural explanations can provide.
JOSHUA 5:3—6:5
5:13—6:27
The Conquest of Jericho
5:13. commander. The supernatural commander
that Joshua encounters is another indication
that Yahweh has taken charge and is
going to be responsible for their military success.
Just as Moses had an encounter at the
burning bush that communicated God’s plan
for the exodus, so Joshua’s encounter is providing
God’s plan for the conquest. The message
brought by the commander includes the
strategy for Jericho (reported beginning in
6:2). In the ancient Near East war was usually
presented as originating from divine instructions
and following a divine plan. Divine visitations
on the eve of battle are not common in
ancient Near Eastern literature. The divine
word commanding the battle comes instead in
the form of an oracle, while the divine presence
is seen in the battle itself. In the Ugaritic
Epic of Keret, however, the god El comes to
King Keret in a dream with instructions for
battle. Another closer parallel is when the
Babylonian king Samsuiluna (eighteenth century
B.C.) receives supernatural messengers
from Enlil giving him instructions for a number
of campaigns against Larsa and Eshnunna.
Neither of these, however, are on the eve
of battle—the armies have yet to be mustered.
6:1. Jericho. Settlement at Jericho goes back to
the ninth millennium B.C., giving it the designation
of the oldest city in the world. The site
has occasioned much controversy, and archaeological
interpretation has been complicated
by significant amounts of erosion, which
tends to confuse the layers that archaeologists
depend on and totally obliterate large
amounts of evidence. Excavations by Kenyon
in the 1950s concluded that city 4 was violently
destroyed (signs of earthquake and fire)
about 1550 (at the end of the Middle Bronze
period) and was then only sparsely and occasionally
occupied until the ninth century. This
poses a problem for both the late and the early
date of the exodus and conquest. Most significant
was the absence of Late Bronze imported
Cypriote pottery. It has been argued, however,
that there are many pottery samples of local
ware from the Late Bronze period (1550-1200).
There are still many unanswered questions
about the archaeology of the site. City 4 was
surrounded by a stone revetment wall (about
fifteen feet high and topped by a mudbrick
wall at least another eight feet high) supporting
a plastered rampart that sloped up about
fifteen feet to a second, upper wall also made
of mudbrick. If city 4 is not the city overthrown
at the time of Joshua, it is nonetheless
likely that the walls of city 4 were still being
used. There were houses built on top of the
plaster rampart between the two walls. The
city is not mentioned in the Amarna texts or in
the Egyptian itineraries of the period. See
comment on 2:1 for geographical information.
6:3-4. seven days marching in silence. In the
Ugaritic Epic of Keret (which would likely
have been known to the people of Jericho)
Keret’s army arrives at the city of Udm and is
instructed by the god El to stay quiet for six
days and to shoot no weapons, and on the
seventh day the city would send out messengers
and offer tribute if they would leave.
JOSHUA 6:1-21 6:4. the role of the priests. The priests are necessary
in order to maintain the sanctity of the
ark. The importance of their lead role is to offer
one more reminder that this is Yahweh’s
battle, not the Israelites’. For the ark’s symbolism
see the comment on 3:17.
6:4-5. trumpet signals. The trumpet referred
to here is the rams’ horn (shofar). The shofar is
JOSHUA 6:20—7:1 218
capable of a variety of tones but cannot play a
tune, so it is used primarily for signals in worship
or warfare. The ram’s horn was softened
in hot water, then bent and flattened to produce
its distinctive shape. In warfare signaling
was done in various ways. Fire signals were
common both along garrison lines as well as
in the open field. Basic commands were at
times communicated by upraised staff or javelin.
Trumpet signals are attested in Egypt in
the Late Bronze Age (this time period) in both
military and religious contexts. A preset code
would include some combination of long and
short blasts.
6:20. city walls. The fortification techniques
developed in the Middle Bronze period and
continuing in use in the Late Bronze included
steep earthen slopes (some reaching fifty feet)
at the foundation of the walls and a ditch
around the outside dug to bedrock. These features
would both hamper the approach of
siege machines and prevent tunneling. The
walls, made of mudbrick on stone foundations,
were ten to twenty-five feet wide and
perhaps thirty feet high. Hittite texts preserve
an account where in similar fashion a deity
carried out retributive justice by causing walls
(wooden in this case) to fall down.
6:21-24. devoted to the Lord (h[e[ rem). The
“ban” is sometimes chosen as the English
word to represent the concept of total destruction
required of the Israelites. Just as there
were some types of sacrifices that belonged
entirely to the Lord while others were shared
by priest and offerer, so some plunder was set
aside as belonging solely to the Lord. Just as
the whole burnt offering was entirely consumed
on the altar, so the ban mandated total
destruction. Since the warfare was commanded
by Yahweh and represented his judgment
on the Canaanites, the Israelites were on a divine
mission with Yahweh as their commander.
Since it was his war, not theirs, and he was
the victor, the spoil belonged to him. Although
the divine warrior motif occurs
throughout the ancient Near East, the h[erem
concept is more limited—the only other occurrence
of the term is in the Moabite Mesha inscription,
but the idea of total destruction is
also in the Hittite material. Some sites, such as
Gezer, feature a distinct burn layer in association
with the Late Bronze period. Under siege
conditions sanitation is at its worst and disease
is often rampant. The practice of burning
everything after the defeat of a city thus also
had an element of health connected to it. The
best analogy for us to understand h[erem is to
think in terms of radiation. A nuclear explosion
would destroy many things and irradiate
much more. The abhorrence and caution with
which we would respond to that which has
been irradiated is similar to what is expected
of the Israelites regarding things under the
ban. If radiation were personified, one could
understand that once something was given
over to it, it was irredeemable. It was this condition
that Achan exposed himself to by taking
things under the ban.
6:21. the edge of the sword. The expression
used in the Bible referring to the “mouth” or
“edge” of the sword reflects the fact that at
this time period swords were not straight
with two edges. The blade was straight coming
out of the haft, but the sharp edge was
along the outer side of a curved, sickle-shaped
section. This was not a stabbing but a striking
weapon.
6:26. curse on rebuilding. Assyrian inscriptions
commonly express an intention that a destroyed
city never be rebuilt, but not accompanied with
an oath as here. In a Hittite document concerning
the conquest of Hattusha early in the second
millennium, Anitta pronounces a curse on any
king who would rebuild the city.
6:26. connection of building and losing children.
See 1 Kings 16:34. It used to be thought
that the dedication of a house would feature
human sacrifice of a child from the family.
This was used to explain the incidence of skeletal
remains of children buried under the
thresholds of houses. This interpretation has
been largely abandoned, and some researchers
now see a connection between the curse
and the disease schistosomiasis (bilharzia).
This disease is caused by a blood fluke carried
by snails of the type found in abundance at
Jericho. It infects the urinary tract and affects
fertility and child mortality.
JOSHUA 6:20—7:1
7:1-26
The Results of Achan’s Sin
7:1. devoted things. See comment on 6:21-24.
7:1. corporate responsibility. In the ancient
Near East a person found his or her identity
within the group. Integration and interdependence
were important values, and the group
was bound together as a unit. As a result, individual
behavior would not be viewed in isolation
from the group. When one Israelite
sinned, the group shared the responsibility. In
addition to reflecting the perspective of society,
this corporate responsibility was also a result
of the covenant relationship that Israel
had with the Lord. The law included many
guidelines for individual behavior and when
individual violations occurred the benefits of
the covenant were in jeopardy for all Israel.
219 JOSHUA 7:2-25
7:2. Ai. The city of Ai is usually identified with
the site et-Tell, a twenty-seven-acre tell located
nine miles west-northwest of Jericho, about
ten miles north of Jerusalem. The major occupation
of the site was during the third millennium
(Early Bronze), and it was destroyed
well before the time of the patriarchs. This site
shows no further sign of occupation until a
very small village (covering about six acres)
was established there sometime after 1200
B.C., using what remained of the Early Bronze
walls for defense. There is therefore no indication
that this site was occupied during any of
the potential periods of the conquest. This archaeological
record has made some doubt the
authenticity of the biblical record, while others
doubt whether this is truly the city of Ai.
Over the last century many alternative sites
have been and continue to be considered, but
no strong candidates have yet emerged.
7:2. Beth Aven. The town of Beth Aven has not
been identified with any certainty. The way it
is introduced in the texts suggests it was more
prominent than Ai. Tell Maryam is often considered
the prime candidate. It has not been
excavated, but surveys have turned up Iron
Age remains. Hosea is thought to use Beth
Aven as an alternate name for Bethel (4:15; 5:8;
10:5).
7:2. Bethel. See comment on 8:9.
7:5. stone quarries. Some translations have
the Israelites fleeing to the stone quarries (NIV;
the word means “breaks”; others render it a
place name, Shebarim). Stone quarries were
common in the area, but this is not the usual
word for quarries. One archaeologist (Z.
Zevit) has suggested that the word should be
translated “ruins,” referring to the ruins of the
Early Bronze city wall that lay further down
the slope from this smaller Late Bronze settlement.
The text does not say the men of Ai
chased the Israelites from in front of the gate
(though many translations do); they chased
them “past the gate to the ruins.” In this case,
the gate may also be the Wadi gate from the
Early Bronze city.
JOSHUA 7:2-25 7:6. mourning. Mourning practices generally
included tearing one’s robe, weeping, putting
dust and ashes in one’s hair, and wearing
sackcloth. Sackcloth is made of goat or camel
hair and was coarse and uncomfortable. In
many cases the sackcloth was only a loin covering.
The official period of mourning was
thirty days, but it could continue as long as
the mourner chose to continue to grieve.
7:7-8. Amorites and Canaanites. The Amorites
and Canaanites are the main inhabitants
of the land. For ethnic background see the
comment on 3:10; for political background,
see comment on 5:1.
7:13. consecration. Consecration consisted of
steps taken to make oneself ritually pure. This
process primarily entailed washing and
avoiding contact with objects that would render
one unclean. It typically preceded ritual
action. For Israel this included sacrifices, festivals
or procedures in which Yahweh was involved,
such as war and oracular procedures.
7:14-18. oracular selection procedure. The
text does not mention the mechanism by
which groups or individuals are singled out,
though some translations supply “by lot.” In
Israel, however, lots were typically used when
a random quality was desired. Here, in contrast,
they are seeking an oracle in which a
question is put to God in order to receive divine
guidance or information (see comment
on Gen 24:12-21. The presentation of a tribe
or clan before the Lord would pose the question,
“Is the guilty party in this group?” If a
process is used similar to the Urim and Thummim
(see comment on Ex 28:30, an answer
would only be given divine standing if it defied
the odds (for instance, if the same results
were repeated several times). In the ancient
Near East lots were sometimes used to receive
oracles, though in most cases oracles were
pursued through divination (such as examining
the entrails of a sacrificed animal for favorable
or unfavorable indications). In light of
the consecration that precedes the process, it
is possible that there is no mechanism but
rather direct communication from Yahweh.
7:21. Achan’s plunder. The precious metals
from the Canaanite cities had been assigned to
the sanctuary, so Achan was taking what properly
belonged to the Lord. There are five or six
pounds of silver and about a pound and a half
ingot of gold in Achan’s treasure trove. That
represents what it would take the average
worker a lifetime to earn. The Babylonian robe
of this period was fringed and draped over one
shoulder, with the edge carried over the arm.
7:25. stoning as execution. Stoning is a communal
form of execution and the most commonly
mentioned form of execution in the
Bible. It is used to punish crimes against the
entire community that constitute violations of
the covenant (apostasy, Lev 20:2; sorcery, Lev
20:27) and requires all those persons who
have been offended to participate. Because it
cannot be determined which individual’s
stone caused the death of the condemned, no
one person must bear the guilt for that death.
Mesopotamian texts do not mention stoning
but employ drowning, impalement, beheading
and burning as forms of execution.
7:25. entire family executed. The punishment
JOSHUA 7:26—8:28 220
for violation of the ban was to be put under the
ban. The ban required the obliteration of the
family line. The law had forbidden children to
be punished for the sins of their parents (Deut
24:16), but that was intended to curtail some
very specific practices. For instance, in Hammurabi’s
laws if a man brought about the death
of another man’s son, the penalty would be
that the perpetrator’s son would be put to
death. Another example would be where blood
vengeance would extend its range to the family
of a murderer. The law was intended to put restrictions
on the civil law system. This incident
is an entirely different category in that God is
personally judging the case. Obliteration of the
family line was a punishment only God could
dole out.
7:26. Valley of Achor. The identification of the
Valley of Achor is uncertain. One suggestion
is el-Buqeia in the Judean desert about ten
miles southeast of Jerusalem, running northsouth
just west of Qumran. Unfortunately this
seems too far from Jericho in the wrong direction
to suit. The other occurrences of Achor locate
it on the border between Judah and
Benjamin (see 15:7). El-Buqeia is too far south
for that, but something in the vicinity of Jericho/
Ai/Gilgal (such as Wadi Nu’eima) would
be too far north.
JOSHUA 7:26—8:28
8:1-29
Defeat of Ai
8:1. Ai. See comment on 7:2.
8:2. ambush. The strategies employed by Israel
often fall into the category of indirect warfare,
characterized by ambush, pretend
retreats, decoys, infiltration and the like, rather
than lengthy siege or pitched battle. Such
tactics are known from the ancient Near East
in the Mari texts (eighteenth century), the
Egyptian Papyrus Anastasi (thirteenth century)
and a Middle Assyrian text (tenth century).
8:3. thirty thousand fighting men. Thirty thousand
appears an exorbitant number to send
against a town that would probably not have
more than a few hundred soldiers. It certainly
is impractical for a successful ambush. Verse 25
translates that twelve thousand people of Ai
were killed. Ai is presented as a small town
with few men (7:3). If it was smaller than Jericho,
its entire population would be less than a
thousand. All of this suggests that the word
translated “thousand” in these passages
should be rendered by its alternate meaning,
“companies” or “divisions.” Rather than a
specified number, it has been suggested that
each clan supplied a division with the number
varying dependent on the size of the clan. Later
in history these companies were standardized
as having a thousand, but here there may be as
few as ten in a division. In the first attack on Ai
in 7:4-5 there were three “thousand” sent and
they treated it as a massacre when thirty-six
were killed. In the Amarna letters the kings of
the city states would beg Egypt for ten or
twelve soldiers to reinforce their armies. For
difficulties with the number of the Israelites see
comment on Exodus 12:37. For further discussion
of large numbers see comments on
2 Chronicles 11:1; 13:2-20.
8:9. Bethel. Bethel is just listed as a location
nearby until verse 17, when the men of Bethel
become involved in the chase. There is no mention
of destroying the city of Bethel, though the
king is mentioned as defeated in 12:16. In Judges
1 it comes under specific attack by the tribes
of Joseph. Bethel is usually identified with Beitin
just over 10 miles north of Jerusalem, about
a mile and a half west of et-Tell, the traditional
site of Ai. There was a major fortified city on
the site during the Middle Bronze Age that was
destroyed in the mid-sixteenth century. It was
grandly rebuilt in the Late Bronze age, and
there is evidence of two destructions during
that period (1550-1200). Some have contested
whether Beitin is Bethel, because it has been
difficult to find a satisfactory adjoining site for
Ai (see comment on 7:2). The main alternative
is Bireh, a mile or two south of Beitin.
8:9-13. battle positions. The ten-mile march
by the ambush contingent was done under the
cover of darkness. They secured a position on
the far side of the city (the west; Jericho and
Gilgal were east of Ai). The main army
marched west the next morning through the
Wadi el-Asas that led them to a camp in the
valley or on the slope of the hill to the north of
Ai. When the soldiers of Ai came out, the Israelite
army fled east, back toward their base, allowing
the ambush to unfold.
8:18. javelin. Javelins of Joshua’s time had a
metal head attached to a short wooden shaft.
Later javelins were thrown with the aid of a
loop to make them spin, giving greater distance
and accuracy, but these are unknown in
this period. Many have suggested that the
weapon described in this text is not a javelin
but the well-known sickle sword (for description
see the comment on 6:21).
8:25. twelve thousand killed. Probably referring
to twelve divisions. See note at 8:3.
8:28. burning the city. The site of et-Tell shows
no indication of destruction by fire in the Late
Bronze period, nor was the Iron Age settlement
destroyed by fire. See discussion of the
archaeological problems with Ai at 7:2.
221 JOSHUA 8:29-9:1
8:29. hanging the king. In 10:26 the kings
were executed first, then hung, suggesting
that this was not a manner of execution but a
treatment of the corpse (see 2 Sam 21:12 compared
with 1 Sam 31:10. Many believe it refers
to impalement on a gibbet, as was known
to be practiced later by the Assyrians and Persians.
Exposing the corpse was also occasionally
practiced by the Egyptians. It represented
a final humiliation and a desecration (see Is
14:19-20; Jer 7:33; 8:1-3), for most ancient peoples
believed that proper, timely burial affected
the quality of the afterlife. See comment on
1 Kings 16:4. In the Gilgamesh Epic Enkidu,
returned from the netherworld, reports to Gilgamesh
that the one who died unburied has
no rest and that the one who has no living relatives
to take care of him can only eat what is
thrown into the street. A Babylonian curse relates
burial to the uniting of the spirit of the
dead with loved ones. We know that even Israelites
believed that proper burial affected
one’s afterlife because they, like their neighbors,
buried their loved ones with the provisions
that would serve them in the afterlife;
most often pottery vessels (filled with food)
and jewelry (to ward off evil), with tools and
personal items sometimes added.
8:29. raising a cairn. Cairn burials were common
in Palestine around 2000 B.C., mostly in
the southern areas of the Negev and the Sinai,
which are dry and rocky. Canaanite burials of
this period featured multiple-use tombs in
which whole families would be buried together
in rock-cut chambers at the foot of vertical
shafts. The tombs would typically be provided
with all of the accessories of daily life.
JOSHUA 8:29-9:1
8:30-35
Covenant Renewal at Ebal
8:30. function of altar. It appears that this altar
was not intended to be a permanent installation
(another reason to use fieldstones) but
was set up for the purposes of the celebration
ceremonies of this occasion. It is specifically
burnt offerings and fellowship offerings (see
comment on Lev 3 that are offered here—no
purification or reparation offerings.
8:30-31. modern find on Ebal. Some archaeologists
believe that the remains of the altar on
Mount Ebal have been found. It is a structure
on one of the peaks of the mountain about
twenty-five by thirty-five feet, with walls about
five feet thick and nine feet high made of fieldstones.
The fill is dirt and ashes, and a ramp
leads up to the top. The structure is surrounded
by a courtyard, and animal bones were
found at the site. Pottery on the site goes back
to 1200 B.C.
8:31. altar built with fieldstones; no iron tool.
These instructions parallel those found in Exodus
20:25. Iron tools were used for dressing
the stone—shaping it to make a sturdier structure.
Altars of dressed stone have been found
in Judah (the best example at Beersheba). This
altar was not supposed to be attached to a
sanctuary, and perhaps the use of unhewn
stone helped keep that distinction.
8:32. law on monumental stones. Hammurabi’s
laws were inscribed on a diorite stele
eight feet tall and displayed publicly for all to
see and consult. Royal inscriptions often were
placed in prominent locations. Memorial inscriptions
in our culture are used on tombstones,
cornerstones of buildings and at
various historical sites. The purpose in these
cases is for people to see, take note and remember.
Treaty documents in the Near East,
in contrast, were often stationed in holy places
that were not accessible to the public. Here the
purpose was to put the agreement in writing
before the gods in whose name the agreement
had been sworn. For information regarding
stones serving as boundary markers and land
grant documents, see comment on 1 Samuel
7:12.
8:34. public reading. In cultures where many
people were illiterate and where virtually no
one would have possessed written materials
(other than basic family documents) in their
homes, the public reading of documents that
were of religious, cultural or political significance
was important. Several Hittite treaties
contain clauses requiring periodic public
reading of the document—one stipulates three
times a year, while others are less specific, “always
and constantly.”
9:1-27
The Gibeonite Agreement JOSHUA 9:1-3
9:1. the political situation in the Late Bronze
Age (1550-1200 B.C.). The Late Bronze Age was
a period of political stalemate among major international
powers. Egypt exercised control
over Palestine for most of the period and often
desired to extend its control into Syria, where
important land and sea trade routes merged. A
second major power in the region was the Hurrian
coalition known as Mitanni that occupied
a broad arc of the northern region between the
Tigris and the Mediterranean. As Mitanni slid
into decline and eventually broke up (around
1350), it was replaced by a growing Assyrian
power along the upper Tigris, extending eventually
to the Euphrates. The Hittite Empire
took advantage of the decline of Mitanni to ex-
JOSHUA 9:1-10 222
tend its control south from Anatolia and competed
with Egypt for control of the important
corridor between the seaports of Phoenicia and
the river trade of the Euphrates. All during this
time southern Babylonia was under the control
of the Kassites. These major power struggles all
left the petty city-states of Palestine little hope
of achieving political significance. The region
was nevertheless strategically important, providing
administrative and supply garrisons for
Egypt and continuing as the only option for
overland trade routes into and out of Egypt.
9:1. the Amarna letters. The Amarna letters archive
contains nearly four hundred letters written
primarily from Canaanite city-state kings to
Egyptian pharaohs Amenhotep III and Akhenaten
during the first half of the fourteenth century
B.C. They were discovered at Tell el-
Amarna, the site of Akhenaten’s capital city
along the upper Nile, almost two hundred
miles south of Cairo. The letters offer the best
insight available into the political situation of
the time. The petty kings of Canaan are little
worried by all of the international struggles described
in the previous comment. They are
much more concerned with the threat posed by
the Habiru (see next comment), against whom
they seek Egyptian aid. In these texts they
show their anxiety that various of the leading
kings in the area may defect and align themselves
with the Habiru. Such realignment
would be a great temptation in light of the neglect
that characterized Egypt in this period.
This same concern can be understood in the
context of the Israelite conquest. The city-state
kings would have been very distraught at the
thought of this enemy gaining control of a fortified
city.
Joshua 9:1-10 9:1. Habiru. Habiru/Apiru is a term used to describe
dispossessed peoples in over 250 texts
spanning the second millennium and ranging
from Egypt to Anatolia to east of the Tigris. In
many of the Amarna letters the kings of
Canaan are appealing to Egypt to send more
troops to help them against the Habiru, who
are stirring up trouble. Certainly the Israelites
would have been counted among the Habiru,
and it is possible that the term Hebrew, in some
of its uses, developed from the term Habiru
(see comments on Gen 14:13 and Ex 21:2. The
wide geographical region in which the Habiru
occur in the first half of the second millennium,
when Israel is in Egypt, makes it impossible
to associate the Habiru exclusively with
the Israelites.
9:3. Gibeon. The city of Gibeon is usually identified
with the modern el-Jib, located six miles
northwest of Jerusalem and about seven miles
southwest of Ai. The excavations there have
discovered a double water system constructed
as early as the Judges period. The earlier of the
two systems involved cutting straight down
through the limestone some thirty-five feet (descended
by a stairway spiraling down the wall)
to a tunnel, allowing the inhabitants of the city
to have access to spring waters at the base of
the mound. A second, later system provided a
stepped tunnel leading to another (more reliable)
spring. This water system is strong evidence
that the site is Gibeon, because of the
well-known “pool of Gibeon” (see 2 Sam 2:13.
The identification is further confirmed by jar
handles found at the site with the city’s name
inscribed on them (although it should be noted
that jar handles with other cities’ names
stamped on them were found as well, explained
by the city’s major industry: wine export).
Little has been found that can be dated to
the period of the conquest, but the excavations
(done in the late fifties) covered a very limited
area on the site. The city of Gibeon is noted in
few extrabiblical sources. Pharaoh Sheshonk I
(late tenth century B.C.) added Gibeon to a list
of captured (or visited) towns during a successful
military campaign into Palestine.
9:3. strategy of a ruse. Though there are no examples
of a ruse of this exact nature, the literature
contains numerous examples of dishonesty
and deception in the course of treaty
making in the ancient world.
9:7. Hivites. The Hivites are often confused or
interchanged with the Horites, and together
they are both identified as Hurrians. The Hurrians
were Indo-European tribes that had united
in the political kingdom of Mitanni from
about 1500-1350 B.C. (see comment on 9:1 on
the political situation). Some of the correspondence
between the Hurrians of Mitanni and the
Egyptians is preserved in the Amarna archives.
The Hurrians were one of the principal ethnic
groups in the Hittite Empire as well as the major
ethnic group in the town of Nuzi. In Egyptian
documents of this period, Canaan is often
referred to as the land of Hurru.
9:10. Sihon and Og. There is no historical information
on Sihon and Og outside of the Bible.
They are the two Amorite kings who were
defeated by the Israelites in Transjordan. For
more information see the comments on Numbers
21:21-35.
9:10. Ashtaroth. Ashtaroth is identified here as
the capital city of Bashan. It is mentioned
prominently in Egyptian texts of this period,
the Amarna letters (as ruled by Ayyab) and
later Assyrian texts, and some think it occurs
in a text from Ugarit as a place where the god
El reigns. Known today as Tell ’Ashtarah, it is
located on the Yarmuk River about twenty-
223 JOSHUA 9:14—10:3
five miles east of the Sea of Galilee.
9:14. inquiring of the Lord. Inquiring of the
Lord was done through the use of oracles,
which, in Israel, usually used a mechanism
such as the Urim and Thummim. See comment
on 7:14-18.
9:17. cities of Gibeon. Two of the three cities
of Gibeon can be identified with some confidence.
Kephirah is modern Khirbet el-Kefireh,
five or six miles west and a bit south of
Gibeon. Kiriath-Jearim, a few miles south of
Kephireh, is Tell el-Azhar. Beeroth is generally
looked for north of Kephireh toward the Bethel/
Ai area, perhaps at el-Bireh or Nebi Samwil.
9:18. the binding nature of oaths. In a culture
where the gods were considered active and
powerful and were feared, oaths took on a
very serious nature. Vows could be mitigated
Lev 27; Num 30, but oaths bound those who
had sworn them with the threat of divine vengeance.
If an oath was not kept, the invoked
deity’s name was being held as worthless and
powerless. The fourteenth-century Hittite
king Murshili saw war and plague as the result
of broken treaties that had been sealed by
oaths. That Joshua was right to treat this oath
as sacred is clear from 2 Samuel 21, where this
same oath was broken with dire consequences.
9:26. woodcutters and watercarriers. For the
sacrificial fires to be maintained and the purifying
waters to be constantly replenished, much
labor was involved. This task of providing
wood and water was delegated to the Gibeonites.
The menial nature of the work gave
them permanent lowerclass status in the servitude
they had chosen.
JOSHUA 9:14—10:3
10:1-43
The Defeat of the Southern
Coalition
10:1. Adoni-Zedek. This name is quite similar
to the king of Jerusalem in Genesis 14,
Melchizedek (Melchi = “my king”; adoni =
“my lord”). There are no extrabiblical texts
that offer information about him.
10:1. Jerusalem in the Amarna texts. There
are six letters in the Amarna texts (see comment
on 9:1) from Abdi-Heba, king of Jerusalem,
to the pharaoh requesting military
support. He warns that Egyptian control in
the area is in jeopardy, both from the Habiru
as well as from the other city-state kings, who
are less than loyal and are taking advantage of
Egypt’s unresponsiveness. Jerusalem is one of
the key cities in the region and is competing
with Shechem for control of the hill country.
10:1. Late Bronze Age remains in Jerusalem.
The city of Jerusalem in this period occupied
only the north-south ridge covering about ten
acres that runs south of the modern city walls.
The population would not have exceeded one
thousand. The top of the ridge is only about
four hundred feet
wide and about fifteen hundred feet long. Remains
from the Late Bronze period are sparse
and confined to area G at the northeastern rim
of the ridge. The finds there include the foundations
of an identified structure and a massive
stone terrace.
10:2. strategic location of Gibeon. One of the
major passes from the hill country to the
plains, from the Beth Horon pass into the Valley
of Aijalon, was in the area controlled by
Gibeon. With Jericho, Ai and Bethel already
defeated, that gave Israel control of the primary
lateral route across Palestine (from the Jordan
rift to the coast).
10:2 royal cities. Royal cities would be the administrative
centers of larger districts. The
Egyptians had a number of cities during the
Amarna period where their governors were
housed, such as Gaza and Beth Shan. Cities
like Shechem and Hazor could also have been
considered royal cities because of the large areas
they controlled. Gibeon’s strategic location
and fortifications give it the potential to be
such a city.
10:3. the allies: Hoham, Piram, Japhia and
Debir. None of these are known from contemporary
sources, but all are the types of names
well documented in this period. Compare, for
instance, the name Japhia to the king of Beirut
in the Amarna texts, Yapa’-Hadda. Names often
made a statement about deity; Yapa’-
Hadda means (the god) Hadda has appeared.
Such names were often shortened by dropping
the god’s name. Even closer is the name
of the king of Gezer in the Amarna texts, Yapahu.
10:3. Hebron. Tell Hebron is the site of a
twelve-acre ancient city about twenty miles
south of Jerusalem. Excavators have found no
evidence of Late Bronze Age occupation, and
it is not named in the Amarna texts, but Egyptian
itineraries of Rameses II (thirteenth century)
list Hebron among the cities of the region.
For more information see comments on Genesis
13:18 and Numbers 13:22.
10:3. Jarmuth. Jarmuth is identified with Khirbet
el-Yarmuk, about fifteen miles southwest
of Jerusalem. The four-acre acropolis was occupied
by a Late Bronze Age city strategically
located between the Elah and Sorek valleys,
the two passageways from the Shephelah (low
hills between the hill country and the coastal
THE IVP BIBLE BACKGROUND COMMENTARY: OLD TESTAMENT 224
Mediterranean Sea
Sea of
Galilee
Dead
Sea
Lake
Hula
Acco
Beersheba
Beth-
Shan
Bethel
Bethlehem
Damascus
Dan
Dor
Dothan
Gaza
Hebron
Jericho
Jerusalem
Joppa
Kir-hareseth
Megiddo
Rabbah
Samaria
Shechem
Shiloh
Sidon
Tyre
Zoar
AMMON
ARABA
BASHAN
GILEAD
HAURAN
EDOM
JUDEA
LOWER
GALILEE
MOAB
NEGEB
PLAIN OF SHARON
PLAIN OF PHILISTIA
SAMARIA
SHEPHELAH
UPPER
GALILEE
Jordan River
Litani
River
Yarmuk
Arnon
Jabbok
Pharpar
Map 2. Map of Major Cities and Regions of Palestine
225 JOSHUA 10:3-12
plains) to the cities of the coast.
10:3. Lachish. Located about thirty miles
southwest of Jerusalem, Lachish (Tell ed-Duweir)
is one of the major cities of the Shephelah,
covering some thirty acres. Along with
Hebron it guarded the passage into the hill
country. In the Amarna texts Abdi-Heba of
Jerusalem claims that Lachish, along with
Gezer and Ashkelon, had delivered provisions
to the Habiru (tribute or alliance?). Another
letter indicates that the Habiru had
killed the king of Lachish, Zimredda. Other
kings mentioned in the texts are Shipti-Balu
and Yabni-Ilu. There are five letters in the archive
from the kings of Lachish. Excavations
at the site have uncovered a Middle Bronze
Age city with impressive fortifications destroyed
by fire at the end of that period (middle
1500s). The Late Bronze occupation of the
Amarna period established a sizable though
probably unfortified city. There is no evidence
of destruction during this period (and the biblical
text suggests none). There was a large
temple on the site throughout this period.
10:3. Eglon. Tell Aitun, about seven miles
southeast of Lachish between Lachish and Hebron,
is most likely the site of Eglon. There is
no mention of this city in extrabiblical sources,
and the site has not been excavated.
JOSHUA 10:3-12 10:5. Amorites. See comment on 5:1.
10:6. Gilgal. Location is unknown; see comment
on 4:19.
10:9. march from Gilgal to Gibeon. Since the
location of Gilgal is unknown, it is difficult to
judge the length of the Israelites’ march. Jericho
to Gibeon is about fifteen miles, so the
march certainly would not exceed twenty
miles and may be as short as five miles.
10:10. Beth Horon, Azekah, Makkedah. The
Beth Horon pass is guarded by the twin cities
of Beth Horon: Upper Beth Horon, Beit Ur
el-Foqa (about two miles northwest of
Gibeon), and Lower Beth Horon, Beit Ur
et-Tahta (about a mile and a half further to the
northwest, and about a thousand feet lower in
elevation). It has been suggested that this is
the city referred to as Bit Ninurta in the Amarna
letters. The pass leads into the Aijalon Valley
(referred to in the Amarna texts as
Ayyaluna), the major route from the hill country
to the coastal plains. Once in the Aijalon
Valley the Amorites turned south, crossing the
Sorek Valley heading southeast about twelve
miles to Azekah (about a mile west of Jarmuth)
overlooking the Elah Valley. From there
they continued south about fourteen more
miles to Makkedah. This route runs along the
flanks between the hill country and the Shephelah.
Makkedah is identified as Khirbet
el-Qom, about halfway between Lachish and
Hebron and only about three miles northeast
of Eglon, so this is centrally located to several
of the cities of the coalition. Limited excavation
has been done at the site, with no Late
Bronze finds reported. Azekah is Tell Zakariya,
where there is evidence of a Canaanite
settlement but little light shed on that level
from archaeology.
10:11. hailstones. The occurrence of hailstones
as divine judgment in conquest accounts is
not unique. In a letter to his god (Assur), Sargon
II of Assyria reports that in his campaign
against Urartu (714 B.C.) the god Adad
stormed against his enemies with “stones
from heaven” and so annihilated them. This
battle included a coalition that fled through
the passes and valleys pursued by Sargon,
with the enemy king hiding at last in the clefts
of his mountain.
10:12. Gibeon and Aijalon. The relative positions
of the sun and moon are important to the
interpretation of this passage. Gibeon is east
and Aijalon is west, suggesting that the sun is
rising and the moon is setting. During the
phase of the full moon, the moon sets in the
west shortly after the sun rises in the east.
JOSHUA 10:11-13 10:12-13. sun and moon as omens. In the ancient
Near East the months were not standardized
in length but varied according to the
phases of the moon. This lunar calendar was
then periodically adjusted to the solar year so
as to retain the relationship of months with
the seasons. The beginning of a month was
calculated by the first appearance of the new
moon. The full moon came in the middle of
the month and was identified by the fact that
the moon set just minutes after the sun rose.
The day of the month on which the full moon
occurred served as an indicator of how many
days the month would have. It was considered
a good omen if the full moon came on the
fourteenth day of the month, because then the
new crescent would be seen on the thirtieth
day and the month would be the “right”
length and all would be in harmony. If “opposition”
(moon and sun simultaneously on opposite
horizons) occurred on the fourteenth, it
was considered to be a “full-length” month
made up of full-length days. Thus days were
viewed as longer or shorter based on the way
the month was going. Verse 13 reports that the
sun and moon did not behave as they would
have on a full-length day. As a result of these
beliefs, the horizon was observed very carefully
in the middle section of the month, hoping
for this opposition of sun and moon to
come on the propitious day (fourteenth). Opposition
on the wrong day was believed to be
JOSHUA 10:12-33 226
an omen of all sorts of disaster, including military
defeat and overthrow of cities. In this
way the movements of the sun and the moon
became monthly omens of good fortune or ill.
In the ancient Near East great significance was
attached to these omens and they were often
used to determine whether battle should be
done on a particular day or not. As noted in
the above comment on Gibeon and Aijalon,
the positions reported in Joshua for the sun
and moon suggest that it is near sunrise in the
full moon phase.
10:12-13. terminology in the celestial omens.
The Mesopotamian celestial omens use verbs
like wait, stand and stop to record the relative
movements and positions of the celestial bodies.
When the moon or sun do not wait, the
moon sinks over the horizon before the sun
rises and no opposition occurs. When the
moon and sun wait or stand, it indicates that
the opposition does occur for the determination
of the full moon day. The omens in the series
known as Enuma Anu Enlil often speak of
changing velocities of the moon in its course
to effect or avoid opposition with the sun.
Likewise in verse 13 the text here reports that
the sun did not hurry but instead stood in its
section of the sky. It should be noted that the
text does not suggest the astronomical phenomena
were unique, but instead, verse 14
says plainly that what was unique was the
Lord accepting a battle strategy from a man
(“the Lord listened to a man”). A Mesopotamian
lamentation (first millennium) shows
this same type of terminology for divine judgment
when it speaks of the heavens rumbling,
the earth shaking, the sun lying at the horizon,
the moon stopping in the sky and evil storms
sweeping through the land. Joshua’s knowledge
of the Amorites’ dependence on omens
may have led him to ask the Lord for one that
he knew would deflate their morale—for the
opposition to occur on an unpropitious day.
10:13. Book of Jashar. It is inferred that the
Book of Jashar contained ancient poetic accounts
of heroic deeds (the only other reference
to it is in 2 Sam 1:18. The title Jashar
could be the adjective upright or a form of the
Hebrew verb sing. It has not been preserved.
10:16-43. conquest narratives in the ancient
Near East. Egyptian war diaries (day books)
record military campaigns in much the same
way that Joshua does. The combination of
longer narratives with short reports using
standard, repeated phrases is attested in the
records of Thutmose III. Studies of Hittite and
Assyrian campaign reports also demonstrate
much stylistic similarity. The claims that deity
has commissioned the campaign and intervened
to bring victory, as well as the reports
of pursuing, subduing and conquering to
bring about complete and utter defeat of the
enemy are all common elements. This suggests
that the biblical author was well aware
of ancient Near Eastern scribal style and practice.
JOSHUA 10:12-33 10:19. prevent reaching cities. Makkedah is
only a few miles from each of the cities of Lachish,
Eglon and Hebron. Joshua would rather
prevent the kings from reaching their cities,
where they could rally a defense. Without
leadership the cities would be easier to conquer.
10:24. foot on the neck symbolism. The Assyrian
king Tukulti-Ninurta I (thirteenth century)
“puts his foot on the neck of” individual
conquered kings as well as (symbolically) on
that of conquered lands, clarifying that they
have thus become his footstool. As a result the
symbolism of making one’s enemies their
footstool Ps 110:1 can be related to the action
here.
10:26. exposure of the corpses. The kings
were executed first, then hung, suggesting
that this was not a manner of execution but a
treatment of the corpse (see 2 Sam 21:12 compared
with 1 Sam 31:10. Many believe it refers
to impalement on a gibbet as was known
to be practiced later by the Assyrians and Persians.
Exposing the corpse was also occasionally
practiced by the Egyptians. It represented
a final humiliation and a desecration (see Is
14:19-20; Jer 7:33; 8:1-3), for most ancient peoples
believed that proper, timely burial affected
the quality of the afterlife (see comment on
8:29).
10:29. Libnah. The town of Libnah, on the
way from Makkedah to Lachish, is usually
identified with Tell Bornat, strategically located
by the Wadi Zeita guarding the best route
to Hebron from the coast. There have been no
excavations there, but surveys have turned up
both Late Bronze and Iron Age evidence on
the site. Others identify it with a site five miles
further east, Khirbet Tell el-Beida (nine miles
northeast of Lachish).
10:33. Gezer. Gezer, modern Tell Jezer, is a
thirty-three-acre mound at the west end of the
Valley of Aijalon, some twenty-five or thirty
miles north of the area of concentration. Its
army is defeated, but the city is not conquered
in this campaign (see 16:10). It is one of the cities
listed as conquered by Pharaoh Merenptah
and was one of the most important cities in
Canaan in the Amarna texts, where there are
ten letters to the pharaoh from its king, Yapahu.
Extensive excavations have been carried
out at the site. A heavily fortified Middle
227 JOSHUA 10:33—11:1
Bronze city was destroyed by fire at the end of
that period (perhaps the destruction claimed
by Thutmose III, fifteenth century). The Late
Bronze city was surrounded by a wall that
was twelve or fourteen feet wide and over fifteen
feet high.
10:33. Horam. Horam, king of Gezer, is not
known from any other texts of the period,
though it is a typical West Semitic name.
10:36. destruction of Hebron. For general information
about Hebron see comment on 10:3.
Since there has been no occupation level from
the Late Bronze Age uncovered at Hebron, archaeology
can shed little light on the destruction
by Joshua and the Israelites. Since Hebron
is the site of a modern town, there are many
areas that are not available for excavation.
10:38. Debir. Debir is Khirbet Rabud, a fifteen-
acre site about eight miles southwest of
Hebron. A fortified Canaanite city in the Late
Bronze Age, it has a commanding location
along the Wadi Hebron that goes from Beersheba
to Hebron. Excavation has been limited
to two trenches, so there is not much information
concerning the destruction by Joshua.
10:40. region and extent of conquest. The cities
that have been described in this passage
are all in the southern hill country and the
southern Shephelah. Cities such as Gezer and
Jerusalem are not mentioned as being attacked.
The description given in the verse circumscribes
this region. Since the kings who
controlled the region had been defeated, the
territory was now considered to belong to the
Israelites. The use of hyperbole in describing
the total nature of the destruction is common
in conquest accounts. The text itself demonstrates
that it is hyperbole in Joshua 15:13-16,
where inhabitants of Hebron and Debir are
mentioned. This type of hyperbole is used in
reference to Israel in the Merenptah Inscription,
where it is claimed that there are no descendants
of Israel remaining, and in the
Mesha Inscription, where Israel is described
as utterly perished forever. Such statements
are the rhetoric indicative of military victory
and can be found in Hittite, Egyptian and Assyrian
accounts of campaigns. This does not
suggest the account is inaccurate, deceptive or
misleading, for any reader would have recognized
this well-known rhetorical style for reporting
the results of battle.
10:41. Kadesh-barnea to Gaza. Kadesh- barnea
represents the border between the Negev
section of the promised land and the Sinai wilderness.
Gaza (about sixty miles directly
north) represents the border between Palestine
and Egyptian territories in the Sinai along
the coast of the Mediterranean. Together these
serve as the southwestern border of the land.
10:41. Goshen to Gibeon. Goshen does not refer
to the territory by the same name in the
delta region of Egypt but to an area in the hill
country of Judah, as indicated by 11:16 and
15:51, where it stands with the southernmost
sites in the hill country. Gibeon represents the
northernmost acquisitions of the southern
campaign. Together these serve as the eastern
border of the territories conquered in this
campaign.
JOSHUA 10:33—11:1
11:1-15
The Defeat of the Northern
Coalition
11:1. Jabin. This may be another name that
has been shortened by dropping the god’s
name (see comment on 10:3 on the allies). A
similar name is found in the Amarna texts for
the king of Lachish, whose name is Yabni-Ilu
(“[the god] Il created”). In the Mari texts
(eighteenth century B.C.) the king of Hazor is
named Yabni-Addu (“[the god] Adad created”).
The name may also be referred to on an
itinerary list from Rameses II, where Ibni is
named as the king of Qishon. Qishon is possibly
the same as Qedesh, where Deborah and
Barak fight against a king named Jabin also
connected to Hazor Judg 4:1-13.
11:1. Hazor. Hazor (Tell el-Qedah) is located
about ten miles north of the Sea of Galilee
along the major trade routes of the region. The
upper city on top of the tell was about 25
acres, while the lower city covered another
175 acres, making it one of the largest cities in
the fertile crescent. The tell was about 140 feet
high. The Middle Bronze wall around the upper
city was of mudbrick and was 23 feet
wide. Parts of the lower city were defended by
a rampart wall and fosse (dry moat). Hazor is
the most important city in the region in the
Amarna texts. Hazor’s king in the Amarna
texts, Abdi-Tirshi, claims loyalty to Egypt,
though he is named as one of those siding
with the Habiru. He is also accused of taking
cities from Ayyab, king of Ashtaroth (see comment
on Deut 1.
11:1. Madon. Because of textual variations
most have accepted that Madon is the same as
Merom, mentioned here in verse 5 as the site
of the coalition camp. The currently favored
location for Merom is Tell Qarnei Hittin, about
five miles west of Tiberias and the Sea of Galilee.
Excavations at the site have discovered a
Late Bronze fortress that was destroyed in the
thirteenth century. Both Thutmose III of Egypt
(fifteenth century) and Tiglath-Pileser III of
Assyria (eighth century) claim to have taken
JOSHUA 11:1-17 228
Merom. The king, Jobab, is not known from
any other sources.
11:1. Shimron. Shimron (Shamhuna of the
Amarna texts, also in the itinerary of Thutmose
III) is Khirbet Sammuniya at the western
end of the Jezreel Valley, five miles west of
Nazareth and seventeen miles southwest of
Qarnei Hittin. There have been Late Bronze
Age remains found at the site.
11:1. Acshaph. Acshaph (Akshapa of the Amarna
texts, also in the itinerary of Thutmose
III) has been tentatively identified as Tell Keisan,
about twelve miles north-northwest of
Shimron, about three miles from the Mediterranean
coast on the plain of Acco. Papyrus
Anastasi I (thirteenth century) confirms a location
on the plain of Acco, though it leads
one to expect a site a bit further south than
Keisan. There have been Late Bronze Age remains
found at the site.
11:2. regions. The description of the region in
verse 2 is very uncertain, but it appears to cut
a swath from Hazor and the Sea of Galilee on
the east angling southwest through the Galilee
region to the coast at Naphoth Dor. The
latter is probably one of the names of the town
of Dor (Khirbet el-Burj), which was an important
seaport in the Late Bronze period. Kinnereth
could refer either to the town on the
northwest shore of the lake or to the lake itself.
The Arabah is the Jordan rift valley.
11:3. people groups. For discussion of these
people groups see the comment on 3:10.
11:3. Hivites in Mizpah. The region of Mizpah
is the valley that comes south through the
Huleh basin flanked on the east by Mount
Hermon. The Hivites that lived in there were
most likely Hurrians resettled from the Mitanni
region. See comment on 9:7.
11:4. chariots in the Late Bronze Age.
Canaanite chariots of the Late Bronze Age
were light vehicles with almost no armor and
wheels with four spokes. They were drawn by
two horses. These are in contrast to the iron
chariots of the next period, which were armored
and featured six-spoke wheels to carry
the extra weight.
11:5. Waters of Merom. If Merom is properly
located at Qarnei Hittin (see comment on Madon
at 11:1), then the Waters of Merom would
be either a spring near the site or a river nearby.
There is a wadi that runs through the valley
north of the site.
11:6. hamstringing horses. Horses could not
be mercifully shot as they are today, and the
Israelites had no use for them and no means
of caring for them; they certainly did not want
their enemies to have continued use of them.
Hamstringing involves cutting through the
rear tarsal tendon in the hock joint (the equivalent
of the human Achilles tendon).
11:8. path of pursuit. The path of pursuit appears
to circumscribe the area known as Upper
Galilee going west to the coast through
the Turan Valley and the Valley of Iphtahel
(the valleys north of Nazareth), then up the
coast to the territory of Sidon, whose southern
border is the east-west section of the Litani
River (Misrephoth Maim?), east to where the
Litani River swings from north-south into the
Huleh Valley (the Valley of Mizpah, Marj
’Ayyun), then south again to Hazor to lay
claim to the cities of the defeated kings.
11:11. destruction of Hazor. Hazor’s upper
and lower city were destroyed by fire in the
thirteenth century B.C., and the lower city was
never reoccupied. Solomon’s building at the
site was limited to the upper city.
11:12. royal cities. Royal cities would be the
administrative centers of larger districts. The
Egyptians had a number of such cities during
the Amarna period where their governors
lived, such as Gaza and Beth Shan. Cities like
Shechem and Hazor could also have been considered
royal cities because of the large areas
they controlled. Gibeon’s strategic location
and fortifications give it the potential to be
such a city.
11:13. built on their mounds. The mounds referred
to here are the tells that characterize
many ancient sites. A city was more defensible
if it was built on elevated ground, but in
addition to the natural mound, as each successive
occupation level was destroyed or abandoned,
the rubble was flattened for the
reconstruction of the city. As one layer piled
on top of another century after century, an artificial
mound, or tell, rose higher and higher.
Some sites have more than twenty occupation
levels, and the task of the archaeologist is to
peel through these layers to reconstruct the
history of the site.
JOSHUA 11:1-17
11:16—12:24
Summary of the Conquest
11:16-17. extent of the conquest. Verse 16
names the geographical areas of the land that
covers all but the coast from Galilee in the
north to the Negev in the south. Verse 17 uses
two landmarks to designate the conquered
territory. Mount Halak is near the Edomite
border on the south and is generally identified
as Jebel Halaq, along the Wadi Marra between
Beersheba and the wilderness of Zin. Baal
Gad is the northern boundary in the vicinity
of Dan/Laish north of Hazor, sometimes identified
as Banias, just east of Dan. The Valley of
229 JOSHUA 11:21—12:7
Lebanon is often considered the same as the
Valley of Mizpah (see comment on 11:8), joining
the Litani Valley to the Huleh Valley. For
the totality of the language see the comment
on 10:40.
11:21. Anakites. The descendants of Anak are
generally considered “giants” (see Num
13:21-33; Deut 2:10-11; 2 Sam 21:18-22,
though the description “gigantic” may be a
more appropriate line of thinking. There is no
sure mention of the Anakites in other sources,
though a possibility exists in the Egyptian execration
texts. Additionally, the Egyptian letter
on Papyrus Anastasi I (thirteenth century
B.C.) describes fierce warriors in Canaan that
are seven to nine feet tall.
11:21. Hebron, Debir, Anab. Hebron and Debir
were identified in the comments on 10:3
and 10:38 respectively. Anab is also in the hill
country of Judah and is probably Khirbet Unnab
es-Seghir (Tell Rekhesh) about fifteen
miles southwest of Hebron. It is referred to in
Egyptian texts of the period, and surveys have
identified Iron Age remains.
11:22. Gaza, Gath, Ashdod. Gaza, Gath and
Ashdod become three of the five capital cities
of the Philistine rulers along the southern
coastal plains. Ashdod is about three miles
from the coast, directly west of Jerusalem. It
is mentioned in the Ugaritic texts, and excavations
have demonstrated a large Late
Bronze settlement on the site. Gaza is two
miles from the coast, about twenty miles
southwest of Ashdod. The modern city prevents
significant excavation, but the city is
well known in extrabiblical sources of the
biblical period. Gath, Tell es-Safi, is further
inland by the Elah Valley where it enters the
Shephelah, five or six miles west of Azekah.
There has been little modern excavation on
the site.
JOSHUA 11:21—12:7
12:1-24
List of Defeated Kings
12:1. Arnon to Hermon. The Transjordanian
area said to be conquered stretched from the
Arnon River (border between Moab and the
kingdom of Sihon) in the south to Mount Hermon
in the north (see Deut 3:8, a distance of
about 130 air miles. This type of geographic
range would be similar to the Dan to Beersheba
designation in Palestine.
12:2-3. geographical area. Since the exact location
of biblical Heshbon is still un-known
(Tell Hesban does not contain materials related
to the Conquest period), it can only be
said to lie near the northern end of the Dead
Sea in Moabite territory (see comment on
Num 21:25-28. The eastern region of Sihon’s
rule ranges from Aroer, a border city located
on the lip of the Arnon Valley and controlling
the trade and travel route through that area,
through the portion of Gilead south of the
Jabbok River. Along the eastern side of the
Jordan Valley, Sihon is said to rule north of
the Jabbok as far as the Sea of Chinnereth
(Sea of Galilee), and south as far as the northeastern
shores of the Dead Sea, within the
slopes of the Pisgah range, directly across
from Jericho.
12:4. Rephaim. The Rephaim appear in the
biblical text as either the spirits of the dead
Ps 88:10-12; Is 26:14 or, as in this text, as one
of the original peoples in the Transjordanian
area of Bashan Gen 14:5; Deut 3:13. They
were known for their tall stature Num 13:33;
2 Sam 21:16 and, like the Anakim and Emim
of Moab, were displaced by the invading Israelites.
King Og, with his huge iron bed, is
designated as the last of these people, another
indicator of their demise during the Israelite
conquest. The origin of the Rephaim’s
association with the dead may be found in
the Ugaritic legends of ancient kings and heroes
(see Is 14:9. Their ties to Transjordanian
peoples may be remnants of Ugaritic lore
about that area and may also be tied to the
god or eponymous ancestor Rapah (see Deut
3:11, 13 for parenthetical information on the
Rephaites).
12:4-5. geographical area. The compass of
Og’s territory stretches from the Mount Hermon
range and Bashan in the northern section
of the Transjordan to the Yarmuk River in the
south. He reigns in Ashtaroth (Tell Ashtarah,
twenty-five miles northeast of the Sea of Galilee)
and Edrei (which is mentioned in the annals
of the Egyptian pharaoh Thutmose III,
lies on one of the Yarmuk tributaries and is located
at Der’a, in modern Jordan). The eastern
border of Og’s domain is Salecah, possibly
modern Salkhad (see comment on Deut
3:1-11).
12:7-8. geographical area. This list of conquered
territory west of the Jordan River is a
repetition of Joshua 11:16-17. Such repetition
further strengthens the Israelite claim on the
land, based on the covenant of Genesis
15:19-21, and provides the basis for its distribution
to the tribes. The southern boundary is
Mount Halak (modern Jebel Halaq) near the
region of Edom, and the northern border is
Baal-gad near the base of Mount Hermon on
the border of Lebanon. Some additions are
made in terms of geographical features, such
as “the mountain slopes” (see Josh 10:40; possibly
the decline toward the Shephelah or in
JOSHUA 12:9-21 230
the Judean desert angling toward the Dead
Sea) and “the desert,” an area later occupied
by the tribe of Judah (see Josh 15:61.
12:9-12. list of kings. The list of conquered
kings roughly follows the sequence of the Israelite
conquest in Joshua 6—11. Thus Jericho
and Ai (beside Bethel, see Josh 7:2 appear in
Joshua 6—8. The kings of the southern
Canaanite coalition are listed in verses 10-12
and are found in Joshua 10:3, 23. Assyrian inscriptions
occasionally list the lands and kings
conquered by a particular king in the course
of his campaign. Tiglath-Pileser I, for instance,
tells of forty-two lands conquered over a period
of five years. Shalmaneser I reports that he
destroyed fifty-one cities.
12:13. Debir. See the comment describing Debir
in Joshua 10:38.
12:13. Geder. The site of Geder is unknown.
Some suggest that this is a scribal error for
Gerar, a Canaanite city in the western Negev
region. However, one of Solomon’s officials is
identified as a Gederite in 1 Chronicles 27:28,
indicating that it is the actual name of a city.
One suggestion is Khirbet Jedur about seven
miles north of Hebron.
JOSHUA 12:9-18 12:14. Hormah. With its name meaning “destruction,”
it is possible that this site name has
been applied to several places. It appears to be
located in the southern Negev region of
Judah, but its exact location is still in dispute
(among the suggestions are Tell el-Milh, seven
miles northeast of Beersheba, and Tell Masos,
seven miles east of Beersheba). The name is
associated with Israel’s initial defeat in Numbers
14:45 as well as a victory over Arad (Num
21:1-3).
Joshua 12:9-21 12:14. Arad. The site of Tell ’Arad is eighteen
miles east northeast of Beer-sheba in the
southern Negev region. There are a number of
small sites associated with this settlement,
and it is possible that the Arad of Joshua was
actually Tell Malhata, four miles east of Tell
’Arad, or possibly Tel Masos (Khirbet el-Meshash),
about seven miles east of Beersheba.
Ceramic evidence or its absence from these
sites, however, has led to a variety of opinions.
It can be noted that Tell ’Arad was virtually
abandoned at the end of the Early Bronze
Age after being a major, fortified site with significant
Egyptian influence. There is also evidence
of the appearance of an unfortified
village during the Iron Age (eleventh century
B.C.), which might correspond to the settlement
of the Kenites mentioned in Judges 1:16.
12:15. Libnah. See the comment describing
Libnah in Joshua 10:29.
12:15. Adullam. Located in the Shephelah in
southern Judah, about sixteen miles southwest
of Jerusalem, Adullam has been identified
as Tell esh Sheikh Madhkur. Although it
only appears here as part of the list of conquered
kings, the site is associated with David
1 Sam 22:1 and is among the list of the fortified
cities of Solomon 2 Chron 11:7. In prophetic
tradition, Micah mourns its destruction
during the Assyrian invasion Mic 1:15.
12:16. Makkedah and Bethel. See the comments
on 10:10 for Makkedah and on 8:9 for
Bethel.
12:17. Tappuah. Identified with the hilltop site
of Tell Sheikh Abu Zarad, nine miles southeast
of Nablus, Tappuah was a border town between
the tribal areas of Ephraim and Manasseh
(see 16:8; 17:7-8). Another town by that
name is also mentioned in 15:34 in Judah, but
it has not been positively identified.
12:17. Hepher. Although the city-state of Hepher
has not been positively identified, it was
most likely within the northeast segment of
the tribal allotment of Manasseh, perhaps as
far north as the Dothan valley and the Gilboa
range. Recent archaeological survey in that region
suggests Tell el-Muhaffar as a possible
site for Hepher (see 17:2-3 for ties between
Hepher and the allotment of Zelophehad).
12:18. Aphek. Mentioned in the annals of the
Egyptian pharaohs Thutmose III (c. 1490-1436)
and Amen-hotep II (c. 1447-1421), this Aphek
was located on the Sharon Plain and is identified
with Tell Ras el-’Ain, at the source of the
Yarkon River near modern Tel Aviv. It is also
the site of at least two major battles between
the Israelites and the Philistines 1 Sam 4:1;
29:1).
12:18. Lasharon. It is possible, based on the
Septuagint reading, that Lasharon is simply a
geographic indicator for Aphek, since that site
name is used elsewhere for other cities (see
Josh 13:4; 1 Kings 20:26-30. If it is a separate
site, it is most likely to be located near Philistine
territory.
12:19. Madon and Hazor. See the comment on
11:1 dealing with these conquered cities.
12:20. Shimron, Meron and Acshaph. See the
comment on 11:1 dealing with these conquered
cities.
12:21. Taanach. Although founded about 2700
B.C. at Tell Ti’innik, about four miles northwest
of Megiddo on a crest above the Jezreel
Valley, Taanach does not appear in extrabiblical
records until the fifteenth-century annals
of Pharaoh Thutmose III in his account of the
Battle of Megiddo (c. 1468 B.C.). It is one of
several Jezreel sites that are regularly included
in the lists of conquered cities in this rich,
disputed area. Its inclusion in Joshua’s conquest
list thus follows that pattern. Although
231 JOSHUA 12:21—13:5
it was originally a part of the tribal allotment
of Asher, later references describe it as part of
Manasseh Josh 17:12; Judg 5:19. Based on excavation
reports, Taanach experienced its
greatest period of importance during the
mid-third millennium and between the seventeenth
and fourteenth centuries B.C. It was
only sparsely settled during the twelfth century
B.C., following the collapse of Egyptian control
of the area and the incursion of the Sea
Peoples. However, a new defense system was
constructed in the tenth century, indicating a
resurgence of population during the monarchy
period.
12:21. Megiddo. Since Megiddo commanded
the western entrance to the strategic Valley of
Jezreel, the Plain of Sharon and the coastal international
trade route between Egypt and
Mesopotamia, it claimed the attention of
many ancient rulers. Founded around 3300
B.C. near two springs, Megiddo was destroyed
and rebuilt twenty times as Egyptian (annals
of Thutmose III, Seti, Rameses II; El Amarna
letters), Hittite and Mesopotamian armies
contended to control it and the economic link
through Syro-Palestine. The destruction of the
Late Bronze city (stratum VIIA) of the twelfth
century probably coincides with the break in
Egyptian suzerainty following the incursion
of the Sea Peoples (based on the discovery of
Philistine pottery). Other than in this list of
conquered kings, Megiddo is not mentioned
in the conquest narrative. It was assigned to
Manasseh Josh 17:11 but was not captured
by the Israelites Judg 1:27 until the monarchy
period 1 Kings 4:12; 9:15).
12:22. Kedesh. This place name appears in
several geographic contexts, including within
Galilee (Tell Qades) and Naphtali near Megiddo
Judg 4:11; 5:19; Tel Abu Kudeis). Its appearance
at this point in the list suggests a site
in the Jezreel Valley, but it is not possible to
make an exact determination.
JOSHUA 12:19-24 12:22. Jokneam. Identified with Tel Yoq-neam,
this site is located just northwest of Megiddo
at the exit of the Wadi Milh in the Jezreel Valley
on the border of Zebulun Josh 19:11;
21:34). It was founded in the Early Bronze period
and continued to be occupied until the
Ottoman era. Its strategic importance is documented
by its inclusion in the conquest list of
Thutmose III. The city was destroyed in the
thirteenth-century upheaval and again at the
end of the eleventh century, perhaps as part of
the Israelite expansion to the north.
12:23. Dor. The coastal city of Dor was most
likely founded during the thirteenth century
B.C. as part of Rameses II’s attempt to increase
trade between Syro-Palestine and the Aegean.
The Philistines subsequently settled here (evident
in the Egyptian story of Wen-Amon’s
journey), and then it was taken by Solomon
and served as one of his administrative centers
1 Kings 4:11. It was in the tribal territory
of Manasseh but not conquered until the monarchy
period Josh 11:2; Judg 1:27.
12:23. Goyim/Gilgal. There are several cities
identified as Gilgal, and they are found
throughout ancient Canaan. The identifier
Goyim, “Gentiles,” is not particularly helpful,
although some, using the LXX reading, tie the
name to Harosheth Haggoyim in Judges 4:2.
Since it appears between Dor and Tirzah on
the list in Joshua, this may indicate a location
in the eastern quadrant of the Sharon Plain.
12:24. Tirzah. Generally identified with Tell
el-Far’ah (seven miles northeast of Nablus in
the central highlands), Tirzah’s only biblical
appearance prior to the monarchy period is in
Joshua’s list of conquered kings. Its association
with Manasseh is based on a woman
named Tirzah in the genealogy Num 26:33;
Josh 17:3. Settlement began in the Neolithic
period with the largest city dated to about
1700, with thick walls and a citadel. Its Iron
Age heights were reached when it served as
Israel’s capital 1 Kings 15:21, but the shift to
Samaria left it a minor post.
JOSHUA 12:21—13:5
13:1-33
Division of Transjordan
13:1. boundary lists in the ancient Near East.
There are several Hittite treaties that offer similarities
to the boundary lists found in Joshua
13—19. In the treaties the boundary lists indicate
the frontiers of the land that is entrusted
to the vassal by the suzerain. Even though the
land technically belongs to the suzerain, he offers
local control to the vassal and delineates
the boundaries of the land that defines this legal
relationship. It is land that is designated as
territory to be protected in loyalty to the suzerain.
The most extensive boundary list is
found in the treaty between the Hittites and
their vassal district Tarhuntassa (in south-central
Anatolia). The purpose of the lists in these
two treaties is to specify which territory belongs
to Tarhuntassa and which territory belongs
to its neighbors, the other vassal
districts. This would be similar to the purpose
of Joshua 13—19, to distinguish which territory
belongs to which tribe. It is the role of the
suzerain to define the frontiers in this way,
and it demonstrates the suzerain’s control of
the vassals and their land.
13:2-5. the land that remained. The summary
statement of territories that remained to be
JOSHUA 13:6-31 232
conquered is divided into three regions: (1)
Philistia, including the five major Philistine
city-states, and the area to the south that borders
on Egypt at the Wadi el-’Arish (see Josh
15:4); (2) the Phoenician coastal zone; and (3)
Byblos and the Lebanon mountain zone east
of Syria. This final area was never conquered
by the Israelites, although commercial and
diplomatic ties did exist 1 Kings 9:19. The
Phoenician city-states of Tyre and Sidon in the
second region were assigned to Asher but
never conquered Judg 1:31. However, they
were certainly allied with the governments of
David and Solomon 1 Kings 5:1; 9:11-13).
Within Philistia are the settlements of a segment
of the Sea Peoples. Excavations at several
of these sites (most recently at Tel Miqne/
Ekron) demonstrate destruction levels consistent
with their incursion and the displacement
of Canaanite inhabitants (for the Avvim, see
Deut 2:23. Of these cities, only Gath has not
been positively identified (Tell esh-Sheri’ah
and Tell es-Safi have been proposed, with the
latter being most likely).
13:6. geography of. This statement reiterates
the geographic region of Phoenicia, although
it refers to it entirely as Sidonian. It is possible
to see this verse as part of the geographic
summary in Joshua 13:5, but it may also be a
summary statement. In any case, it proves a
northern border to the region actually said to
be conquered by Joshua (for Misraphoth
Mayim see Josh 11:8.
13:9-13. geography of. For discussion of this
geographic description of Transjordan, see the
comments on Joshua 12:2-6 and Deuteronomy
3:8-17.
Joshua 13:6-31 13:9. Medeba plateau. This fertile tableland,
within the Mishor (northern Moab), lies about
twenty-five miles south of Amman, Jordan. It
was assigned to Reuben and was the scene of
numerous battles between Israelites and Moabites
for control of this area Judg 3:12-30;
1 Sam 14:47; 2 Sam 8:2; 1 Chron 19:7.
13:10. Heshbon. See the comments on Numbers
21:26-30 dealing with the Amorite kingdom
of Sihon in this region of Moab.
13:17-20. locations in. The list of captured cities
within the kingdom of Sihon (Heshbon, Jahaz,
Edrei, Dibon, Medeba) also appears in
Numbers 21:21-35. Numbers 32:33-41 also
lays claim to cities within this region for Reuben,
Gad and Manasseh. Bamoth Baal is also
found within the Balaam cycle of stories
Num 22:41, and several of these sites appear
in the list of Levitical cities Josh 21. Location
for sites not discussed elsewhere include Beth
Baal Meon with Ma’in (four miles southwest
of Medeba); Kedemoth with Khirbet er Remeil
or ’Aleiyan (fifteen miles southeast of Medeba);
Mephaath with Khirbet Nef’a (four miles
south of Amman), Tell Jawah (five miles south
of Amman) or, most likely, Umm er-Rasas (almost
twenty miles southeast of Medeba); Sibmah
with Khirbet qurn el-Kibs; Zereth Shahar
with Khirbet ez-Zarat (near the shore of the
Dead Sea); and Beth Peor with Khirbet ’Uyun
Musa.
13:21. Midianite chiefs. The list of defeated
Midianite chiefs or princes is also found in
Numbers 31:8, where they are referred to as
kings. Evi and Reba only appear in these identical
lists, while Zur is referred to as a tribal
chief in Numbers 25:15 1 Chron 8:30, and
Hur is the name of an Israelite chief in Exodus
17:10. Rekem is a fairly common personal
name 1 Chron 2:43-44; 7:16) as well as a place
name Josh 18:27. The names may also be associated
with specific places ranging from
southern Transjordan to northern Arabia,
thereby tracing control of the trade routes of
that region.
13:22. Balaam. See the comments on Balaam
in Numbers 22 and the comment on Numbers
25:3, which discusses the incident at Baal-Peor
and may be the basis for the account of Balaam’s
death here in Joshua 13.
13:24-29. geography of Gad. The territory assigned
to the tribe of Gad includes most of
Gilead. This region is located to the south of
the Jabbok River as far as the hill country near
Amman. The Aroer listed here is near Amman
(Rabbah), not the southern site mentioned in
Joshua 13:16. Jezer is probably to be identified
with Khirbet es-Sar (about eight miles from
Hesbon), and Betonim is located at Khirbet
el-Batne about three miles southeast of es-Salt.
Mahanaim is most often identified with Tell
Heggag in the Jabbok valley just south of
Penuel, and Lo-Debar (NIV: Debir) may be a
little north of there, but its exact site is unknown
(see Amos 6:13. Of the other sites listed,
Beth Haram is either Tell er-Rameh or Tell
Iktanu at the confluence of the Wadi Hesban;
Beth Nimrah is either Tell el-Blebil or Tell
Nimrin; Succoth is probably Tell Deir ’Alla on
the Jabbok; and Zaphon is Tell es-Sa’idiye on
the Wadi Kafrinji.
13:30-31. geography of Manasseh. The description
of the territory assigned to the eastern
half of the tribe of Manasseh is not as
detailed as that for Gad. It has parallels in
Numbers 32:39-42 and Deuteronomy 3:13-14.
In general the area extended from Mahanaim,
also a northern boundary point for Gad,
northward through much of Bashan (see Josh
12:4 and 13:11-12) as far as Mount Hermon.
The “settlements of Jair” cannot be identified
233 JOSHUA 14:1—15:19
since they would have been tent encampments
(see Num 32:41; Deut 3:14; 1 Chron
2:22), but they would have been scattered
throughout Bashan. For Machir as a descendant
of Manasseh, see Genesis 50:23 and
Numbers 26:29. This tribal segment would
have been associated with northern Gilead
(see Num 32:39-40; Judg 5:14.
JOSHUA 14:1—15:19
14:1—19:51
The Distribution of the Land
14:6. Kenizzite. The Kenizzites were a non-Israelite
tribal group, geographically and ethnically
tied to the Kenites, Calebites and
Othnielites (see Gen 15:19; Num 32:12; Judg
1:13). Their territory included the region
southwest of Hebron and reaching south of
the Dead Sea in the vicinity of Edom. These
smaller tribal groups were eventually absorbed
into the tribe of Judah after the establishment
of the monarchy.
14:15. Anakites. See the comment on 11:21.
14:15. Hebron. See the comment on 10:3.
15:2-4. geography of Judah’s southern
boundary. Judah’s southern border is the
same as that of the nation in Numbers 34:3-5.
It extends from the southern end of the Dead
Sea, on the border with Edom, to the Desert of
Zin (see Num 13:21; 20:1) and eventually west
to the Mediterranean Sea. “Scorpion Pass”
may be identified with Naqb es-Safa (see
Num 34:4. Kadesh-barnea was the staging
point from which the Israelites traversed the
wilderness and from which they began the
conquest (see Num 13:26; Deut 1:19, 46. It is
most likely located at ’Ain el-Qudeirat on the
Wadi el-’Ain in the northern Sinai. The villages
of Hezron, Addar and Karka have not been
located, although they may be associated
with wells or springs near Kadesh-barnea,
and the site of Azmon is also uncertain,
though it has been identified with Ain Muweilih,
another of the springs in the area. For
the Wadi (or Brook) of Egypt, the Wadi
el-’Arish, see Joshua 13:3. The various directional
qualifiers in the list of place names are
very general and give only an approximation
of direction and exact location.
15:5a. Judah eastern border. The eastern border
of the tribal territory of Judah is the Dead
Sea. It extended from its southern end bordering
on Edom, northwest to Jericho and the
Wadi Qelt, and on to the hill country of Bethel.
The reference to the “mouth” implies the confluence
of the Jordan River into the Dead Sea
at a point 1285 feet below sea level. Like many
ancient nations, Judah utilized a natural barrier
to mark its border.
15:5b-11. Judah northern border. The northern
border begins at the “mouth of the Jordan”
and extends northwest to Jericho and the
Wadi Qelt. It passes just to the south of Jerusalem
(Jebus) and then on to Kiriath Jearim
(Deir el-Azhar) by way of the Judean hills to
Beth Shemesh (Tell el-Rumeileh) on to the border
of Philistia on the “northern slope of Ekron”
(Tel Miqne). It then passes through the
Sorek Valley westward to Jabneel (2 Chron
26:6; later Jamnia) and the Mediterranean Sea.
Reference to Gilgal is problematic since this
site is generally thought to lie north of Judah’s
territory Josh 5:9. The Pass of Adummim, literally
“ascent of blood,” is Tal’at ed-Damm.
En Shemesh refers to a well south of Jerusalem
and has been identified with ’Ain el-Hod
to the east of the Mount of Olives. En Rogel is
found at the meeting of the Kidron and Hinnom
Valleys east of Jerusalem. Nephtoah is
identified with Lifta, two miles northwest of
Jerusalem.
JOSHUA 15:5-47 15:7. Debir. See the comment on this name in
Joshua 10:3. There Debir is identified as the
king of Eglon and part of a Canaanite coalition
defeated by Joshua. It is also noted as a
city name in Joshua 10:38. In this case Debir is
a place name but is not to be identified with
the city in Joshua 10:38. It may be identified
with Thogret ed-Debr, northeast of Jerusalem.
15:15. Kiriath Sepher. This is the Canaanite
name for the site later known as Debir (see
Judg 1:11-12. The name means “city of the
book” or “town of the treaty,” and may thus
reflect either a local scribal school or possibly
the site of a treaty. The biblical references indicate
that the city was located southwest of Hebron
in the southern portion of the Judean hill
country. Recent excavation indicates its likely
site is Khirbet Rabud.
15:13-19. land grant. Caleb’s grant of land to
Othniel and his daughter Acsah is typical of
feudatory grants in the ancient Near East.
Very often kings or princes would offer land
grants to military officers as a reward for services
rendered as well as a means of bringing
uncultivated land into production and increasing
the tax base (evident in some of
Hammurabi’s laws). This practice was also
used by governments to facilitate the settlement
of tribal peoples who might otherwise
become a problem to the peace and economic
activity of the kingdom (a practice seen in the
Mari texts). The fact that this land grant is
coupled with an offer of a marriage (see 1 Sam
17:25; 18:17) simply adds weight to the importance
of the task of conquering the Anakim.
Since the assigned land is quite arid, Acsah’s
request for water sources (see Gen 26:17-33 is
JOSHUA 15:21—16:9 234
not out of line and holds her father to a more
honest position than was originally the case.
15:21-32. southern towns of Judah. These
southern towns center on Beersheba and
stretch from the Edomite border to Sharuhen
(see Josh 19:6 on the Mediterranean coast. Of
those that have been identified, Kabzeel (2
Sam 23:20; Neh 11:25 may be Tell Gharreh between
Beersheba and Arad; Jagur may be
Khirbet el-Gharrah, nine miles east of Beersheba;
Kinah is identified with Horvat ’Uza,
three miles southwest of Arad; Kerioth
Hezron may be Khirbet el-Qaryatein, four
miles north of Arad; Amam may be Be’er Navatim
near Beersheba; Moladah may be Khirbet
el-Waten, six miles east of Beersheba;
Baalah may be Tulul el-Medbah near Tel Masos;
Madmannah is tentatively identified as
Khirbet Tatrit; Sansannah may be Khirbet
esh-Shamsaniyat in the Negeb plains; and
Rimmon may be Tel Halif, eight miles northeast
of Beersheba (see Neh 11:29; Zech 14:10.
15:33-47. western towns of Judah. The list of
Judah’s western towns and villages in the
Shephelah is arranged in four groups, with a
north-south orientation centering on Lachish.
The last group, which includes Philistia and
its major city-states (Ekron, Ashdod, Gaza),
was assigned to Judah in name only since it
was not forced into submission until the monarchy.
Of those that can at least tentatively be
identified, Jarmuth (see Josh 10:3 is Khirbet
Yarmuk, sixteen miles west of Jerusalem; Zenan
may be ’Araq el-Kharba near Lachish; Lachish
is Tell ed-Duweir Josh 10:3 and was
massively fortified during the monarchy period;
Eglon remains unknown (its traditional
identification with Tell el-Hesi is unfounded);
Libnah may be Tell es-Safi or Tell Bornat;
Ether is Khirbet el-’Ater; Ashnah is Idhnah;
Nezib is at Khirbet Beit Nesib, eight miles
northwest of Hebron; and Keilah is Khirbet
Qila in the eastern portion of the Shephelah
(Amarna Tablets: Qiltu?).
15:48-60. hill country towns. The Judean hill
country, which lies in a narrow, north-south
strip between the Judean wilderness on the
east and the Shephelah tableland on the west,
contained five (six in the LXX) districts with
their towns and villages assigned to the tribe
of Judah. Of those that have been tentatively
identified, Shamir is el-Bireh; Jattir is Khirbet
‘Attir (see 1 Sam 30:27; Anab is Khirbet
‘Anab; Anim may be Khirbet Ghuwein et-Tahta,
seven miles southwest of Hebron; Holon is
at Khirbet ‘Illin; Arab is located at er-Rabiyeh;
Dumah may be at Deir ed-Domeh (possibly
Udumu in EA 256); Beth Tappuah is at Taffuh,
three miles west of Hebron; Zior is at Si’ir, five
miles northeast of Hebron; Maon may be Tell
Ma’in, just south of Hebron (see 1 Sam 25:2;
Carmel is at Khirbet el-Kermel; Juttah is at
Yatta; Gibeah may be el-Jeba’ southwest of
Jerusalem; Beth Zur is Khirbet et-Tubeiqah,
four miles north of Hebron; Gedor may be
Khirbet Jedur; and Rabbah may be the Rubutu
mentioned in Egyptian conquest lists and
Amarna texts.
15:61-62. wilderness towns. The arid band of
land along the western shore of the Dead Sea
comprised the Judean Wilderness (see Ps
63:1). High cliffs and deep-cut valleys mark
the area immediately along the shore. Further
inland the eastern slopes of the hill country
descend over three thousand feet in a space of
about ten miles. This drastically effects the climate
and effectively cuts off annual rainfall
amounts needed to support farming or large
permanent settlements. Life here was only
possible near springs and wells and thus there
are only six towns mentioned. Of these Beth
Arabah (possibly ‘Ain el-Gharabeh on the
north bank of the Wadi Qelt, three miles
southeast of Jericho) and En Gedi have been
located with any confidence. The latter is
identified with the oasis with hot springs at
Tell ej-Jurn on the western shore of the Dead
Sea. Some have identified Secacah with Khirbet
Qumran.
16:1-4. Joseph tribes’ boundaries. Touching
on the northern boundary of Judah at the Jordan
River, near the Dead Sea and Jericho, and
on the border of Benjamin, which included the
city of Jericho, this territory extended north of
that city. Its border then continued on toward
the hill country and Bethel through the arid
region known as the desert of Beth Aven (see
18:12). The boundary extended westward to
Gezer (see 10:33) and eventually to the Mediterranean
Sea. This latter section would have
been only nominally within Israelite territory.
JOSHUA 15:21—16:9 16:2. Bethel/Luz. The connection between Luz
and Bethel involves more than a name change
(see Gen 28:19; Josh 18:13; Judg 1:23. They
may have been originally two sites, but the
importance of cultic site of Bethel in later history
eclipsed Luz and combined them. Both
would have been at or near the site of Beitin
(see comment on 8:9).
16:5-9. Ephraim’s boundaries. With its southern
boundary already delineated in verses 1-4,
Ephraim’s border extended as far north as the
area around Shechem and then swung east
and south toward Tanaath Shiloh (Khirbet
Ta’nah el-Foqa) and Janoah (Khirbet Yanun).
Sites identified in this region include Ataroth
(possibly Tell Sheikh ed-Diab or Tell-Mazar)
and Naarah (Tell el-Jisr near Jericho or Khirbet
235 JOSHUA 16:10—18:11
Mifgir). The western end of their territory included
Tappuah (possibly Sheikh Abu Zarad;
see Josh 17:7-8.
16:10. forced labor. It was a common practice
to employ subject people as work gangs or
menial laborers (see Josh 9:27. Forced labor is
also one of the abuses of power attributed to
kings and tyrants, who conscript men to do
corvee labor, building roads, bridges and city
walls (see 1 Kings 5:13-14; 12:4; charge against
Babylonian king Nabonidus in the Cyrus Cylinder,
sixth century B.C.). In this period the
practice is seen in the Amarna texts employed
by the king of Megiddo.
17:3-4. Zelophehad’s daughters. See the comment
on Numbers 36:1-13, which deals with
the inheritance by daughters.
17:7-11. territory of Manasseh. The dimensions
of this tribal territory are rather vague,
speaking of the territory immediately north of
Ephraim, in the vicinity of Shechem, and extending
to a point contiguous with Asher.
There is some overlap of territory, at least in
the sense that the city of Tappuah (see Josh
12:17) belonged to Ephraim while the surrounding
region was assigned to Manasseh
(see Josh 16:9. The western boundary was the
Mediterranean Sea, and the eastern border
touched the region of Issachar. Again cities or
their inhabitants in other tribal territories are
assigned to Manasseh, all but Dor in the Plain
of Esdraelon (see Josh 12:21. They are Beth
Shan (Tell el-Husn), Megiddo (Tell el-Mutesellim),
Ibleam near Nablus, Dor on the coast
south of Mount Carmel, Endor (seven miles
southeast of Nazareth), and Taanach (Tell
Ti’innik, four miles northwest of Megiddo)
JOSHUA 16:10—18:11 17:16. iron chariots. As in Judges 1:19, the use
of iron chariots by the enemy is given as the
reason for the Israelites’ failure to completely
conquer areas of Canaan. Iron technology was
introduced by the Hittites and the Sea Peoples
in the twelfth century B.C. However, it did not
become widespread in Syro-Palestinian culture
until the tenth century. References to iron
chariots in the conquest narrative most likely
refer to the use of iron fittings to strengthen
the chariot basket or iron-shod wheels. It is
possible that studs or projectile points were
added to make this engine of warfare heavier
and more of a factor when rammed into lines
of infantry. However, maneuverability and the
strength and size of the horses pulling the
chariots would have limited the actual
amount of iron employed.
17:16. Beth Shan. The site of Beth Shan
stands at the eastern end of the Jezreel Valley
and guards that important trade route’s entrance
into the Jordan Valley. It was assigned
to Manasseh but was not captured during
Joshua’s time because of the inhabitants’ use
of iron chariots. It continued as an independent
Canaanite enclave into the monarchy
period 1 Sam 31:10-12 but was incorporated
into Sol-omon’s administrative districts (1
Kings 4:12). This is a double site, with a Roman-
Byzantine city (Scythopolis) built at the
base of the tell. Archaeological investigations
have shown almost continuous occupation of
the site since Chalcolithic times (4500-3300),
and the water supply (Wadi Jalud), arable
land and strategic location have insured that
its population prospered, generally under
Egyptian rule (starting with Thutmose III in
the sixteenth century) and later under the Sea
Peoples and Israelites.
18:1. Shiloh as cultic center. Shiloh (Khirbet
Seilun), in a fertile valley within the Ephraimite
hills between Bethel and Shechem, was occupied
throughout the Iron Age and at several
points in its history had significant architectural
features. These included a gate complex
and what may have been a temple complex. A
destruction level in the mid-eleventh century
may coincide with the capture of the ark in
1 Samuel 4:1-10 by the Philistines. Indications
of premonarchic religious activity at this site
come from Judges 21:19-23, and later traditions
Ps 78:60; Jer 7:12-15 suggest that it had
served as a cultic center prior to the construction
of the temple in Jerusalem.
18:4-8. ancient mapmaking. Mapmaking goes
back at least into the third millennium B.C.
Clay tablets have been found with maps
etched onto their surfaces. Most notable are
the maps of the Mesopotamian city of Nippur
(from about 1500 B.C.), and a Babylonian map
of the “world” (middle of the first millennium
B.C.). From Egypt there is a mining map that
dates to the time of Rameses II (thirteenth century
B.C.).
18:6-10. casting lots. The practice of casting
lots to determine God’s will is a form of divination.
See the comments on “Urim and
Thummim” in Exodus 28:30 and on the use of
lots in Numbers 26:55. Since the tribes are listed
in their logical order of priority, it can be
inferred that lots were not used to choose
which tribe got to pick first. Instead the tribes
sent their representatives in prescribed order,
and the lot was cast to see which parcel of
land that tribe received. In the ancient Near
East, division of a father’s property among his
heirs was customarily accomplished by the eldest
choosing his parcel and the rest being divided
by lot.
18:11-20. Benjamin’s allotment. Benjamin’s
territory lay between that of Judah and Jo-
JOSHUA 18:14—19:23 236
seph, with Judah’s northern boundary being
roughly the same as Benjamin’s southern border.
The northern boundary follows that of
Ephraim until it reaches Kiriath Jearim instead
of extending on to the Mediterranean. In
this way space is reserved for the tribal territory
of Dan. The description runs east to west
(from the Jordan River’s entrance into the
Dead Sea). It extended from just north of Jericho,
through the hill country and then south
toward the mountain slope of Luz (Bethel)
and on to Beth Horon and Kiriath Baal (also
known as Kiriath Jearim), which was the terminus
point for the western boundary. The
fact that its boundary ran through the valley
of Hinnom means that Jerusalem was in Benjaminite
territory.
18:14. Beth Horon. This is a twin city (upper
and lower): Upper Beth Horon, Beit Ur el-Foqa
(about two miles northwest of Gibeon),
and Lower Beth Horon, Beit Ur et-Tahta
(about a mile and a half further to the northwest
and about a thousand feet lower in elevation).
It has been suggested that this is the
city referred to as Bit Ninurta in the Amarna
letters. The Beth Horon pass leads into the
Aijalon Valley (referred to in the Amarna texts
as Ayyaluna), the major route from the hill
country to the coastal plains. Although it is
unclear whether the Beth Horon mentioned in
Joshua 16 and 18 is the upper or lower, it is
possible that their dual importance in guarding
the trade route made them of equal importance
and thus undifferentiated in the mind of
the biblical writer.
18:15. Kiriath Jearim. Located eight miles
north of Jerusalem at Deir el-Azhar, Kiriath
Jearim, or “city of woods,” lay at the point of
intersection for the tribal territories of Benjamin
and Judah. It is referred to as Baalah in
Joshua 15:9 and as Kiriath Baal in Joshua 15:60
and 18:14. The city figures in the conquest narrative
Josh 9—10) and in the story of the ark’s
temporary retirement 1 Sam 6:19—7:2).
JOSHUA 18:14—19:23 18:21-28. Benjaminite cities. Although several
of the cities are unknown, others have been
identified: Parah is Khirbet el-Farah, northeast
of Anathoth; Ophrah is et-Taiyibeh, four miles
northeast of Bethel; Geba may be Khirbet
et-Tell, seven miles north of Bethel; Gibeon is
generally identified with el-Jib, four miles
northwest of Jerusalem (see Josh 9:3-5; Ramah
is er-Ram, five miles north of Jerusalem;
Beeroth may be el-Bireh; Mizpah may be Tell
en-Nasbeh; Kephirah is Khirbet Kefirah,
southwest of el-Jib; Mozah may be Khirbet
Beit Mizze, west of Jerusalem; and Gibeath-
Kiriath may be a high place known as the “hill
of Kiriath Jearim” (see 1 Sam 7:1-2.
19:1-9. Simeon’s allotment. Since the territory
of Simeon is said to be “within the territory of
Judah,” this tribe may have been destroyed or
assimilated very early, leaving only the memory
of its original holdings. Most of its cities
are in the Negev and two (Ether and Ashan)
are in the Shephelah (see comments on Josh
15:21-32). Of those not mentioned earlier, Beth
Marcaboth, “house of chariots,” and Hazor
Susah, “village of horses,” may be functional
titles rather than place names and may be
equated with Madmannah and Sansannah
Josh 15:31.
19:8. Baalath Beer. This site may be the same
as Bealoth in 15:24 (see Baal in 1 Chron 4:33
and was probably located just east of Beersheba.
The reference to “Ramah in the Negev”
suggests a “high place” or cultic site (see 1
Sam 30:27).
19:10-16. Zebulun’s allotment. Although not
listed, the primary orientation point for this
territory is Nazareth. The boundaries and
most of the cities radiate from this city both
east and west. The northern boundary is
about twelve miles west of Tiberias and six
miles northeast of Nazareth at Rimmon (modern
Rummaneh). Sarid, probably Tell Shadud
(five miles southeast of Nazareth) is another
orientation point looking west. From there the
boundary extends along the Kishon to Jokneam
(see Josh 12:22. The eastern limit
stretches as far as the territory of Issachar,
about two miles southeast of Nazareth. Sites
mentioned in this area are Dobrath (Daburiyeh
near Mount Tabor) and Japhia (Yafa,
southeast of Nazareth). The only connection
Zebulun has with the coast (despite Gen 49:13
and Deut 33:18-19 is by way of trade with
Acre, perhaps through the nearby city of Nahalal
(Tell en-Nahl). Its territory did not
stretch to the Mediterranean.
19:15. Bethlehem. This site, northwest of Nahalal
in Zebulun, is not to be confused with
the southern site of Bethlehem in Judah. The
judge Ibzan was buried here Judg 12:9-10. A
modern Arab village in the vicinity still retains
the name Beit-Lahm.
19:17-23. Issachar’s allotment. This territory
lay primarily in the valley of Jezreel, north of
Manasseh, east of Asher and south of Naphtali.
Its northern border extended from Mount
Tabor to the Jordan River, just south of the Sea
of Galilee. The strategic and volatile nature of
this area is shown by its mention in the Egyptian
annals of pharaohs Thutmose III (Anaharath
and Kishion) and Seti I (Remeth = Jarmuth,
perhaps the same as Mount Yarmuta, six miles
north of Beth Shan). Other sites which have
been identified are Jezreel, which is Zer’in
237 JOSHUA 19:24—21:3
northwest of Mount Gilboa; Chesulloth =
Chisloth-Tabor (see Josh 19:12 is modern Iksal,
two miles southeast of Nazareth; Shunem
is Solem, three miles northeast of Jezreel.
19:24-31. Asher’s allotment. Situated on the
Plain of Acre, Asher lay west of Zebulun and
Naphtali and extended as far north as the
Phoenician ports of Tyre and Sidon. Again this
is an area that figures prominently in Egyptian
royal annals. Thutmose III lists Helkath
(possibly Tell el-Harbaj or Tell el-Qassis), Acshaph
(see Josh 11:1, Mishal (near Mount Carmel)
and Allammelech, and Rameses II lists
Kanah (seven miles southeast of Tyre) among
captured Canaanite towns. Identified sites include
Cabul (Kabul); Ebron (Khirbet ’Abdeh,
ten miles northeast of Acco); Ummah may be
Acco; this Rehob (not the same site as in Josh
19:28) may be Tell el-Gharbi, seven miles east
of Acco. Mention of Tyre and Sidon do not necessitate
actual control. More likely the border
was more theoretical than real, although it is
possible that villages associated with these
city-states may have been controlled by Israel
at various times.
19:29. Aczib. Located north of Acco, Aczib
was allotted to Asher but was never captured
Judg 1:31. Excavations at the site demonstrate
it to be a flourishing commercial center
from the Middle Bronze I through the Roman
period. It was sacked and rebuilt a number of
times, and reached its largest extent in the
eighth century B.C. before being destroyed by
Sennacherib in 701. This site is not to be confused
with the city mentioned in 15:44 as allotted
to Judah in the Shephelah.
19:32-39. allotment for Naphtali. Mount Tabor
is the principal reference point for this
tribal territory. The southern boundary of
Naphtali follows the Wadi Fajjas as far east as
the Jordan River. There is some dispute over
this based on the location of the “large tree” in
Zaanannim (see Judg 4:11, but a southern
perspective is most likely. Sites along this line
which have been identified are Heleph (Khirbet
’Arbathath near Mount Tabor); Adami
Nekeb (Khirbet et-Tell); Jabneel (Tell
en-Na’am); and Lakkum (Khirbet el-Mansurah).
The exact location of Hukkok is disputed
but most identify it with Yaquq, just
west of the Sea of Galilee. Other identified
sites include Adamah (possibly Hajar
ed-Damm, two and one-half miles northwest
of the confluence of the Jordan and the Sea of
Galilee); Iron (Yarun, on the Lebanese border);
for Hazor see the comment on 11:1; Kedesh is
north of the now drained Lake Huleh.
19:40-48. allotment for Dan. Although Dan
has a fairly large territory to the west of Benjamin,
taking in the coastal region from the
Brook Sorek to the Yarkon River near Joppa, it
is unlikely that the tribe occupied more than a
fraction of the land. Most of this area was controlled
by the Philistines and later by the Assyrians.
During Solomon’s time it comprised
his southwest district and was annexed to
Judah. An example of this is their city of Beth
Shemesh (Tell er-Rumeileh), which was later
listed as a Levitical city in Judah (21:16). Other
Danite sites located include Shaalabbin (east of
Gezer, possibly Selbit; see Judg 1:35; Aijalon is
probably Yalo, five miles east of Gezer (mentioned
in the Amarna texts); Timnah (Tell
el-Batashi, five miles northwest of Beth
Shemesh); Gibbethon (possibly Tell el-Melat;
mentioned in the campaign list of Thutmose
III); Bene-Berak appears in Sennacherib’s annals
and is located near the Arab village
el-Kheiriyah near Joppa; Rakkon may be either
a river or possibly Tell er-Reqqeit near Joppa.
19:47. Leshem. The tribe of Dan probably migrated
under pressure from the Philistines
(see Judges 18. They went north to Leshem
(Laish), which was renamed Dan and subsequently
became a major cultic center under
King Jeroboam. The city site (largest in that region
at about fifty acres) was located north of
the Huleh basin on the road north to Damascus
and has the benefit of a spring which is
one of the sources of the Jordan River. Its importance
is found in its listing in the Egyptian
execration texts and in the Mari letters.
19:50. Timnath Serah. Also known as Timnath
Heres Judg 2:9, this is the portion allotted to
Joshua after all of the tribal territories had
been apportioned. The variation in name may
be the result of this process, since serah means
“leftover,” and popular etymology might
have transformed an original place name. It is
located within Ephraim, but it was a political
enclave belonging solely to Joshua and his
household. It has been identified with Khirbet
Tibnah, about twelve miles southwest of
Shechem. Excavation has shown a fairly large
settlement that was rebuilt in the Iron I period
(see Josh 19:50.
20:1-9 Cities of Refuge. See comment on
Numbers 35.
JOSHUA 19:24—21:3
21:1-45
Levites’ Cities
21:1-2. Levitical cities concept. See the comment
on Numbers 35:1-5.
21:3-40. distribution of towns through territory.
The legislation in Numbers 35:1-5 that
sets aside the revenue from towns and pasturelands
for the support of the Levites is im-
JOSHUA 21:3-45 238
plemented here by the casting of lots—a
means of divine determination. However,
there is an uneven distribution of towns
among the tribes, and it is not based on the
population size of the tribes. One possibility is
that the distribution has more to do with the
size of the clans of the Levites.
21:3-40. Levitical cities. While some of the
Levitical cities are well known as cultic centers
(Hebron, Shechem) and some, like Anathoth,
have connections with later Levitical groups
(the descendants of Abiathar), many of the cities
are in frontier or border areas and thus may
be “colonies” or outposts. Thus in verses 11-15,
the sites are along the Philistine border, and
verses 28-35 contain cities along the northern
and coastal boundaries of Israel, which were
controlled by powerful Canaanite city-states
like Megiddo, and verses 36-39 describe the
area east of the Jordan that was lost to Israelite
control after the reign of Solomon. Among the
cities in this list, which do not appear earlier
and have been identified, are Jattir (Khirbet
’Attir, thirteen miles southwest of Hebron);
Eshtemoa (es- Samu’, eight miles southwest of
Hebron), whose excavation has shown Iron
Age deposits); ’Ashan (Khirbet ’Asan, just
over a mile northwest of Beersheba; rather
than Ain, 1 Chron 6:59; Juttah (Yatta, five
miles southwest of Hebron); Geba (Jeba, six
miles northeast of Jerusalem); Almon (Khirbet
Almit, a mile northeast of Anathoth); Eltekeh
(Tell el-Melat, northwest of Gezer) is mentioned
in Sennacherib’s annals of the year 701;
Aijalon (Yalo, twelve miles northwest of Jerusalem);
Abdon (possibly Khirbet ’Abdeh, four
miles east of Achzib); Kedesh (Tell Qedes, six
miles north of Hazor, with occupation levels
more marked in Early Bronze and sporadic in
the Iron Age); Dimnah (possibly Rummaneh,
six miles northeast of Nazareth).
Joshua 21:3-45 21:16. Beth Shemesh. This town was located
on the Philistine border in the Valley of Sorek
in the northeastern section of the Shephelah. It
is identified with Tell er-Rumeilah, and excavation
has shown nearly continuous occupation
from Middle Bronze I to the Roman
period. Its most prominent role in the biblical
narrative occurs in 1 Samuel 6:9-15 in the story
of the capture of the ark. An eleventh-century
destruction preceded its occupation as an
Israelite administrative post during the United
Monarchy (not fortified by Rehoboam and
perhaps unoccupied during part of the ninth
century). The appearance of Egyptian scarabs
of Amenhotep III and Rameses II, as well as a
Ugaritic tablet, attests to the trading contacts
of this strategically placed city.
21:18. Anathoth. Located at Ras el-Kharrubeh,
about three miles northeast of Jerusalem,
Anathoth was a Levitical city within
Benjaminite territory. It is the site of exile for
Abiathar and his clan 1 Kings 2:26 and the
home of the prophet Jeremiah Jer 1:1. Survey
excavations show occupation from Iron I
to the Byzantine period.
21:21. Shechem. See the comments on Genesis
12:6, Joshua 24:1 and Judges 9:1.
21:21. Gezer. The site of Gezer, which guarded
the strategic road from the coast to Jerusalem,
is identified with Tell Jezer, five miles
southeast of Ramleh. Earliest occupation at
the site was in the Chalcolithic period
(3400-3300 B.C.), but there was a long period
of abandonment between 2400-2000 B.C. In
the Middle Bronze period, Gezer was rebuilt
and after 1800 became a major fortified site.
A “high place” was constructed some time
after 1650, with ten standing stones or monoliths
erected in a north-south line. The destruction
of this occupation level may be
associated with the campaign of Thutmose
III (c. 1482). Another high period occurred
during the Amarna age, when Gezer served
as one of the principal centers of Egyptian
control in Canaan. The Philistines controlled
the site during the Iron I period of the
twelfth-eleventh centuries. The first Israelite
occupation took place during Solomon’s
reign 1 Kings 9:15-17, and excavations have
identified the typical Solomonic casemate
walls and multichambered gate, which were
also found at Megiddo and Hazor.
21:24. Gath Rimmon. This city has been identified
with two nearby sites, Tell Abu Zeitun
and Tell Jerishe. Both are within a couple of
miles of the Mediterranean near modern Tel
Aviv and close to the Yarkon River. It is possible
that both are correct, since many times one
site will be abandoned for a time and the city
relocated nearby with the same name. This site
may be the Gath mentioned in Thutmose III’s
city list as knt, and it may have also been mentioned
in the El Amarna tablets as Giti-rimuni.
21:38. Ramoth in Gilead. Originally allotted
to Gad, Ramoth in Gilead was also designated
as a city of refuge Deut 4:43 and in the
Joshua list as a Levitical city. Its exact location
is unknown since the text is not explicit
and there are a number of tells along the Syrian
border that could match its description.
The most likely choice is Tell Ramith, three
miles south of Ramtha on the modern border
between Syria and Jordan, which has produced
Iron Age deposits.
21:43-45. universal statements in conquest
accounts of the ancient Near East. Summary
statements which proclaim total conquest
239 JOSHUA 22:8—23:1
and complete subjugation of an area according
to divine plan and the valiant efforts of
the god’s ruler are fairly common in the royal
annals of the ancient Near East. For instance,
the Assyrian king Sennacherib’s
recording of his third campaign (which included
the siege of Jerusalem in 701 B.C.)
contains not only a list of cities conquered
(the type of list also found in the Merneptah
Stele, the Moabite Stone and many other inscriptions),
but also a concluding statement
which indicates the magnitude of his accomplishment.
Similarly, the Armant Stele (1468
B.C.) of Pharaoh Thutmose III contains a
summary “of the deeds of valor and victory
which this good god performed on every excellent
occasion.” Such statements were one
of the common literary features included as
part of the code of conquest annals in the ancient
Near East (for further discussion see
comment on 10:40).
22:1-34
JOSHUA 22:8—23:1 Misunderstanding with the
Transjordan Tribes
22:8. nature of plunder. A successful conquest
resulted in a large and varied plunder taken
from defeated cities and peoples. The list of
items here is fairly typical of the ancient economy
and objects of value. The injunction to
share the loot signifies the unity of the tribes
in their common effort and was conducive to
later cooperation (see 1 Sam 30:16-25.
22:9. Shiloh. See the comment on 18:1 for its
role as a meeting place and cultic center for
the Israelites.
22:10. Geliloth. There is an interchange of
names between Geliloth and Gilgal in 18:17,
and it is possible that that is also the case here
(Codex Vaticanus does replace Geliloth with
Gilgal). However, the concern here seems to
be with the erection of an unauthorized altar
on the very edge of Canaan by tribes who live
east of the Jordan. Nearly all identifications
for the site of Gilgal place it a little northeast
of Jericho on the Jordan River.
22:9-34. the ambiguity of the altar (dual functions).
The building of an altar by the tribes of
Gad and Reuben raises a concern on the part
of the other tribes, who lived west of the Jordan
River, that these Transjordanian groups
were seeking to establish a rival cultic site to
Shiloh. What is unusual about the dispute is
that the priest Phineas is the principal character
rather than Joshua, and that further emphasizes
the ritual concerns of the story.
However, the Gileadite tribes are quick to note
that they have not built an altar for sacrifice
but only as a monument to their covenantal
alliance with Yahweh and the other tribes (see
4:19-24). Its “imposing” size is thus explained
as a monumental signal of unity rather than
religious rivalry. In this way, Gilgal retains its
role as rallying point for treaty-making
(9:6-15), but Shiloh, and later Jerusalem,
claims the role of sacrificial center.
22:11-20. covenant violation as cause for war.
It was standard to include a stipulation in
treaty documents that violation of any of the
terms or covenants of the agreement was
grounds for war. For instance, in the treaty between
Pharaoh Rameses II and the Hittite
king Hattusilis III (c. 1280 B.C.), the kings place
a curse on the violator of their alliance and call
on a list of gods as witnesses. The charges
made against the Reubenites and Gadites suggest
a tie to the covenant which requires not
only military allegiance during and after the
conquest but also recognition of the cult center
at Shiloh. The emphasis placed on this site
may reflect priestly rather than political concerns.
Here the rivalry between tribes was apparently
based on a misunderstanding of
intentions or perhaps a concern for free passage
across the Jordan River (see Judg 12:1-6.
22:17. sin of Peor. The reference made here is
to the sin of idolatry committed by the Israelites
in worshiping the Baal of Peor (see the
comments on Num 25:3, 4, 6, 8. The assumption
being made is that the unauthorized altar
built by the Reubenites and Gadites was a potential
influence that would lead to false worship
and a resumption of God’s wrath (a
plague results in Num 25.
22:34. naming of altars. The naming of places
and monuments to commemorate important
events is quite common in the Bible. For instance,
Hagar’s theophany in Genesis 16:7-14
results in the name Beer Lahai Roi (“well of
the Living One who sees me”) for a nearby
well. Similarly, in Judges 6:24 Gideon names a
newly rebuilt altar “The LORD is Peace.”
23:1-16
Joshua’s Charge to the Leaders
23:1. chronology. There is no real indication in
the text whether Joshua’s “final sermon” to
the leaders of the people occurred immediately
after the incidents in Joshua 22 or even
whether this is the precursor to the covenant
renewal ritual in Joshua 24 (note also the lack
of a geographical designation). Most important,
perhaps, is the tie between the end of the
conquest (God’s promised “rest”) and the end
of Joshua’s leadership.
23:2. categories of leaders. Moses had ap-
JOSHUA 23:13—24:11 240
pointed a group of officials to serve as judges
in Exodus 18:21-22 to relieve some of the burden
of leadership. During the conquest the
various leaders of the tribes and clans are
mentioned on several occasions: elders (Josh
7:6; 8:33), judges (8:33), officials (1:10; 3:2;
8:33). These individuals provided counsel to
Joshua on administrative and military issues,
carried out his orders in organizing and keeping
order in the camp, but their appearance in
the text is also ceremonial. Elsewhere in the
text, the leaders serve as representatives of the
people on important ritual and covenantmaking
occasions (see Ex 24:1; Num 11:16. In
addition, their legal role is mentioned frequently
Deut 16:18; 19:16-18; 21:1-4, 20).
23:13. oppression metaphors. The lure of other
cultures and their gods are metaphorically
compared to traps, the sting of a slaver’s whip
and tearing thorns that can blind the traveler.
This is an often repeated warning against succumbing
to syncretism Ex 23:33; 34:12; Num
33:55; Deut 7:16. While this metaphor has the
ring of a local wisdom saying (see Ps 69:22;
Prov 29:6, it has been tied to the covenant relationship
and the consequences of disobedience.
JOSHUA 23:13—24:11
24:1-27
Covenant Renewal
24:1. Shechem. Located thirty-five miles north
of Jerusalem in the Ephraimite hill country,
Shechem (Tell Balatah) dominated a pass and
trade route between Mount Ebal and Mount
Gerizim. Its archaeological history contains
twenty-four strata of occupation reaching
from the Chalcolithic to the Hellenistic period.
During the Middle Bronze Age, the Hyksos
apparently administered or controlled the city,
building huge ramparts and a temple. Egyptian
resurgence in the area in the sixteenth
century B.C. totally destroyed the Middle
Bronze III city. However, it was rebuilt in the
Late Bronze, when it is mentioned in the El
Amarna texts as the base for the local king
Lab’ayu, who professed allegiance to Egypt
but created a mini-empire in northern Canaan
(c. 1400 B.C.). There are no destruction levels
leading into the Iron Age and thus the city
may have come under Israelite control without
major conflict (it is absent from Joshua’s
list of conquered cities—12:7-23). Its choice as
the site of Joshua’s covenant renewal ceremony
may be the result of previous associations
with the ancestors (Abram’s altar in Gen 12:6;
Jacob’s land purchase in Gen 33:18-20, and the
rape of Dinah in Gen 34. It is also possible
that the ceremony took place in or near the
Canaanite sanctuary on the city acropolis as
the Israelites proclaimed the supremacy of
their God over Canaanite deities (for additional
information see comment on Judg 9:1.
24:1. categories of leaders. See the comment
on 23:2.
24:2-27. covenant-treaty format. This covenant
renewal ceremony follows the same format
as that used for treaties in the ancient
world and for the book of Deuteronomy. For
discussion see the sidebar on ancient Near
Eastern treaties and covenants at the beginning
of Deuteronomy (p. 172).
24:2. pagan roots of Israel. The original home
of the ancestors was in Mesopotamia, a land
with polytheistic religious traditions. It is indicated
here that Abram and his family worshiped
many gods, including the patron gods
of their city as well as ancestral deities and individual
gods whose properties were to cure
illness or provide fertility. They were only
weaned of these practices by the covenantal
promise made to Yahweh (see the sidebar on
the religion of Abraham in Gen 12. This is important
evidence to demonstrate that Abram
was not the heir to a long, unbroken tradition
of ancient monotheism.
24:2. land beyond the river. This designation
is a technical term applied to the region west
of the Euphrates River. For example, Haran,
the city to which Terah migrated in Genesis
11:31, was west of the Euphrates. Technically,
so was the city of Ur, but the province, as suggested
by the campaign annals of Mesopotamian
kings and later Persian administrative
documents (see Ezra 7:21 implied the northern
stretches of the Euphrates and west into
Syria and Phoenicia-Palestine.
24:5-7. the Red Sea. See comments on Exodus
13—14 for further information.
24:8. the land of the Amorites. For more information
see comments on Numbers 21:21-
35.
24:9-11. Balaam and the Moabites. For more
information see comments on Numbers 22—
24.
24:11. hornet. The exact meaning of the word
translated “hornet” is uncertain. The Septuagint
(the oldest Greek translation of the Old
Testament) reads “hornet” or “wasp,” and
many commentators accept this as a symbol of
divine intervention, which helped prepare the
way for the Israelite conquest. Insects are often
used as metaphors for armies, for instance,
bees and flies Is 7:18-19 and locusts Joel 1—
2). However, some interpreters see this word
as a wordplay on Egypt (see comment on Ex
23:28) or a reference to Egypt by means of an
insect that was used to symbolize lower
Egypt. This would suggest a previous inva-
241 JOSHUA 24:1—JUDGES 1:3
sion of Palestine by the Egyptians that aided
the Israelite cause. Other interpreters have
translated the word as “plague” or “terror.”
24:1-27. covenant renewal ceremonies. There
are four identifiable covenant renewal ceremonies
in the biblical text, and each represents
not only a reaffirmation of the stipulations of
the covenant but also the inauguration of a
new phase in Israelite history (see Ex 24:1-8;
2 Kings 23:1-3, 21-22; Neh 8:5-9. Each contains
an assembling of the people, either a recitation
of the mighty acts of God or a reading
of the law, a reaffirmation of the people’s allegiance
to the covenant and a sacrifice or festival
celebration. Joshua’s actions at Shechem
place a final stamp on the past (the exodus
and conquest) and signal a future in which the
people will settle in the Promised Land.
24:26. stone and oak. Standing stones and sacred
trees or groves are a part of Canaanite
(see the Ugaritic Epic of Aqhat) and early Israelite
cultic sites (see for stones Gen 28:18-22;
Ex 24:4; 2 Sam 18:18; for trees Gen 12:6; Deut
11:30; Judg 6:11; 9:6; 1 Sam 10:3. Although
both will be condemned in later traditions (Ex
23:24; Lev 26:1; Deut 12:2; 2 Kings 16:4, their
use here is quite natural. It is also possible that
they serve as monumental reminders of major
events (as do the twelve stones noting the
crossing of the Jordan River in Josh 4:2-9.
They also separate the covenant renewal ceremony
from the Baal temple at Shechem.
JOSHUA 24:1—Judges 1:3
24:28-33
Death and Burial of Joshua
24:30. Mount Gaash. Although its exact location
is unknown, Mount Gaash would have
been in the hill country of Ephraim, south of
Timnath Serah (Khirbet Tibneh). That would
place it about twenty miles southwest of
Shechem.
24:32. Israelite ancestor burial tracts in
Canaan. The original burial tracts used by the
ancestors were both purchased from the local
inhabitants. The first was the cave of Machpelah,
purchased by Abraham from Ephron
the Hittite near Hebron. This served as the
burial place for Abraham, Sarah, Isaac, Rebekah
and Jacob. Only Rachel was not buried
here because of her sudden death during
childbirth near Bethlehem Gen 35:19. The
pillar Jacob raised over her tomb is typical of
the tumulus burials of nomadic peoples in
that area. The account in Joshua notes the
burial of Joseph on the plot of land near
Shechem that Jacob had purchased from
Hamor as a grazing area. As immigrants, the
ancestors would not have been able to simply
bury their dead in family tracts. They had to
buy the land first and thus gain title in perpetuity;
otherwise their graves might be disturbed
or become inaccessible. The burial of
Joshua and Eleazar, however, stand in contrast
to this practice, since they were buried in
land claimed through conquest and allotted
to them and their descendants.
24:33. Gibeah. The burial site of Aaron’s son
Eleazar was in the Ephraimite allotment. Eusebius
placed it about five miles north of
Gophna. However, there are a number of sites
named Gibeah, and what the text refers to
may simply be the “hill of Phineas,” a local
name which is presently unidentifiable.
JOSHUA 24:33—JUDGES 1:7
J U D G E S
1:1—2:5
Attempt to Possess the Land
1:1-2. oracular information. Prior to military
engagements, it was common practice for ancient
Near Eastern army commanders to seek
divine aid and information through oracles
and omens (see 20:18). For instance, the assumption
in the Assyrian royal inscription is
that war occurred “by the command of the
god Ashur.” However, in order to learn the
nature and urgency of this call, a variety of
divination practices were utilized: the examination
of an animal’s organs, the casting of
lots or the observation of natural phenomena
such as the flight of birds or cloud formations.
The oracle or response would often determine
(1) whether they would fight that day and (2)
what tactics to employ.
1:3. territory of Simeon and Judah. The allotment
assigned to Simeon in Joshua 19:1-9 was
in the southern area of Palestine and “within
that of Judah.” The pairing of these two neighboring
tribes in this episode makes logical
sense. However, Simeon is eventually absorbed
by the more prominent tribe of Judah.
Thus Judah’s offer to aid them to conquer
their allotment became, in effect, an invitation
JUDGES 1:4-14 242
to tribal oblivion for Simeon.
1:4. Bezek. This is the site of a battle with the
Canaanites and Perezzites in which Judah and
Simeon defeat their leader Adoni-Bezek. Although
no geographical information appears
in Judges, the place name also appears in the
Saul narrative 1 Sam 11:8-11. This text indicates
an open plain suitable for a military
muster, no more than twelve or fifteen miles
southwest of Jabesh Gilead (El Maklub), just
east of the Jordan River. Survey of the hill
country between Shechem and the Jordan Valley
indicates Khirbet Salhab as a likely location
(with Iron Age deposits evidenced) for
ancient Bezek.
1:6. cutting off thumbs and big toes. Like the
blinding of the right eye in 1 Samuel 11:2, this
act of mutilation was designed both to humiliate
prisoners and to insure they could never
serve as warriors again. Unsteady on their feet
and unable to grasp a sword, spear or bow,
these men could only beg to survive. Assyrian
reliefs from the time of Shalmaneser III (ninth
century) depict prisoners being mutilated and
dismembered.
Judges 1:4-14 1:7. picking up scraps under the table. These
mutilated and helpless prisoners had no resort
but to beg at their captor’s table. They
were kept on display as a sign of the power of
their conqueror, eating scraps like dogs under
the table (Ugaritic parallels include the god El
treating enemy gods in this manner). The irony
in this passage is that Adoni-Bezek was reduced
to the same condition as the seventy
kings he had previously mutilated.
JUDGES 1:7-16 1:7-8. Jerusalem. Despite the description of
the sacking and burning of Jerusalem in this
passage, all other references to that city and its
Jebusite inhabitants during the settlement period
indicate a failure to occupy the site by either
Judah Josh 15:63 or the tribe of
Benjamin Judg 1:21. In Judges 19:10-12 it is
still considered a foreign city. The lack of archaeological
evidence for this period (post-El
Amarna breakup and post-Sea Peoples disruption)
leaves the question unanswered.
Some commentators suggest an unfortified
area of the city was attacked and burned, but
there is no way to prove this assertion. It will
remain for David to finally conquer the city
and transform it into the Israelite capital (2
Sam 5:6-10).
1:9. geography. The orientation of this verse
suggests a generally southern movement, including
the southern range of the hill country
of Judah in the direction of Hebron and the
northern range of the Negev desert westward
toward the Shephelah and the Philistine coastal
area. What is implied is an attempt to capture
as much as possible of the area allotted to
Judah Josh 15:1-12, 21-63 and to Caleb (Josh
15:13-19).
1:10. Hebron. Located at Jebel er-Rumeidah,
twenty-three miles northeast of Beersheba and
nineteen miles southeast of Jerusalem, Hebron
sat at the conjunction of roads from the Shephelah,
the western Negev and Jerusalem. The
text mentions an earlier name, Kiriath Arba
(see Gen 23:2; Neh 11:25, possibly a clan center
of the Anakites Josh 14:15, 15:13). For additional
information on this site, see the
comment on Joshua 10:3-5.
1:11. Debir. Located southwest of Hebron in
the southernmost part of the Judean hill country,
Debir in the early Iron Age may have been
an outpost of the invading Sea Peoples (if the
Anakim of Josh 11:21 were not Canaanites). It
is most likely situated at the Khiriath Rabud.
See the comments on Joshua 10:3, 38-39 and
11:21.
1:12. daughter as reward. While this is not a
frequent occurrence, the idea of “status-elevation”
through an otherwise unavailable marriage
arrangement would be appealing to
some ambitious men. For instance, David is
able to marry into Saul’s royal household as a
result of Saul’s offer of a daughter and David’s
eventual conquest of Goliath (1 Sam
17:25). The feat involved here and in the Goliath
incident is considered both difficult and
dangerous. Thus the extraordinary offer of a
valuable marriage contract is made to entice a
hero to step forward. Othniel already has a
high status in his relationship to Calelo, but
there was still greater prestige to be gained.
1:14. request for a field. Having obtained a
wife through the conquest of Kiriath Sepher,
Othniel is now urged by his wife Acsah to ask
for a piece of land with which to support his
household. This could be considered a dowry
since it is not mentioned earlier in the narrative.
Daughters, however, did not generally
obtain land as part of their dowry or as an inheritance
(see, however, Num 36:1-13. Thus
the request for land had to be made by a male
kinsman. Additionally, Othniel is a prized
vassal who has previously done exemplary
military service and could be in line for a land
grant (similar cases are found in Mari texts).
There is a Babylonian boundary marker from
this period that depicts a father transferring
land rights to a daughter.
1:14. getting off donkey. Interpretation of this
action is varied. Some believe Acsah made a
noise (clapped her hands) to both draw her father’s
attention and as a sign of derision at the
land grant made to her husband. Another suggestion
is that by alighting from her donkey
243 JUDGES 1:15-18
she became a supplicant, once again her father’s
daughter asking for a favor. Certainly,
unwatered land was worthless; Acsah’s embassy
is to insure her household’s survival.
1:15. upper and lower springs. This may refer
to water sources that may be tapped by
shallow excavations in wadi beds or by drilling
deep well shafts in places where the water
table is much lower. It is also possible that
specific geographical locations are being refer-
enced in the Negev region, but no current
location can be discerned for this.
1:16. Kenites. The Kenites were one of several
tribes or clans which inhabited the deserts of
the Sinai peninsula and the area south and
east of the Negev as far as the Gulf of Aqabah
Gen 15:19; 1 Sam 27:10; 30:29; 1 Chron 2:55. It
is also possible, based on the placement of Heber’s
camp in Judges 4:11, that the Kenites
ranged as far north as the Jezreel Valley. Their
connection to Moses and Jethro (Hobab) goes
back to Exodus 3:1. They are portrayed as
herders Judg 5:24-27, caravaneers and itinerant
metalworkers. This latter skill is deduced
from the etymology of their name, which can
mean “to forge.” See the comment on Numbers
24:21-22.
Judges 1:15-18 1:16. City of Palms. Based on the description
in the text and its association elsewhere (Judg
3:13), this is most likely Jericho, the ancient oasis
city just eight miles northwest of the Dead
Sea (Tell es-Sultan). Its existence and fertility
(boasting many palm trees as well as cultivated
fields) is based on the continual flow of the
springs of ’Ain es-Sultan and ’Ain Duq. Earliest
occupation of the site began in the Mesolithic
period (c. 9000-8700 B.C.), and eventually
the population and importance of the
city grew to such an extent that a complete
mudbrick wall system was constructed during
Early Bronze III (c. 2700 B.C.). There are
some breaks in occupation due to invasion
and conquest (as at the end of the Early
Bronze III, c. 2500 B.C., and again during the
early part of Late Bronze Iib, c. 1350 B.C.). At
the time of the judges, the site was sparsely
occupied and may have only served as an outpost
or perhaps a caravan stop. It will not be
rebuilt as a city site until the ninth century B.C.
(see 1 Kings 16:34.
JUDGES 1:16-18 1:16. Arad. Located at Tell ’Arad in the Beersheba
Valley, twenty miles south of Hebron,
this site was first occupied in the Chalcolithic
period, and the lower city (situated around a
natural depression that functioned as a cistern/
well combination) expanded during the
Early Bronze Age due to extensive economic
contacts with Egypt. An unfortified settlement
was constructed on the upper tell during the
Iron Age. Its occurrence and the remains of a
cultic area or courtyard in addition to housing
may be signs of the Kenite occupation of this
area mentioned in Judges and in 1 Samuel
27:10. The upper tell of Arad contains a total
of seven strata during the Iron Age, with a fortress
and temple complex constructed in the
tenth century B.C.
1:17. Zephath (Hormah). This is one of the
Negev villages captured by Judah and Simeon
in the Judges account of the conquest. It was
renamed Hormah, “destruction,” by the Israelites
(see also Num 21:3, which places it near
Arad). It has been identified with Tel Masos
and Tel Ira, both in the region between Arad
and Beersheba.
1:18. Gaza. Located in the southwest section
of Canaan’s coastal plain and on the important
international highway (“Way of the Philistines”
or Via Maris), Gaza (Tell Harube)
functioned as Egypt’s provincial capital in
Canaan from 1550-1150 B.C. It is mentioned in
the annals of Pharaoh Thutmose III and the El
Amarna texts. After the invasion of the Sea
Peoples, it became the most important of the
five Philistine cities and figures in a number of
the conflicts between these people and the Israelites
(6:3-4; 16:1-4). The text concerning its
capture by Judah is uncertain. The Septuagint
states that they did not capture Gaza, Ashkelon
and Ekron, and this seems to be confirmed
by 1:19, which says the Israelites were unable
to conquer the cities of the plain.
1:18. Ashkelon. One of the main cities of the
Philistine Pentapolis, Ashkelon is located
about ten miles north of Gaza and functioned
as a seaport for much of its existence. Its strategic
location brought it to the attention of the
Egyptians, who wished to control Canaan
and the highways north, beginning in the
Middle Bronze Age (c. 2000-1800 B.C.), when
the city appears in the Execration texts. During
the El Amarna period (fourteenth century
B.C.), Ashkelon’s ruler was a vassal of
Akhenaton and wrote several letters to that
pharaoh. Merenptah also lists the city among
his conquests in his victory stele (c. 1208 B.C.)
and depicts its capture on the walls of the
great temple at Karnak. Although it was allotted
to Judah, this city and the other Philistine
cities of the plain were not con-quered by the
Israelites.
1:18. Ekron. Assigned in the lists to both
Judah Josh 15:11 and Dan Josh 19:43, Ekron
lay on the border between the Shephelah and
the Central Hill Country. It is identified with
Tel Miqne, about twenty miles southwest of
Jerusalem in the frontier area separating Philistia
from Judah. Although there are traces of
JUDGES 1:19-27 244
occupation as far back as the Chalcolithic, excavations
have shown the first major city site
appears in the Late Bronze Age, when contact
with Egypt and Cyprus are indicated by ceramic
and scarab (Nineteenth Dynasty) remains.
The abrupt shift in the material culture
resulting from the Sea Peoples invasion of the
twelfth century B.C. led to expansion of the
city and a new population group. During the
first millennium, under Assyrian and Babylonian
domination, Ekron became a major industrial
city, producing huge quantities of
olive oil in its refineries. Its appearance in the
list in Judges indicates its place as a major Philistine
city and one not captured by Judah
Judg 3:1-4.
Judges 1:19-27 1:19. iron chariots. The use of iron chariots is
ascribed to Israel’s enemies in Canaan, especially
the cities of the plain, throughout the
conquest period (see the comments on Josh
17:16 and Judg 4:3. They reflect a higher level
of technology and greater wealth than that of
the Israelites (see 1 Sam 13:19-21 and as such
a major threat to the success of the conquest.
The actual amount of iron used may have
been very small, but its appearance as decoration,
reinforcements or as wheel sheaths may
have been enough to strike terror in their enemies.
In this passage, the mention of iron
chariots suggests a realistic appraisal of the
military situation which kept the Israelites
bottled up in the hill country where chariots
would be of less use. Certainly, there are assurances
that the tribal forces, with the help of
God as the Divine Warrior, would be able to
overcome this obstacle Josh 17:18; Judg 4:7.
However, the archaeological record as well as
the admission here that some areas were never
conquered indicates a rationalization for
failure based on the physical reality of the situation.
It will only be when Israel acquires
iron technology and military parity with the
Philistines that this dreaded weapon will lose
its ability to frighten them.
JUDGES 1:19-27 1:20. sons of Anak. These were among the inhabitants
of Canaan at the time of the conquest.
Their territory centered on Hebron
Josh 21:11, and they were said to be men of
great size Deut 2:10; 9:2) and greatly feared
by the Israelites Num 13:28, 33. Their expulsion
from Hebron by Caleb may have marked
at least one success in displacing a native people
from the area of Judah. Subsequently, the
surviving Anakim may have taken refuge in
the Philistine cities of Gaza, Gath and Ashdod.
See the comment on Joshua 11:21.
1:21. Jebusites. First mentioned as descendants
of Canaan Gen 10:16, the Jebusites
were probably non-Semitic peoples, related to
Hittites or Hurrians, who moved into this region
during the early second millennium.
They inhabited the hill country along the
southern border with Benjamin Josh 15:8
and the city of Jebus Josh 15:63; 2 Sam 5:6.
Jerusalem, but not Jebus, is mentioned in the
El Amarna texts, and Jebus also does not appear
in the Execration texts. The statement
that the Benjaminites could not conquer the
city is reinforced by the Levite’s refusal to stop
in an “alien city” of non-Israelites in Judges
19:10-12. After David captured Jerusalem, the
Jebusites apparently were either assimilated
or eventually lost their ethnic identity as an
enslaved people 2 Sam 5:6-9.
1:22-23. Bethel. The strategic location of Bethel
(modern Beitin), on a crossroads that bisected
the central hill country just north of Jerusalem,
made it a natural target for the Israelites
and later conquerors as well (Joseph’s [i.e.,
Ephraim’s] mention here may reflect later
tribal alliances subsequent to its allotment to
Benjamin; see Josh 18:22. Its role as a sanctuary
site has long standing in the biblical narrative
(see the comment on Gen 28:19, and
excavations have revealed a Middle Bronze
cultic installation at the site. It will eventually
become one of the two major cultic centers
during the divided monarchy (1 Kings
12:29-33). The description of its capture,
which is not mentioned in Joshua, may be
based on the use of a postern gate (a minor
passage used when the city gates were closed
for the night) such as that found in the excavations
at Ramat Rahel (just south of Jerusalem).
Excavations indicate a massive destruction
level at Bethel dating to the late thirteenth
century B.C.
1:26. Luz in the land of the Hittites. The reference
to the Hittites has generally been equated
with Syria or the area of Lebanon, two regions
that were a part of the Hittite empire prior to
the Sea Peoples’ invasion in 1200 B.C. It is also
possible that the new city of Luz was simply
established further north within Palestine and
west of Bethel (see Num 13:29; Josh 16:2.
1:27. Beth Shan. Identified with Tell el-Husn,
Beth Shan is located at the eastern end of the
Jezreel Valley in northern Canaan. Like
Megiddo on the western end, it serves as a
guardian of the important Via Maris highway.
Settlement began in the Chalcolithic period
and was nearly continuous up until the
present. A second city lies at the base of the
tell, built during the Hellenistic period as one
of the Decapolis cities and greatly expanded
during Roman and Byzantine times (Scythopolis).
Excavations seem to indicate that, unlike
many Late Bronze sites, Beth Shan was not de-
245 JUDGES 1:27—2:5
stroyed by the Sea Peoples, and Rameses III
continued to maintain control of this important
commercial center during the first half of
the twelfth century B.C. The biblical text notes
that Saul did not conquer this city (1 Sam
31:10-12), and it is only in Solomonic times
that it is added to Israelite territory (1 Kings
4:12).
1:27. Taanach. See the comment on Joshua
12:21 for discussion of this northern Canaanite
city.
JJuUdDgGesE 1S: 217:2—7-23:56 1:27. Dor. See the comment on Joshua 12:23
for discussion of this coastal city in northern
Canaan.
1:27. Ibleam. This fortress site (Khirbet
Bel’ameh) is situated at the eastern end of the
Jezreel Valley and functioned as one of a
group of cities guarding that important transportation
link. It is listed as one of the cities
that the tribe of Manasseh was unable to conquer
Josh 17:11-12, but it does have some significance
as an Israelite outpost during the
divided monarchy 2 Kings 9:27. Its strategic
importance is confirmed by its mention in the
conquest list of Thutmose III (c. 1504-1450
B.C.).
1:27. Megiddo. See the comment on Joshua
12:21 for discussion of this major city located
at the western entrance to the Jezreel Valley.
1:29. Gezer. See the comment on Joshua 21:21
for discussion of this major city, which linked
the coastal plain and Philistia with the central
hill country and Jerusalem.
1:30. Kitron. Assigned to Zebulun, the most
likely location for this site is in the northwestern
portion of the Jezreel Valley. Other suggestions,
which place it more in the Acco Plain
(Tell Qurdaneh and Tell el-Far) simply because
this would have been a factor favoring
Canaanite military tactics, are less likely based
on current information.
1:30. Nahalol. Although its exact location is
uncertain, a case has been made to equate this
city of Zebulun’s allotment with Tell en-Nahl,
five miles east of the Mediterranean Sea near
Haifa. Etymological similarities in the name
and the appearance of artifactual remains covering
the Early Bronze to the Arabic periods
favor this identification, but its placement in
Asher’s territory creates a geographic problem
that has not been resolved.
1:31-32. territory of Asher. See the comment
on Joshua 19:24-31 for a discussion of Asher’s
tribal allotment.
1:33. Beth Shemesh. See the comment on
Joshua 21:16 for discussion of this city located
in the northeastern section of the Shephelah as
it borders on Philistia.
1:33. Beth Anath. The precise location of this
site is still unknown. The most likely claimant
at this point is Safed el-Battikh in the upper
Galilee region. The city was apparently mentioned
in Egyptian records from the time of
Thutmose III, Seti I and Rameses II, and appears
to lie on the route between Hazor and
Tyre.
1:34-36. Amorites. See the comment on Numbers
21:21 for discussion of this ethnic group
which existed in Canaan prior to the formation
of Israel. Their cultural and linguistic influence
on Mesopotamia and Syro-Palestine is
perhaps the most pervasive of any people, creating
the high civilization of Hammurabi’s
Babylon and maintaining their cultural identity,
at least in some regions, until the beginning
of the Iron Age.
1:35. Mount Heres. The “mountain of the
sun” has often been equated with Beth
Shemesh (see Josh 21:16 or Ir Shemesh (Josh
19:41). That is, however, not certain, and the
site itself may be one of several villages identified
just southeast of Yalo (five miles east of
Gezer). As part of Dan’s tribal allotment, it
would have been located in the southeastern
area of the Valley of Aijalon.
1:35. Aijalon. This site, assigned to Dan (Josh
19:42), is probably to be equated with Yalo, situated
five miles east of Gezer at the western
end of the Valley of Aijalon. Its strategic importance,
lying on a major road leading into
the hill country, is confirmed by its mention in
the El Amarna texts and its appearance in
Saul’s campaigns 1 Sam 14:31.
1:35. Shaalbim. This city in the territory of
Dan Josh 19:42 has been identified with Selbit,
three miles northwest of Aijalon. It was
later incorporated into Solomon’s second administrative
district 1 Kings 4:9 and may
have served, like Aijalon, as a fortress guarding
the passage through the Valley of Aijalon.
1:36. Scorpion Pass. This refers to a pass
southwest of the Dead Sea, the Neqb es-Safa,
which may have first been used by the Egyptians
as they traveled to the copper-mining
area near the Arabah and Eilat (see Num 34:4;
Josh 15:3.
1:36. Sela. Although its identification is uncertain,
its placement in association with the
Scorpion Pass suggests a location to the southwest
of the Dead Sea. Because its name means
“the rock,” some commentators equate it with
either Petra, the Nabatean rock city, or with
modern Sela’, two miles northwest of Buseira.
Excavations, however, have not revealed deposits
earlier than the ninth century B.C. for
these sites.
2:1-5. Bokim. This site is named for the weeping
of the Israelites after they were rebuked by
JUDGES 2:9—3:3 246
God’s angel for failing to obey the covenant
and failing to wage total war against the
Canaanites. Its location is unknown, although
the text suggests placement just west of the
Jordan River near Gilgal.
JUDGES 2:9—3:3
2:6—3:6
The Cycles of the Judges
2:9. Timnah Heres. See the comment on
Joshua 19:50 (Timnah Serah) for this place
name, which is associated with Joshua’s portion
of the land within the boundaries of
Ephraim. It is identified with Khirbet Tibnah,
fifteen miles southwest of Shechem, which
contains extensive evidence of a village site
during Iron I and II.
2:9. Mount Gaash. Associated with Timnah
Heres and Joshua’s allotment of the land, this
mountain has not been identified. It should,
however, be located within a range of fifteen
to twenty miles southwest of Shechem in the
territory of Ephraim. The hilly terrain in that
region makes exact identification difficult (see
2 Sam 23:30.
2:11-13. Baals. The use of a plural form here
does not indicate a large number of different
Canaanite gods. Rather it refers to various local
manifestations of the same storm and fertility
god Baal. Gods were generally tied to
local sites (high places, shrines, cities). This
also seems to be the case with Yahweh (Bethel,
Jerusalem and Shiloh are all associated with
God’s name or presence). Baal, which means
“lord,” occurs as a divine name as early as the
eighteenth century B.C. in Amorite personal
names from Mari. Some would offer examples
as early as the late third millennium. By the
fourteenth century it was used by Egyptians
to refer to the storm god. The name is also evident
in texts from Alalakh, Amarna and
Ugarit as the personal name of the storm god,
Adad. Baal was a fertility deity and was a dying
(winter) and rising (spring) god. In the
mythology of Ugarit he is pictured in combat
with Yamm (the sea) and Mot (death). His
consorts are Anat and Astarte.
2:13. Ashtoreths. The plural form of Astarte,
the consort of Baal within the Canaanite pantheon,
is indicative of her appearance in various
local manifestations. She was both a fertility
goddess and a goddess of war. The singular
form of the name only appears in
1 Kings 11:5 and 2 Kings 23:13, where it refers
to the chief goddess of the Phoenician city of
Sidon. In fact there are several female deities
who are mentioned as Baal’s consort (Anath,
Ashtoreth, Asherah) in Ugaritic and Phoenician
texts. Astarte’s popularity among the
Canaanites may reflect a merging of these other
goddesses into her person or simply a local
preference. The cult of Astarte also appears in
Egypt during the New Kingdom (perhaps due
to greater contact with Canaan) and in Mesopotamia.
2:11-19. relationship cycle. The idea of a cycle
of relationship with deity is a common pattern
in the ancient Near East. The sequence of certain
types of behavior alienating deity, making
him angry and leading to devastation of the
country, followed by the land recovering divine
favor, bringing restoration, is offered as a
common explanation of rise and fall. It can be
observed, for instance, in Assyrian king Esarhaddon’s
account of the destruction of Babylon
(carried out by his father, Sennacherib, in
the seventh century). Differences would include
(1) that the offenses in the Esarhaddon
text were ritual offenses, and (2) that there is
no raising up of a deliverer, though it is clear
that Esarhaddon fashions himself in that role.
2:16-19. judges. In English the term judge is
used to describe an official who maintains justice
within the established court system. The
Hebrew term used in the context of this book
describes an individual who maintains justice
for the tribes of Israel. This justice comes in
bringing protection from foreign oppressors.
Maintaining international justice was often
the role of the king. What made these judges
unlike kings was that there was no formal
process for assuming the office, nor could it be
passed on to one’s heirs. There was no supporting
administration, no standing army and
no taxation to underwrite expenses. So while
the actual function of the judge may have had
much in common with the king, the judge did
not enjoy most of the royal prerogatives. Just
as a king also judged civil cases, the judges
may have had some of that responsibility (see
4:5), but this would have been a minor role.
The judges did not serve as heads of government
in general but did have the authority to
call out the armies of the tribes. Prior to the
monarchy, no one from any one tribe would
have been able to exercise such authority over
another tribe. God was the only central authority.
Therefore, when a judge successfully
rallied the armies of several tribes, it was seen
as the work of the Lord through that judge
(see 6:34-35). Only the establishment of kingship
assigned a permanent human central authority
over the tribes.
3:3. five rulers of the Philistines. After the invasion
of the Sea Peoples (c. 1200 B.C.), a
group known as the Philistines settled along
the Coastal Plain and in the Shephelah region
of Canaan. Eventually five major city-states
247 JUDGES 3:3-13
emerged: Gaza, Ashkelon, Ashdod, Gath and
Ekron Josh 13:2-3. Destruction levels found
in excavations at Ashdod and Ashkelon indicate
the overthrow of Egyptian garrisons
about 1150 B.C. and the resettlement of the
area by the Philistines. While their city-states
and attendant villages were independent politically,
they often functioned as a coalition in
their dealings with Israel and other states (see
1 Sam 6:16; 29:1-5). At their height, the Philistine
coalition expanded northward to Tell
Qasile (on the coast at the Yarkon River) and
east through the Jezreel Valley to Beth Shan. It
is only the emergence of a strong monarchy
under David and Solomon that eventually
holds Philistine hegemony in check in the rest
of Palestine.
3:3. Canaanites. See the comment on Genesis
15:19-21 for discussion of these inhabitants of
Canaan prior to the conquest. In the Judges
context, Canaanites is used as a generic ethnic
term to designate one of four groups of people
who are neighbors of the invading Israelites
(Philistines, Hivites, Phoenicians [Sidonians]).
This is a much reduced list from that found in
Genesis 10:15-18 and 15:19-21, and is probably
more reflective of the major political groups
with which the Israelites had to deal.
3:3. Sidonians. The Sidonians are listed in
Genesis 10:15 as descendants of Canaan. However,
in the context of the Judges period, they
represent the people of Lebanon and Phoenicia,
which bordered on the northern edge of
the Israelite tribal allotments. The city-state of
Sidon was a major seaport on the Mediterranean
coast, twenty-five miles north of the other
important Phoenician seaport, Tyre. It is
mentioned in the Ugaritic Epic of Keret (c.
1400 B.C.) as well as in the El Amarna texts and
the campaign lists of Pharaoh Thutmose III. Its
later associations with Israel are diplomatic
Jer 27:3 and commercial Is 23:2.
3:3. Hivites. See the comment on Genesis 34:2
for a discussion of these people of Canaan and
their possible relation to either Hurrian or Hittite
settlers.
3:3. Lebanon Mountains. These heights extend
for over one hundred miles north-south and
rise to an elevation of over ten thousand feet.
The western slopes of these mountains receive
as much as sixty inches of rain and snow a year
and thus provide fertile ground for agricultural
pursuits. The extensive cedar forests that also
existed in antiquity were the direct result of this
pattern of Mediterranean climate. Although the
eastern slopes do not receive as much rainfall,
there are a number of rivers and springs that
make their more gentle slopes fertile in the
Beqa’ Valley region.
3:5. peoples of Canaan. The list of nations
with which the Israelites had to contend in
Canaan is found in several other places, with
some variations (see Gen 15:19-21; Deut 7:1
lists seven nations, including the Girgashites,
which are excluded in Judges). For discussion
of the individual groups, see the comments on
Judges 3:3 (Canaanites); Genesis 23:3-20 (Hittites);
Judges 1:34-36 and Numbers 21:21
(Amorites); Genesis 15:20 (Perizzites); Genesis
34:2 (Hivites); and Judges 1:21 (Jebusites).
JUDGES 3:3-13
3:7-11
Othniel
3:7. Baals and Asherahs. These Canaanite fertility
deities often appear together. They represent
the bounty of rain and the growth of
crops in the fields. See the comments on Judges
2:11-13 for discussion of them as a danger
to the Israelites’ adherence to the covenant.
3:8. Aram Naharaim. The region identified
with Aram Naharaim is the northern portion
of the Euphrates in eastern Syria and the
Habur triangle region within which Nahor
and Haran are located (see Gen 24:10. This is
the area where the Hurrian empire of Mitanni
was located from 1500-1350. The Hittites had
begun action against Mitanni as early as 1365,
and the middle of the fourteenth century
brought the breakup of the Hurrian kingdom,
creating refugees and displaced tribes from
the region. Cushan-Rishathaim’s name, though
admittedly hebraized, shows similarities to
common Hurrian names of the period (Kuzzari-
rishti). It is possible, then, that this first
threat comes from a displaced tribe trying to
find a new homeland rather than from a foreign
conqueror trying to enlarge his empire.
JUDGES 3:8-16
3:12-30
Ehud
3:12-13. Moabites, Ammonites, Amalekites.
Moab and Ammon were Transjordanian kingdoms
that had genealogical ties to the Israelites
(see the comment on Gen 19:30-38. Their
appearance here as rival states probably reflects
the growing border tensions resulting
from the expansion of the Israelite tribes. The
Amalekites are always portrayed as sworn enemies
of Israel (see Num 24:20; Deut 25:17-19.
Although tied to the Sinai peninsula and Midian
in some narratives, they seem to have also
ranged into the southeastern portion of
Canaan and into the hill country of Samaria.
As such, they would be a useful ally for any
encroaching enemy such as Eglon’s Moabite
force.
JUDGES 3:13-23 248
3:13. City of Palms. The reference once again,
as in Judges 1:16, is to the oasis site of Jericho,
just north of the Dead Sea. It was a natural
stronghold for any force attempting to control
the Judean wilderness and the roads leading
into the central hill country.
3:15. left-handed. The appearance here and in
Judges 20:16 of left-handed Benjaminites suggests
a practice of teaching ambidextrous use
of weapons by that tribe. However, being
left-handed was sufficiently unusual that it
could be used as a strategic factor, allowing
Ehud to enter Eglon’s presence with a concealed
weapon.
Judges 3:13-23 3:15. tribute. When one state or other political
entity conquered another or extended hegemony
over its affairs, the result was the exaction
of tribute payments from the subject
people (see 2 Sam 8:2; 1 Kings 4:21; 2 Kings
17:3-4). This could take the form of precious
metals (by weight or as jewelry or implements),
farm produce (a significant portion of
the harvest), or labor service. Not surprisingly,
this draining of the economy was unpopular
and was generally the reason for revolt or
warfare. Extrabiblical documentation for this
practice is widespread. For instance, the annals
of the Assyrian kings often include lists of
items received as tribute: the “Black Obelisk”
inscription of Shalmaneser III (859-824 B.C.)
contains Jehu’s tribute to Assyria of silver,
gold, lead and hard woods; Tiglath-Pileser III
(744-727 B.C.) received elephant hide, ivory,
linen garments and other luxury items from
his vassals in Damascus, Samaria, Tyre and
elsewhere.
3:16. Ehud’s sword. The dagger fashioned by
Ehud was probably made of bronze. At only
eighteen inches in length and straight, it was
less likely to be detected by Eglon’s Moabite
guards. This also allowed it to be doubled-
edged, unlike the more common “sickle-
swords” of that era, which were designed
for chopping, not thrusting. Since the blade
was made to be punched into its victim, it
would not have had a cross piece, only a grip
or wrapped surface for the wielder to hold.
Thus it could be forced completely into the
body of Eglon, killing him quickly, and very
little blood would result from what was in essence
a corked wound. Like so many other
factors in this narrative, this was an unusual
weapon, used by a left-handed man, and designed
for a single purpose: assassination.
3:16. strapped to right thigh. Since Ehud was
left-handed, it would be natural for him to
strap his dagger on his right thigh. Thrusting
weapons must be drawn across the body in
order to be placed on guard immediately.
However, since most people are right-handed,
Eglon’s guards would be less careful about
checking what to them would be an awkward
placement for a weapon.
3:19. the idols near Gilgal. These images (perhaps
either standing stones or carved idols)
may mark the boundary between Israelite
(Ephraim/Benjamin) territory and that held
by Eglon at Jericho. It is possible that a
Canaanite sanctuary existed at Gilgal and that
the tribute brought by Ehud would have had
to be brought here in order that the gods
could witness this show of submission. However,
subsequent action (and its second mention
in Judg 3:26 suggests that this is just
Ehud’s turning-back point prior to returning
to Eglon’s court.
3:19. secret message. Eglon’s reaction to
Ehud’s proffered secret message (sending his
attendants away), suggests that this is considered
an important and prized piece of information.
It is unlikely he was expecting to
receive the report of a spy but rather an oracle
from a god. Otherwise he would have wanted
his advisors to hear the news. Ehud had singled
him out with the title “O king” and then
confirmed his desire by stating that the message
was from Yahweh (v. 20). Just as Ehud’s
people had submitted to him, Eglon now expected
divine word of future conquests and
favor (in a prophecy text from Mari the king is
given a secretive warning of a revolt). In this
way Eglon’s ambition led to his demise.
3:20. king rising from seat. This statement has
been included in the translation based on the
reading from the Septuagint. It provides an
extra piece of narrative action. Certainly, by
rising to a standing position, Eglon made himself
a better target for Ehud’s stabbing thrust
in 3:21.
3:23. architecture. The architectural features of
Eglon’s audience chamber are predicated on a
term which does not appear elsewhere but
may be translated “the upper chamber over
the beams.” This implies a raised platform,
reached by a staircase, within a larger audience
chamber. There were apparently doors
which separated this private room from the
larger area and since it was the king’s private
meeting area it probably contained a toilet facility,
which was at times a display of pride.
Thus when Eglon drew Ehud up the stairs
and into this room, closing and locking the
door behind them, Ehud was able to dispatch
him in private. He was then able to escape by
removing the toilet seat and descending
through the floor into the latrine below (the
NIV translates it “porch”) and out through the
“janitor’s door” into the larger audience
249 JUDGES 3:24—4:2
room. His departure through the portico
would not have aroused the guards waiting
there, and they would have been slow to investigate
the king’s absence due to the fecal
smell emanating from his inner chamber.
3:24. smell. At the point when Ehud stabbed
Eglon, the murdered man’s anal sphincter exploded,
creating a smell similar to that associated
with a bowel movement. Eglon’s guards
hesitated to interrupt the king while he was
relieving himself (see similar euphemistic reference
in 1 Sam 24:3 and thus gave Ehud time
to escape and rally his troops.
3:26. Seirah. This site or geographic features
has not been positively identified. Its proximity
to the “idols near Gilgal” (see Judg 3:19
suggests the area just north of Jericho in the
Jordan Valley. Such a spot would have been
sufficiently close to rally the Israelites to attack
the Moabite garrison at Jericho.
3:28. fords. To hold the fords (shallow crossing)
of the Jordan River was to effectively control
passage of armies from Canaan into
Transjordan and vice versa (see comment on
Josh 2:7. Ehud’s strategy was to prevent the
evacuation of Eglon’s garrison and to hold off
any reinforcements that might come from the
direction of Moab. Similar strategic use of the
fords is also found in Judges 12:5-6 when
Jephthah held them against the Ephraimites
and in Rameses II’s depiction of the Battle of
Kadesh against the Hittites (c. 1285 B.C.).
JUDGES 3:24—4:2
3:31
Shamgar
3:31. Shamgar. There is no reason to think of
Shamgar as an Israelite or as a judge. The Philistines
were moving from the north toward
Egypt at the end of the thirteenth century, and
the Egyptians undoubtedly would have used
mercenary bands to engage them. Shamgar
could well have been the leader of such a
band (perhaps Apiru, see comment on Josh
5:1). His military intervention would have
benefited Israel as much as Egypt. Nevertheless,
he was used by the Lord as an instrument
of salvation.
3:31. son of Anath. This designation or title
for Shamgar may indicate his dedication to or
association with the Canaanite goddess
Anath, who was a patron of warriors. Shamgar’s
name may well be Hurrian (although
some suggest it is West Semitic and therefore
Canaanite). Thus he may be a mercenary, like
Jephthah or David’s thirty mighty men (2 Sam
23:8-39). The title has been compared to the
Haneans in the Mari texts, who are warlike
mercenaries from the shrine of Hanat (=Anat).
There is additionally an Egyptian warrior in
the thirteenth century who is identified as son
of Anat, and also an arrowhead from Late
Bronze Age Palestine engraved with Ben
Anat. All of these suggest a military class designated
by this title.
3:31. Philistines. As the Sea Peoples began to
settle in Syro-Palestine after their successful
invasion of all of the Near Eastern coastal areas
(except for Egypt, where Rameses III barely
drives them off), they had to contest the
area with its local inhabitants (see Judg 3:3.
The Philistines, one of these Sea People contingents,
must have faced a variety of opponents,
including the Israelites. In this case, a
unit of six hundred Philistines is attacked by
Shamgar. The story could be read to suggest
that he alone slew them all with an oxgoad.
However, it does not rule out the possibility
that he was a local Canaanite or Hurrian mercenary
leader (well-known enough to also appear
in the Deborah narrative in Judg 5:6
whose exploits at least indirectly aided the Israelites
by destroying a common enemy.
3:31. oxgoad. The term malmad appears only in
this story. It could refer to the goad or cattle
guide used by herdsmen to direct their animals.
If it had a fire-hardened or metal point, it
could also serve its wielder as a short spear or
pike when no formal weapon was available.
Like many of the makeshift weapons used in
Judges, it reflects a less technologically advanced
culture.
4:1-24
Deborah and Barak
4:2. Hazor. Mentioned as an important city in
both the eighteenth-century Mari texts and
the fourteenth-century El Amarna letters,
Hazor (Tell el-Qedah) stood at a strategic
point in northern Galilee (ten miles north of
the Sea of Galilee) on the road between Damascus
to Megiddo. The Joshua account describes
it as “the head of all those kingdoms”
Josh 11:10, and in both Joshua and in Judges,
its king Jabin is defeated Josh 11:13; Judg 4:24;
see also 1 Sam 12:9. Archaeological investigations
do show a major destruction level in the
thirteenth century, which could be the result
of attacks by either the Sea Peoples, the Israelites
or some other group. Subsequently the
city was refortified by Solomon 1 Kings 9:15
and remained a major center of commerce and
a key to Israel’s northern border until the Assyrian
conquest 2 Kings 15:29. See the comment
on Joshua 11:1 for additional information.
4:2. Harosheth Haggoyim. It is uncertain
JUDGES 4:3-13 250
whether this place name, translated “forests of
the nations” in the Septuagint, is a city site or
a forested region in Galilee. Attempts have
been made to identify it with various sites (Tel
el-Harbaj and Tell Amr), but the archaeological
evidence is not conclusive. Similarly, there
is no definitive reason to equate it with Muhrashti
of the El Amarna letters. From the description
in the text, it appears to either be a
staging area or rallying point within the
Jezreel Valley, perhaps within a zone under
the control of Philistines (Sisera’s name is
non-Semitic). It may simply refer to that area
of the Galilee region under the control of Sisera,
who appears to be a military governor allied
with Jabin of Hazor.
Judges 4:3-13 4:3. nine hundred iron chariots. The number
of chariots involved in this engagement is so
substantial that some have considered it exaggerated.
Exaggerated figures were sometimes
used in the ancient Near East to magnify the
strength of an opponent and serve as a means
to add greater glory to the commander or deity
when the victory is won. Other examples of
suspected hyperbole in the annalistic style of
writing occur in the Assyrian Annals of Shalmaneser
III (858-824 B.C.), which list 3240
chariots among his enemies, and in Thutmose
III’s claim to have captured 892 chariots at the
battle of Megiddo. Other large numbers of
chariots in biblical accounts can be found in
1 Samuel 13:5 (30,000/3,000 in Septuagint);
1 Kings 10:26 (1,400 chariots); and 1 Chronicles
19:7 (32,000 chariots). For more information
on the use of iron fittings, see Judges 1:19.
4:5. holding court. Deborah is the only figure
portrayed in the book of Judges as actually
functioning in a judicial position. She hears
and decides cases and provides answers to
oracular inquiry under a palm tree which
served as a landmark for that region. The description
of her “court” is similar to that
found in the Ugaritic epic of Aqhat (c. 1500
B.C.), which depicts King Danil sitting on a
threshing floor before the city gates, judging
the cases of the widows and orphans (Aqhat
III.i.20-25).
4:5. between Ramah and Bethel. Ramah, in
the tribe of Benjamin, is identified with
er-Ram, three miles north of Jerusalem, and
Bethel (Beitin) is another four miles north
along the road into Ephraimite territory. This
well-traveled route would be a likely place for
a judge or prophet to sit and hold court.
4:6. Kedesh. See the comment on Joshua 12:22
for this site identified with Tell Qades, northwest
of Lake Huleh in the upper region of the
Galilee.
4:6. mustering at Mount Tabor. Its distinctive
shape, a flat-topped promontory rising above
the northeastern end of the Jezreel Valley
(about two and a half miles from Nazareth),
and its position at the juncture of the tribal territories
of Zebulun, Issachar and Naphtali
Josh 19:22 made Mount Tabor a logical rallying
point for troops from these tribes. From its
summit it is possible to see south to Mount
Gilboa and west to Mount Carmel. It would
also be neutral ground where sacrifices and
other cultic activities might be performed prior
to a battle or at its conclusion (see Judg 8:18
and 1 Sam 10:3. Should an enemy detect their
movements, the tribes would also hold high
ground from which to fight and remain safe
from Sisera’s chariots. The actual battle, however,
will take place to the south at the Wadi
Kishon.
4:7. luring Sisera to Kishon. The Kishon River
lies south of Mount Tabor near Taanach (see
Josh 12:21. Although this is a flat plain that
would ordinarily favor the use of chariots by
Sisera’s forces (see Judg 1:19, the river was
apparently overflowing its banks due to
heavy rainfall Judg 5:20-21. This would have
muddied the battlefield to the extent that the
chariots would have been bogged down and
become deathtraps. The genius of luring the
enemy into an area where they would be overconfident
and then surprised by the condition
of the terrain provided the edge needed by the
Israelites.
JUDGES 4:5-16 4:10. ten thousand men. It is difficult to determine
whether this number should be read as
ten thousand men or as ten divisions. The Hebrew
terms are ambiguous. Often a clan
would send a division of armed men, and
these would likely have numbered far less
than a thousand each. For more discussion see
comment on Joshua 8:3.
4:11. Kenites. For discussion of these people,
who ranged throughout the area from Galilee
south to the Negev and the Sinai, see the comments
on Numbers 24:21-22 and Judges 1:16.
4:11. tree of Zaanannim. Heber’s campsite
would be on the southern border of Naphtali
Josh 19:33, and its association with a landmark
or sacred tree parallels it in the story to
Deborah’s palm Judg 4:5. It was most likely
near Mount Tabor and within the territory of
Kedesh. This would place it north of the battle
scene and within the capacity of a fleeing
man like Sisera to reach.
4:12-13. Sisera’s strategy. Having received reports
of the deployment (possibly from Kenite
allies—see Judg 4:17 of Barak’s allied forces
at Mount Tabor, Sisera marshaled his troops
and chariots and sent them east through the
Jezreel Valley into the Plain of Esdraelon.
251 JUDGES 4:14—5:14
They would have passed the sites of Megiddo
(not yet reoccupied at this period) and Taanach
as they drove toward the Kishon River. It
is at this point that Sisera’s strategy came
apart due to the combination of rushing water
in the wadi bed and the heavy rains that
turned the plain into a quagmire.
4:14-16. Israel’s strategy. Apparently, the strategy
commanded by Deborah and carried out
by Barak was to gather the combined tribal
forces at Mount Tabor, a point on the fringe of
their territories, from whose heights a clear
view of the area could be seen. It provided
protection should they be detected too soon
and forested cover for their forces. Once they
had been able to lure Sisera’s army toward
them through the Jezreel Valley and into the
plain near the Kishon River, the Israelites
could make a rushed attack on them as they
floundered in the mud and water of the overflowing
wadi. The strategy, as portrayed in
Judges 4—5, is dependent upon divine intervention
(a storm) and the giving of the exact
moment in which to strike from Deborah,
Yahweh’s representative.
4:18-21. Jael’s hospitality. In the “worldturned-
upside-down” theme employed in
Judges, many customs or everyday actions are
reversed (see the correct sequence of events in
a hospitality situation in Gen 18:2-8. Thus a
woman instead of her husband offers Sisera
hospitality. As a guest Sisera is not supposed
to ask for anything, but he asks for both a
drink as well as sentry duty on Jael’s part. Finally,
murdering a guest is never a part of the
protocol of hospitality. However, Jael may
have been justified in killing Sisera, since he
was a potential threat to her as well as the
honor of her household.
4:21. tent peg and hammer. The weapons Jael
employed to kill the sleeping Sisera were ones
with which she was quite familiar, since she
undoubtedly used them to erect her tent each
time they made camp. They would have easily
come to mind, and the stroke, driving the
peg through the skull into the ground, would
have been a natural one for her.
JUDGES 4:14—5:14
5:1-31
Deborah’s Song
5:1-3. singing victory songs. One way to celebrate
victories and commemorate them for
years to come is to compose and sing songs.
They could be employed as immediate tributes
to conquering heroes (see Judg 11:34 and
1 Sam 18:6-7 or serve as lasting parts of oral
tradition (see the “Song of the Sea” in Ex
15:1-18). Victory songs are known in the ancient
Near East such as that in the Epic of
Tukulti-Ninurta (Assyria, thirteenth century
B.C.) concerning his campaign against the Kassite
king Kashtiliash. The song records how
Tukulti-Ninurta requests divine aid on the basis
of their previous relationship and how the
gods come to his aid. It also includes a section
of taunt against the enemy king who fled from
the battle. Just as Deborah’s song parallels the
prose account in chapter 4, ancient Near Eastern
literature offers several examples (in addition
to the Tukulti-Ninurta Epic) of battle
accounts being preserved in both prose and
poetry (other examples come from Tiglath-
Pileser I and Rameses II, both thirteenth century,
and Thutmose III, fifteenth century).
5:6-7. troubled times. The lawless period associated
with Shamgar and Jael, in which individual
acts of heroism were the only
moments of brightness, was characterized by
roads so dangerous and subject to attack by
bandits that merchants and farmers had to
take hillside tracks and Israel’s warriors were
nowhere to be seen. Such troubled times are
part of the “world-turned-upside-down”
theme here and in the visions of Balaam found
inscribed in plaster at Tell Deir ’Alla in the
eastern Jordan Valley.
5:8. no shields or spears. The low level of
technological development among the Israelites
and their lack of the implements of war is
also mentioned in 1 Samuel 13:19-22. They
may have been forced to turn in all their
weapons by their Philistine and Canaanite
overlords, or they may simply have lacked the
knowledge necessary to make them. In any
case, Deborah’s song implies their subjugation
was also due to their worship of other
gods and Yahweh’s wrath.
5:10. riding white donkeys. Only the wealthy
merchants could afford these prized animals.
The call here is to have all classes, those who
ride and those who must walk because of
their poverty, to join in the song of praise for
Yahweh who will deliver the people.
5:11. singers at watering places. The song to
Yahweh is to be sung even louder than the cry
of those who vied to water animals at wells
and caravan stops. These men would cry out
the news or a favorite story, perhaps accompanied
by cymbals or other instruments. By entertaining
travelers and carrying water, they
could earn a small living and transmit stories.
5:14. roots in Amalek. In the list of tribes answering
Deborah’s call is a group from
Ephraim associated with the hill country of
the Amalek at Pirathon (see Judg 12:5. While
it is possible that the wide-ranging Amalekites
are referred to in this passage, it makes more
JUDGES 5:14—6:2 252
sense to simply see this as an area within
Ephraimite territory.
5:14. Makir. This passage and 1 Chronicles
7:14 both indicate that Makir (Machir) was a
tribal group dwelling in the area between
Ephraim and Zebulun, near the Kishon River.
5:19. Taanach. Five miles southeast of Megiddo
and about the same distance west of
Mount Gilboa, Taanach is one of the fortified
cities that guarded the Valley of Jezreel (see
comment on 6:33). It is mentioned in Pharaoh
Thutmose III’s reports of the Battle of Megiddo
(fifteenth century B.C.) and possibly referred
to in passing in the Amarna tablets.
There was sparse occupation during the
twelfth century, but there is a destruction layer
dated about 1125.
5:20. the stars fought. In Near Eastern and
Mediterranean traditions various gods (Egyptian
Resheph; Mesopotamian Nergal; Greek
Apollo) are associated with heavenly bodies
(planets, stars, comets). They are occasionally
viewed as leaving their courses to join in human
battles, confound enemies and bring
plagues to animals. As early as the end of the
third millennium, Sargon’s texts refer to the
sun dimming and the stars going forth against
the enemy. The Gebal Barkal stela of Thutmose
III also mentions the aid of stars flashing
from the sky to confuse and decimate his Hurrian
enemies (see the use of stars and scepters
in Num 24:7. It should be noted, however,
that the stars in the Judges passage have no
personalities connected to them and serve
simply as Yahweh’s messengers and tools, not
as personified deities. See further the comments
on Joshua 10:12-13.
5:21. the flooding of Kishon. The Kishon River
is either the Wadi al-Muqatta, which serves
as a drain for the Jezreel Valley flowing west
to the Mediterranean, or the Wadi el-Bira,
which flows east from Mount Tabor to the Jordan
River. In Deborah’s song, the river functions
as an integral part of the battle strategy.
With the aid of the stars in heavens, a source
of rain in Ugaritic and Mesopotamian epic,
the battle at the Kishon was decided by an unusual
summer storm that sent torrents of water
flooding in the Kishon River. As the banks
overflowed, the saturated ground eliminated
the effectiveness of Sisera’s chariots. The story
is very similar to that in Exodus 14:19-25, in
which the pharaoh’s chariots are disabled and
destroyed by the returning waters of the Red
Sea.
5:26. head crushing. In the Canaanite literature
from Ugarit, the goddess Athtart (biblical
Ashtaroth) is known as a warrior goddess
who crushes the head of her opponents.
5:28. mother waiting at the window. There is
a real poignancy about a woman, either mother
or wife, standing and waiting for her husband
or son to return from battle. While she
must try to maintain her dignity and cast
about for scenarios that will help rationalize
the lateness of that return (vv. 29-30), she can
only peer expectantly from the latticed window.
Sometimes the window holds her captive
in a cloistered universe, and sometimes it
frames her as champion of a lost cause (see
Michal in 2 Sam 6:16 and Jezebel in 2 Kings
9:30-32).
5:30. plunder. Warfare in the ancient world
was justified by divine command or national
honor. However, the impetus that drew kings
and common soldiers to battle was the taking
of plunder. The spoils of war meant riches,
power and the subjugation of the enemy (see
Deut 31:11-12; 20:14; Josh 11:14; 1 Sam
14:30-32).
JUDGES 5:14—6:2
6:1—8:35
Gideon
6:1. Midianites. The Midianites are a people
living in the southern portions of the Transjordan
region. They are described as the descendants
of Abraham and Keturah Gen 25:106,
and in the Joseph narrative they operate as
traders and caravaneers (37:25-36). Moses
joins the Midianite clan of Jethro after fleeing
Egypt (see comment on Ex 2:15, but the Midianites
do not join the Israelites in the conquest
of Canaan. In the Balaam narrative the Midianite
elders are allied with the Moabites and
participate in the hiring of the prophet to
curse Israel Num 22:4. Midianite territory
originally centered in the region east of the
Gulf of Aqaba in northwest Arabia, but Midianites
ranged west into the Sinai Peninsula as
well as north into Transjordan in various periods.
Though their early history appears to be
seminomadic or Bedouin in nature, archaeological
study has revealed villages, walled cities
and extensive irrigation in this region
beginning as early as the Late Bronze period
(the time of the exodus and the early judges).
There is, so far, no reference to the Midianites
in ancient texts, though they are sometimes
identified with the Shasu mentioned frequently
in Egyptian literature.
6:2. hiding in caves. With few fortified cities,
the Israelites’ only protection was to hide out
in the hills, where they could preserve their
supplies and their families. In this region they
are most likely to have used the caves from
the Carmel range into the Iron Hills flanking
the Valley of Jezreel on the southwest.
253 JUDGES 6:3—6:19
6:3. invasion at harvest time. The timing of
the invader was very important. If harvest
time had passed, the villagers would have
stored and hidden all of their grain and could
withstand attack more easily. If the grain was
still in the fields, the invader would have ample
provisions and the villagers none. This
would suggest April or May as the time of the
invasions. The villages could easily be crippled
if they were deprived of their year’s supply
of grain, so what the invaders did not use
or steal, they destroyed. The trampling of the
fields would also jeopardize future seasons.
6:3. Amalekites. See the comment on Numbers
24:20. The Amalekites wandered through
vast stretches of land in the Negev, Transjordan
and Sinai peninsula. They are unattested
outside the Bible, and no archaeological remains
can be positively linked to them. However,
archaeological surveys of the region
have turned up ample evidence of nomadic
and seminomadic groups like the Amalekites
during this period.
Judges 6:3—6:19 6:5. camels. It is important not to infer what
the text does not state. It clearly indicates that
the Midianites had innumerable camels, but it
does not suggest that they used them as the
equivalent of war horses in cavalry units. In
fact evidence concerning the domestication of
the camel does not suggest cavalry use for a
couple of centuries yet. Nonetheless the saddle
types used in this period do indicate that
camels were being used effectively for transportation
and as beasts of burden.
6:8. prophet. This is the first unnamed prophet
in the biblical text. For discussion of various
aspects of prophecy and prophets see the
comments on Deuteronomy 18:14-22. Here he
is seen as a defender of the covenant, and his
message focuses on worshiping Yahweh exclusively.
Ancient Near Eastern prophets often
had messages that included admonitions regarding
who should receive worship and
how.
6:11. the Angel of the Lord. In the ancient
world direct communication between heads
of state was a rarity. Diplomatic and political
exchange normally required the use of an intermediary.
The messenger that served as the
intermediary was a fully vested representative
of the party he represented. He spoke for
that party and with the authority of that party.
He was accorded the same treatment as that
party would enjoy were he there in person.
While this was standard protocol, there was
no confusion about the person’s identity. All
of this treatment simply served as appropriate
recognition of the individual that he represented.
Gifts given were understood to belong to
the represented party, not the representative.
Words spoken to the representative were expected
to be reported back in accurate detail
and were understood as having been spoken
directly to the represented individual. When
official words were spoken by the representative,
everyone understood that he was not
speaking for himself but was merely conveying
the words, opinions, policies and decisions
of his liege. In the same way the Angel
of the Lord serves as the messenger or royal
envoy endowed with the authority of the
sender of the message.
JUDGES 6:3-12 6:11. Ophrah. The site of Ophrah has not been
located with any certainty. The leading contender
is the modern Affuleh between Megiddo
and the Hill of Moreh in the Valley of
Jezreel. Trees were often associated with oracles
and theophanies, and sometimes marked
places of worship (see Gen 12:6; 21:33; 35:4;
Judg 4:5; 9:37; Is 1:29; Hos 4:13.
6:11. threshing wheat in a winepress. Threshing
floors were large areas of dirt or stone that
were usually out in the open so that the breezes
could be used to blow away the chaff. They
would generally be used by the whole community.
Threshing was done mostly in June
and July, using a stick or by walking cattle
over the sheaves. A winepress was a square or
circular pit hollowed out of rock big enough
for a few people to walk around in. Threshing
activity in a winepress would be much less
conspicuous than on a threshing floor.
6:12. mighty warrior. The epithet used by the
angel has often been translated “mighty warrior”
(NIV), and that is acceptable when it is in
a military context. There are, however, a number
of people that are so described in community
contexts (see Ruth 2:1; 1 Sam 9:1, both of
which the NIV translates as “man of standing”).
In these cases it designates the person
as a responsible, upstanding individual in the
community.
6:15. weakest clan, least in family. Gideon’s
comments about the impotence of his clan and
his own lack of standing in the family have to
do with authority. He has no authority to call
out soldiers from his own clan or family, let
alone from other tribes. The prerogatives of
command came only with status, of which he
is claiming to have none.
JUDGES 6:15-31 6:16. together/as one man. The NIV translates
this phrase as if it applies to the Midianites’
weakness before Gideon. An alternative
would be that despite Gideon’s lack of official
authority the Israelites would fight in concert,
unified behind his leadership.
6:19. Gideon’s offering. When Gideon describes
what he wants to bring, he uses a gen-
JUDGES 6:20-33 254
eral word for “gift” that is not necessarily
indicative of a sacrifice, although when it is
connected to a meal it usually has sacrificial
overtones. It is the same word used for the offerings
of Cain and Abel (see comment on Gen
4:1-7) and describes one of the categories in
the sacrificial system (grain offerings, see Lev
2). The fact that the kid is prepared as meat
and brought to the place rather than brought
live and slaughtered there suggests more a
meal than a sacrifice. The contents of this meal
included goat meat and broth and unleavened
bread (having been made quickly). An ephah
is about half a bushel, which would make ten
flat cakes of eight or ten inches in diameter, a
very generous provision for the hard times
they were experiencing.
6:20. put on rock. It is the angel that instructs
Gideon to place the meal on a rock, where it is
consumed, thus changing it from a meal to a
sacrifice. Rocks were at times used as altars (1
Sam 14:32-34), but usually with the intention
of allowing the blood to drain from the
slaughtered animal, which would not be an issue
here.
Judges 6:20-33 6:25. second bull, seven years old. The text
may speak of two bulls (not in NIV, but see
NASB). The second is offered as a sacrifice, and
some infer the first must have been used to
help tear down the altar. Only a few male
bulls were needed to sustain a herd, so many
males were slaughtered at a young age. Only
the best stock would be kept for breeding. A
seven-year-old bull must therefore have been
a prime breeding bull. The sacrifice of this bull
would have been extremely significant. Some
bulls were kept for work animals, but these
were usually castrated to make them more
manageable and docile. If there are two animals
here, the first was probably a gelded
draft animal.
6:25. altar to Baal. Though the altar is said to
belong to Gideon’s father, the response of the
town suggests it was a community shrine.
There are a number of Canaanite temples that
have been found in Israel (Hazor, Lachish)
and a few open air sites from this period such
as the “Bull Site” a few miles east of Dothan.
Objects found at the sites, however, tend to be
masseboth (standing stones, see comment on
Gen 28:18-19 and incense stands rather than
altars. One of the earliest Israelite altars is the
tenth-century fieldstone altar at Arad that is
about eight feet square and almost five feet
high.
6:25. Asherah pole. Asherah can be either the
name of a fertility goddess or the name of a
cult object (as here). The goddess was popular
in the polytheistic deviations in Israel and was
sometimes considered a mediator of Yahweh’s
blessings. An indication of this belief is found
in the inscriptions from Kuntillet Ajrud and
Khirbet el-Qom. In Canaanite mythology she
was the consort of the chief god, El. She appears
in Mesopotamian literature as early as
the eighteenth century, where she is consort of
the Amorite god Amurru. The cult symbol
may or may not have born a representation of
the deity on it. The pole may represent an artificial
tree, since Asherah is often associated
with sacred groves and is portrayed as a stylized
tree. Sometimes the cult object can be
made or built, while on other occasions it is
planted. We have little information of the
function of these poles in ritual practice.
6:31. Joash’s defense. Gideon’s father, Joash,
confronted with villagers seeking vengeance
on behalf of the affronted Baal, suggests that
this is not a matter for the community to punish
but for Baal himself to avenge. When a
desecration has taken place, it is deity’s role to
judge (see Lev 10:1-3; 1 Sam 6:19; 2 Sam 6:7.
He declares that anyone who takes the matter
of revenge into his own hands will be judged
by his clan as guilty of bloodshed and subject
to clan retribution. In the ancient Near East it
is more common to see the god coming to the
defense of his temple or image. So, for instance,
the Weidner Chronicle reports how
Marduk carried out his retribution on those
whose performance of the rituals was unacceptable.
In similar fashion Marduk seeks to
restore to Babylon the image of himself that
was carried off by the Elamites. These retributions,
however, were all carried out by human
beings claiming to be instruments of the gods’
vengeance. It is this pretence that Joash
wished to avoid.
6:33. Valley of Jezreel. The Valley of Jezreel
gets its name from the town of Jezreel at the
east end of the valley. This fertile plain divides
the Carmel range from lower Galilee, extending
southeast with the Kishon River from the
Acco plain above Carmel to pass between the
Hill of Moreh and Mount Gilboa and into the
Jordan valley by Beth Shan. It ranges from five
to ten miles wide across its fifteen-mile length
(Jokneam to Jezreel). Major trade routes came
into the valley by way of Nahal Iron at Megiddo,
so the valley was sometimes referred to as
the plain of Megiddo, or, later, Armegeddon.
It was a natural staging ground for battles,
and many took place there during biblical
times, including Deborah and Barak’s battle
with the Canaanites Judg 4, the battle of
Mount Gilboa between Saul and the Philistines
1 Sam 31, and the battle between Josiah
and Pharaoh Necho 2 Kings 23:29. It was
255 JUDGES 6:34—7:21
also the location of Thutmose III’s famous battle
of Megiddo in the fifteenth century to subdue
the land of Canaan.
6:34-35. the Spirit of the Lord in Judges.
When the Spirit of the Lord is attached to any
activity in Judges, it is usually to the calling
up of an army. In a tribal society with no centralized
government, it was difficult to get
other tribes to stand with one or two that
might be facing problems. The measure of a
leader in such situations was his ability to
compel others to follow even though he had
no office of command over them. In Israel this
was a mark of the power of Yahweh, for it was
he alone who had the authority to call out the
armies of the tribes. Yahweh was the only central
authority. It was therefore a clear indication
of the Lord’s authority at work in
someone when they exercised authority that
was only Yahweh’s by calling out the armies
(see Judg 11:29; 1 Sam 11:6-8. This was one of
the distinguishing features of the Judges of Israel.
JUJuDdGgEeSs 6:34—7:21 6:36-40. fleece oracles. In an oracle a yes-no
question is posed to deity and a mechanism of
some binary nature is used so that deity can
provide the answer. In Israel the priest carried
the Urim and Thummim to use in oracular situations
(see comment on Ex 28:30. That is apparently
not available, so Gideon must be
more creative and use a natural mechanism
for the oracle (see Gen 24:14 and 1 Sam 6:7-9
for other occurrences). His yes-no question is
whether or not the Lord is going to use him to
deliver Israel. His oracular mechanism is
based on what would normally happen to a
fleece on a threshing floor overnight. Since the
fleece is soft and absorbent and the threshing
floor is rock or hard dirt, one would expect the
fleece to be damp and the ground of the
threshing floor dry. That would be the normal
behavior of nature. In this case such a response
would indicate a “yes” answer to his
oracular question. Gideon has already been
informed of the Lord’s intentions by the angel
and is just offering an opportunity for the
Lord to inform him if the plan has changed.
When the events of the first night turn out exactly
how one would expect them to under
normal circumstances, Gideon wonders if
maybe this “silence” might just mean the Lord
wasn’t paying attention. He therefore switches
the indicators so that the unusual occurrence
would represent the “yes” answer—the
fleece dry and the threshing floor wet. The
thought behind this is that if deity is providing
the answer, he can alter normal behavior
and override natural laws in order to communicate
his answer. In the ancient Near East,
when they wanted a natural mechanism for
oracles, they tended to use the liver or kidney
of sacrificed animals (a divinatory practice
called extispicy; see comment on omens at
Deut 18:10.
7:1. spring of Harod. The spring of Harod is at
the base of the northern slope of Mount Gilboa,
about a mile and a half east of the town of
Jezreel. This is at the narrow pass at the east
end of the Valley of Jezreel.
7:1. hill of Moreh. The hill of Moreh is directly
north of Mount Gilboa and south of Mount
Tabor. It blocks off the northeastern corner of
the Valley of Jezreel. Traffic to Beth Shan and
the fords of the Jordan there would swing
south of the hill of Moreh to go through the
pass where Gideon and his men are gathered.
The Midianites were camped in the valley just
west of Moreh about four or five miles from
the spring of Harod and very close to Ophrah,
Gideon’s hometown (see comment on 6:11).
7:3. Mount Gilead. This is a very obscure reference
that many believe represents a problem
in the scribal transmission of the text. Mount
Gilead usually refers to an area east of the Jordan
which is difficult to fit in here.
JUDGES 7:3—8:1 7:5-6. styles of drinking water. Those who
drink water in a kneeling position with their
heads in the water to lap it up are (1) an easy
target, (2) unaware of any enemy movement
while they drink, and (3) susceptible to leeches.
The alternative is to lie down flat (where
one presents less of a target) and to keep alert,
bringing water to the mouth while continuing
to look around.
7:13. dream. Dreams were commonly believed
to have significance in the ancient world. Not
only did the Midianite soldiers take it as an
omen, but so did the eavesdropping Gideon.
Although the interpretation of dreams was often
something best left to an expert because of
the obscurity of the symbolism, some dreams
were fairly transparent. It would not take an
expert to discern that the barley loaf represented
the farmer and the tent represented the
nomad. For more on dreams see comments on
Genesis 40:5-18; 41:8-16; and Deuteronomy
13:1-5. The concept of an overheard word as
providing (inadvertently) an omen of encouragement
is also found in the Odyssey as a slave
girl expresses the wish that this would be the
suitors’ last meal.
7:16-21. Gideon’s strategy. Gideon’s three
companies would have been positioned on
the three sides of the camp, north, west and
south (the hill of Moreh was on the east). The
torches that they each have are made of material
such as reeds that would smolder until exposed
to the air and waved. The pitchers
JUDGES 7:22—8:11 256
cover the glow of the smoldering torch until
the proper moment. When all three divisions
were deployed in their proper positions, the
ram’s horns were sounded. Usually only a
few of the soldiers carried trumpets for signaling
because hands were needed for weapons
and shields. Likewise, for night battle, a certain
number would be assigned to hold the
torches that would illuminate the battle area
and block retreat at the perimeter. It would be
expected, then, that the trumpet blowers and
torch holders would represent only a small
percentage of the army, with the rest charging
in to fight. Therefore, when the Midianites
heard the blast of three hundred trumpets and
saw the myriad of torches around the perimeter,
they naturally assumed there was a massive
army that would be charging into the
camp, whereas Gideon had instructed his men
to hold their positions around the perimeter.
7:22. fighting one another. It is a common motif
that one of the ways a deity achieves victory
is by throwing the enemy into confusion.
An example in Egyptian literature occurs in
the myth of Horus, where at Edfu Horus confuses
the enemy so that they begin to fight one
another until none remain.
Judges 7:22—8:11 7:22. Beth Shittah. The most common choice
for the location of this town is the village of
Shatta about six miles east of Jezreel heading
toward Beth Shan. Therefore the Midianites
have fled around the south end of the hill of
Moreh to try to get across the fords of the Jordan
along the Beth Shan Valley.
7:22. Zererah. Zererah is elsewhere known as
Zarethan Josh 3:16 and Zeredah. Most now
identify it with Tell es-Sadiyeh eight miles further
south from Abel Meholah, on the east
side of the Jordan along the south side of the
Wadi Kufrinje.
7:22. Abel Meholah, Tabbath. Abel Meholah
is located on the west bank of the Jordan
somewhere south of Beth Shan. The most likely
candidate is Tell Abu Sus eleven miles
south of Beth Shan at the southern end of the
Beth Shan Valley where the Yabis river enters
the Jordan from the east. Pottery shards from
this period have been found in surveys at the
site. Tabbath is less certain. It is often identified
as Ras abu Tabat, though that seems too
far south, very close to Tell es-Sadiyeh rather
than Tell Abu Sus.
7:24. Beth Barah. The identification of this site
is unknown, but it is obviously along the Jordan
valley, apparently at a fording place near
Abel Meholah.
8:1. Ephraim’s complaint. Even though land
had been assigned to each of the tribes, there
were still frequent land disputes between
them. Military activity of the sort conducted
by Gideon could be expected to yield available
territory that would previously have
been controlled by the Midianites. The Ephraimites
do not want to be left out should there
be apportionment of additional territory.
There is also the issue of plunder, which everyone
could be expected to want a share of.
8:5. Succoth. Succoth is located at Tell Deir Allah
about a mile north of the Jabbok River,
about three miles east of the Jordan River. Remains
from this period (Iron Age I) have been
found on the site. The area on the top of the
tell is comparable to one and a half football
fields, about one and a quarter acres. It was a
small settlement that was involved in a
bronze-smelting industry.
8:6. hands in our possession. It was a common
practice for a hand to be cut off each
dead enemy so that a count of the casualties
inflicted could be made. Egyptian monuments
from this period depict piles of hands gathered
after battle. Since the Midianite kings are
not yet dead, the men of Succoth are unwilling
to side with the resistance.
JUDGES 8:5-14 8:8. Peniel (Penuel). Penuel is located about
five miles east of Succoth along the Jabbok
River at modern Tell ed-Dhahab esh-Sherqiyeh.
Surveys have provided evidence of settlement
during this period, but the site has not
been excavated.
8:9. tower in the town. Since the site of Penuel
has not been excavated, remains of this tower
have not been found. Iron Age sites, however,
did often feature such towers as part of their
fortifications. For example, excavations have
shown that the town of Succoth had such a
tower at the end of the judges period that was
almost twenty-five feet in diameter. Such towers
could be part of the gate structure, lookout
posts along the walls, or, more frequently in
this period, inner citadels in the area of the local
shrine.
8:10. Karkor. The site of Karkor likely should
not even be translated as a place name. In the
text it has the definite article (which is unusual
for place names), and the word means “level
ground.” It should almost certainly be identified
as the Beqa’a basin. This is a broad, flat
depression about five miles long, two miles
wide, oriented on a southwest to northeast
axis about seven miles northwest of modern
Amman (biblical Rabbah).
8:11. route of the nomads. A local route
climbed out of the Jabbok valley heading
south from Penuel and moved southeast to intersect
with the southwest corner of the
Beqa’a basin. But the “route of the nomads”
would be more off the beaten track. This verse
257 JUDGES 8:13-30
says they went east of Nobah and Jogbehah.
The location of Nobah is unknown, but Jogbehah
is usually identified with Jubeihat about
six miles northwest of Amman. It is located on
an elevated ridge at about the middle of the
southern side of the broad Beqa’a basin. If
Gideon went to the east of Jogbehah, he must
have been skirting the northeast end of the
Beqa’a. This suggests that the “route of the nomads”
followed the Jabbok east for several
miles before heading south and swinging
around to the south side of the Beqa’a from
where the attack was made. This route would
be about twenty miles from Penuel and about
seventy from the initial encounter at Moreh.
8:13. Pass of Heres. Like Karkor above, the
word “Heres” has a definite article and therefore
is probably not a proper name. Heres
means “sun,” but that does not help identify
the location. If the reconstruction of the comment
on 8:11 is correct, the pass may be located
heading out of the basin on the southwest.
It may refer either to the ascent out of the basin
itself or to the ascent along the road from
the Beqa’a basin to the watershed a couple of
miles northwest of Beqa’a toward Succoth.
8:14. writing among the general population.
The languages such as Sumerian, Egyptian,
Akkadian and Hittite that used cuneiform and
hieroglyphics were syllabic and used hundreds
of different signs. This made reading
and writing something that only professional
scribes could take the time to learn. Alphabetic
script was invented in the middle of the second
millennium and made popular literacy
achievable, since it used less than thirty signs.
Slaves in the mines of the Sinai region (the turquoise
mines of Serabit el-Khadem) left alphabetic
inscriptions (proto-Sinaitic) as early as
the seventeenth century B.C. It is therefore not
unlikely that Gideon could easily find someone
who could write down the names of the
leaders.
Judges 8:13-30 8:14. elders. The elders represent the ruling
council of the town. In small towns this group
may be comprised of the two eldest males
from each household. That may be the case
here, since 77 are identified and given the size
of the site (see the comment above at 8:5) a
population of 200-250 would be expected, 30
to 35 dwellings. Ugaritic uses 77 figuratively
parallel to 66 to represent a large number. For
another potentially representative use of 77,
see comment on 8:30.
JUDGES 8:16-33 8:16. punishing with thorns. The verb used
here and in verse 7 always means “to thresh”
in the Old Testament. It is used figuratively of
the destruction of enemies in a number of passages
(see Mic 4:13. Gideon threatens to
thresh/destroy the leaders along with briars
and thorns. This may refer to a method of execution
or, alternatively, to a dishonorable
treatment of the corpses. Note that the men of
Peniel are executed as well.
8:18. men killed at Tabor. There has been no
mention of any fighting at Tabor. When the
ambush occurred and the Midianites were
backed up against the hill of Moreh, the main
route of the flight took them to the south of
the hill (see comment on 7:22). If there was
fighting at Tabor, it means that some may
have tried to escape around the north side of
the hill to get to the Jordan via the Wadi Tabor.
It can be inferred from verse 19 that Gideon
had deployed some of his family to hold that
pass and block their retreat.
8:20-21. execution by a minor. Execution with
a sword can be very drawn-out and painful if
the executioner does not know where to strike
or lacks the strength or confidence to drive the
sword home. Although it was an honor that
Gideon offered to his son, it is easy to understand
why the kings would prefer a skilled
and practiced hand to do the job.
8:21. camel crescent ornaments. It is believed
that these represented the moon. Some have
been found in excavations at sites such as Tell
al-Ajjul. Earrings also were often crescentshaped,
like the many examples found at Tell
el Fara and Tell Jemmeh.
8:26. seventeen hundred shekels. In Genesis
24:22 a gold nose ring is said to weigh half a
shekel. If earrings were about the same size,
seventeen hundred shekels would represent
thirty-four hundred earrings. This would be
the equivalent of over forty-two pounds of
gold.
8:27. golden ephod. An ephod was part of the
priestly wardrobe (see comment on Ex
28:6-14) and in both Egypt and Mesopotamia
was reserved for clothing images of deity and
for high-ranking priests. Exodus 39:3 explains
the process by which gold was worked into
each thread used to weave the garment. It is
likely that this ephod was also made of golden
threads rather than of solid gold. Since Gideon
had had success with oracles (6:30-36) and
since the ephod is elsewhere closely associated
with oracles (it contains the Urim and
Thummim, see comment on Ex 28:30, and was
used for oracular consultation in 1 Sam 30:7-
8), it can be inferred that this ephod was intended
to function as an oracular device. People
who wanted to ask information of deity
would come (pay their fee) and receive an answer
(through the mediation of the specialists,
Gideon and his family).
8:30. seventy sons, many wives. The wives of
JUDGES 8:32—9:5 258
an ancient ruler usually represented political
alliances. Towns, city-states, tribes or nations
who wished to ally themselves with a ruler or
come under his protection sealed the treaty
with a marriage of a daughter of their chief
family to the suzerain. This was an act of loyalty
on the part of the vassal, who would then
have a personal stake in preserving the dynasty.
The large number of sons indicated the
strength of the family line, for with that many
it would be assured of not dying out. This
would be important for a ruler because the
family usually occupied key positions in the
administration. A large family would theoretically
be able to secure the future of the dynasty.
Some have considered seventy as simply a
conventional indication of a large indeterminate
number. Besides the several biblical examples,
the Ugaritic myth concerning Baal’s
house speaks of the goddess Athirat (=Asherah)
having seventy sons, and in the Hittite
myth of Elkunirsa and Ashertu Baal claims to
have killed Ashertu’s (=Asherah) 77 (88) children.
8:32. family tomb. Burial practices of this period
featured multiple burials in cave tombs.
The body was laid out on its back with personal
objects arranged around it.
8:33. Baal-Berith. Baal-Berith means “lord of
the covenant” and is the designation of the deity
worshiped in Shechem (about thirty miles
south of Ophrah, where one of Gideon’s concubines
was from). There is no extrabiblical attestation
of this epithet, but see comment on
9:46 on El-Berith.
JUDGES 8:32—9:5
9:1-57
Abimelech
9:1. Shechem. The site of Shechem has been
identified with Tell Balatah, east of modern
Nablus and thirty-five miles north of Jerusalem.
Perhaps because of its proximity to two
nearby peaks, Mount Gerizim and Mount
Ebal, it has had a long history as a sacred site.
The strategic position of Shechem, at the east
entrance to the pass between these mountains,
also made it an important trading center. As
early as the Middle Bronze I Period Shechem
is mentioned in the Egyptian texts of Pharaoh
Sesostris III (1880-1840 B.C.). In the Amarna
period (fourteenth century) Shechem was one
of the major cities of Canaan and the city
flourished. Jerusalem’s governor complains to
Pharaoh that Shechem’s governor, Labayu,
has given the area over to the Habiru (for
more information see comments on Josh 5:1
and 9:1). The settlement was about six acres
surrounded by a circular wall with a gate at
the east and a temple on the acropolis. The
Iron Age of the judges period found little
change in the city. It is not conquered by
Joshua, and accordingly there is no evidence
of destruction. It is likely that the temple on
the acropolis is the temple of El-Berith mentioned
in verse 46. The evidence of the destruction
recounted in verse 49 can be seen in
the form of debris and ash marking the end of
stratum XI, dated to about 1125.
9:2. primogeniture in Israel. In the ancient
Near East primogeniture is not always the
rule. In many texts it is clear that the children
divide the inheritance evenly. With regard to
succession to rule, in some cultures brothers
had priority over sons. In others it was up to
the king to designate who his successor would
be, and in some cases the subjects had to consent.
In Israelite culture the firstborn was generally
assumed to have certain advantages,
but neither inheritance nor succession inevitably
fell to the firstborn.
9:4. seventy silver shekels. The temple treasury
pays out seventy shekels for the seventy
lives of Gideon’s sons. This is an indication of
how cheaply they were valued (compare a fifty-
shekel-per-male ransom price in Lev 27:3
and the typical twenty shekels for which a
slave might be bought).
9:4. temple of Baal-Berith. For Baal-Berith see
comment above at 8:33. For this period there
is only one confirmed temple found by archaeologists
inside the city of Shechem
(though other buildings have been interpreted
by some as possibly being temples). Whether
this one is the temple of Baal-Berith or the
temple of El-Berith (see v. 46), or whether
these are two designations for the same temple,
is a matter of some dispute that cannot be
resolved based on the information available at
this time.
9:4. use of mercenaries. A town of Shechem’s
size would have had a population of perhaps
a thousand people and therefore a potential
army of maybe two to three hundred. Nevertheless,
most of these would have been uncomfortable
with the task of execution for
which these mercenaries were hired. Mercenaries
are often motivated by the potential for
plunder. In a situation such as this that would
not be the case. In the Mari military organization
in the eighteenth century B.C. it is thought
that the temples provided the financial backing
for military activity that was supported by
the deity.
9:5. ritual execution. The comment that the
sons of Gideon were executed “on one stone”
suggests ritual execution. Sacrifices usually
took place on an altar and a large rock was at
259 JUDGES 9:6-37
times used for a makeshift altar (see comment
on 6:20). This might further have connection
to the huge standing stone that was the focus
of the courtyard of the acropolis temple at
Shechem in this period. The execution of competitors
for the throne is well known through
the ancient Near East and, indeed, throughout
history. But there are no known examples of
ritual execution of claimants to a throne as human
sacrifice in the ancient Near East.
9:6. pillar in Shechem. The translation “pillar”
represents an emendation of a difficult
Hebrew word. An alternative that has been
suggested on the basis of archaeology is that
the word should not be emended but translated
as a technical architectural term referring
to a palisade.
9:6. Beth Millo. The Beth Millo makes most
sense as the fortified temple precinct on the
town’s acropolis (see comment on 9:46). A
millo is generally considered an area where
fill dirt has been used to create an artificial elevated
platform.
9:7. Mount Gerizim. There is no doubt that
someone positioned on the flanks of Mount
Gerizim could make themselves heard in
Shechem. Gerizim is just south of the city and
the natural acoustics would accommodate
such a confrontation. There is a natural outcropping
of rock on the lower section of the
flank not far from Shechem that is often identified
as a potential point. The ruins of a temple
from centuries before would have been
there at this time.
9:8. tree parables. There is an Old Babylonian
fable from early in the second millennium
called The Tamarisk and the Palm. The two
trees are arguing which is superior by exploring
what each has to contribute to the king’s
palace. Also of interest is the section of the
Love Lyrics of Nabu and Tashmetu in which
the shade of various trees (cedar, cypress, etc.)
stands as a metaphor of protection for the
king. In the Sumerian myth Lugal-e, Ninurta
is opposed by an enemy that the plants have
named king over themselves.
JUDGES 9:6-37 9:9-13. olive tree, fig tree and vine. These are
three of the most productive members of the
economy of Palestine. Olive oil, figs and wine
are among the staple products of the region
and constituted the primary exports. They
therefore represented domestic prosperity and
successful foreign relationships—both the result
of a competent king’s rule.
9:14. thornbush. Many consider this to be
prickly boxwood, which, with its very tiny
leaves, has no shade to offer unless one would
sit in the middle of a thicket of it—a very unpleasant
experience. In the dry climate of Palestine
fires can be frequent in the brush. Such
brush fires would in turn generate enough
heat to kindle a fire among the larger trees.
The Aramaic Wisdom of Ahiqar contains a
conversation between the bramble and the
pomegranate tree.
9:21. Beer. Be’er in Hebrew means “well,” and
there are many towns with names that include
the word (such as Beersheba). It is therefore
difficult to identify this town with any confidence.
The most common suggestion is the
town of el-Bireh north of Shechem in the
Jezreel Valley near Gideon’s hometown of
Ophrah.
9:25. robbers in the hills. One of the advantages
of a city strategically located on a trade
route is the merchant traffic that flows
through the town, selling goods, buying local
goods to merchandise elsewhere and bringing
business and tariffs to the town. Setting robbers
in the hills would serve to make Shechem
an unattractive station for traveling merchants
and would deprive Abimelech of the tariff income
that he would collect. This strategy then
is designed to bring ruin to Abimelech by
crippling trade.
9:26. Gaal and his brothers. The band of Gaal
and his brothers has every appearance of one
of the small dispossessed clans that were common
during this period. Having been driven
from their own cities or homeland, they take
to the road as a traveling guild or as mercenaries
for hire, looking for a new location in
which to settle. In the Amarna letters this type
of group is labeled “Habiru.”
9:28. mixed population disputes. Hamor,
Shechem’s father, is taken as a reference to the
native population that lived in Shechem since
the days of the patriarchs (see Gen 34. It appears,
then, that Gaal is stirring up dissension
between the Israelite population and the Hivite
(Hurrian?) population. Abimelech had
made his case for being appointed as ruler on
his own mixed heritage (see 8:31 and 9:2). Just
as his membership in both groups had allowed
for his acceptance by both, it now provides
a basis for his rejection by both.
9:35-37. shadows from the mountains. Zebul
and Gaal are standing at the east gate of the
town looking east. From that vantage point
there is the Askar plain directly in front of
them and hills to the southeast (Mount el-Urmeh)
and northeast (Mount el-Kabir). The rising
sun would leave both the western flank of
the northern hill and the northern flank of the
southern hill (both forested) in shadow. The
remains of a fortress settlement from this period
have been found at the top of Mount el-Urmeh,
which could have been the location of
JUDGES 9:42—10:3 260
Abimelech’s headquarters (Arumah, v. 41).
9:42. attacking those who went out to the
fields. The phrase used here to describe the
activity of the people can refer to going out in
the fields for agricultural activities (as in 9:27)
but can also refer to “taking the field” in military
campaign (see 2 Sam 11:23; 18:6). Though
Gaal has been driven from the city, there is apparently
a contingent that wants nothing
more to do with Abimelech and is embarking
on a military operation.
9:43-44. ambush. It is likely that the ambush
group coming down to the gate of the city
came off the flanks of Mount Gerizim, which
is south of the city, to get behind those going
out, who were met by frontal assault from the
other two divisions.
9:45. scattering salt. Though this practice is
not attested elsewhere in the Bible, early Hittite
documents refer to scattering cress over a
devastated city, and in thirteenth-century Assyrian
texts Shalmaneser I scatters salt on a
destroyed city. Both substances are referred to
in one of the curses found in the Aramaic Sefire
treaty. None of these texts offer explanation
for the purpose of this action. Some have
thought that its intention was to render the
fields infertile. But not all salts accomplish
that, and the part on which salt was scattered
was not the fields but the city. Furthermore,
this would not explain the alternate use of
cress. In the Old Testament as well as the rest
of the ancient Near East, salt is used for consecration
(see comment on Lev 2:11-13. This
would suggest that the practice was a ritual
for purification or consecration of the city to
deity. Additionally, salt impedes the action of
yeast (leaven), and since leaven was a symbol
of rebellion, salt could easily represent that
which inhibited rebellion. Finally, salt is symbolic
for that which is infertile. In a Hittite
treaty, the testator pronounces one curse that
says if the treaty is broken may he and his
family and his lands, like salt that has no seed,
likewise have no progeny.
9:46. temple of El-Berith. The comparable title
il brt is attested in one of the Hurrian hymns
among the tablets from Ugarit. El was the
chief god of the Canaanite pantheon and “berith”
means covenant. It has been suggested
that there may have been a syncretism of religious
beliefs among the mixed Israelite/
Canaanite population of Shechem, combining
elements of Yahweh, the covenant God of Israel,
with El, the Canaanite deity. The remains of
a temple of this period have been found on
the acropolis at Shechem (see comments on
9:1 and 9:4). This temple was 108 feet by 92
feet and was fortified with walls 18 feet thick.
A standing stone (massebah) stood in the courtyard.
Others have suggested that the sacred
site on nearby Mount Ebal (see comment on
Josh 8:30-31 should be identified with the El-
Berith shrine (since the retreat there appears
to take place after the city has been destroyed,
v. 45), but there is no evidence of any fortress
there.
9:47. Mount Zalmon. Mount Zalmon is otherwise
unknown in the Old Testament. Some
have suggested that it refers to Ebal or Gerizim,
but it is difficult to understand why a different
name would be used here. Another
possibility is that it refers to the next ridge
across the valley south of Gerizim.
9:50. Thebez. Thebez has been identified with
modern Tubas, about nine miles northeast of
Shechem, based on early Christian writings
(Eusebius). No archaeological work has been
done at the site.
9:51. central tower. A common feature of
towns of this period was a second fortified
area inside the town—a citadel of sorts. These
often took the form of a tower at the highest
point of the town, perhaps also including the
temple area and the storehouses and treasuries.
9:53. upper millstone. The millstone was
made up of two stones, usually basalt. The
lower millstone was heavy (sometimes nearly
one hundred pounds), a flat or slightly curved
stone upon which the grain was laid and then
ground into flour with the second, lighter,
stone, which weighed four or five pounds and
was shaped to the hand of the worker.
JUDGES 9:42—10:3
10:1-5
Minor Judges: Tola and Jair
10:1. “minor” judges. The text never refers to
these as “minor” judges—that is a much more
modern designation, used to refer to those
judges who are not recorded as being involved
in military activity. The nature of their
“judging” must then be identified in other
ways. It was the king’s duty to establish justice,
and that is also the nature of the role of
these “judges.” This is not so much done
through a judiciary system, though that is included,
but through all the many aspects of
ruling. These then are local rulers. See comment
on 2:16.
10:1. Shamir. Shamir has been identified by
some as Samaria, the later capital of the northern
kingdom. If it is not Samaria, the location
is unknown.
10:4. thirty sons, thirty donkeys, thirty
towns. Besides referring to physical sons, this
terminology could refer to vassals (see 2 Kings
261 JUDGES 10:4—11:3
16:7) or those at one’s service (see 1 Sam 25:8;
2 Kings 8:9. In this case Jair would be identified
as having a territory of thirty towns under
his control, each with its own ruler (they
generally rode donkeys) who was his vassal.
There is a Hittite myth that tells of the queen
of Kanesh bearing thirty sons in a single year.
10:4. Havvoth Jair. Havvoth Jair means “settlements
of Jair” and refers here to the settlements
in the region east of the Sea of Galilee in
Gilead between the Yarmuk and Jabbok rivers.
10:5. Kamon. Though there have been many
different suggestions for the location of Kamon,
there is little to go on for evidence for
any of them.
JUDGES 10:4—11:3
10:6—12:7
Jephthah
10:6. list of gods. Baals and Ashtoreths (=Astarte)
refer to the Canaanite deities, while all
the other deities are referred to by nation rather
than by name, though it is not necessary to
think in terms of national gods with political
associations. These were more likely fertility
gods and other nature gods. This shows the
syncretism within Israel and her continued
polytheistic mindset. The polytheism of the
ancient world was an open system. It was considered
foolish to ignore or neglect any god
who could potentially bring either harm or
blessing.
10:8. Gilead. Gilead is the region in Transjordan
bordered by the Jabbok River on the
south (though at times extending as far south
as the Arnon) and the Yarmuk River on the
north.
10:9. Ammonites. The Ammonites lived north
of the Moabites in the region around the Jabbok
River. They are known from Assyrian
records as Bit-Ammon and as the land of Benammanu.
They were settling this territory
just around the time of the Israelite wanderings.
10:17. Mizpah. There are several different
sites that go by the name of Mizpah. The most
familiar is located in the tribal territory of
Benjamin and is identified as modern Tell
en-Nasbeh about six miles north of Jerusalem,
but this is too far away to muster troops
for a battle in Gilead. Mizpah in Gilead is
most likely the place where Jacob and Laban
had made their agreement Gen 31, but this
site is likewise unknown. The Gilead where
the Ammonites camped may be the town of
Gilead, modern Khirbet Jel’ad about six miles
south of the Jabbok.
10:18. military governors. In times of military
threat, territories governed by elders or tribal
leaders were willing to submit themselves to a
military governor who would provide protection
and perhaps rid them of their enemies. A
parallel to this political necessity can even be
seen in the stories about the gods. In the Babylonian
Creation Hymn to Marduk, Marduk
becomes the chief of the pantheon when he
agrees to take responsibility for meeting the
military threat presented by the younger
gods. It is this sort of arrangement that is believed
to have been the sociological steppingstone
to the development of kingship in the
ancient Near East.
11:1. mighty warrior. The text refers to Jephthah
as a “mighty warrior” (NIV). The terminology
used here is not just military in nature
but can refer to a person of repute or one who
has standing in the community—a responsible
person. In this context, however, it is likely
that his reputation is built on his military success.
This is the same phrase used to describe
Gideon in 6:12.
JUDGES 11:2-29 11:2. illegitimate sons driven from household.
It should be noted that it was not any
family shame or humiliation that resulted in
Jephthah’s being driven out. With the existence
of temple prostitutes and polygamy it
would be fairly common for children of different
mothers to be in the same household. Here
the text makes it clear that it was the inheritance
that motivated the expulsion. Whether
Jephthah, as the firstborn, had rights to a double
portion, or whether they were dividing
equally (see comment on primogeniture at
9:2), elimination of one party would increase
the shares of the others.
11:3. land of Tob. Tob has been identified with
et-Tayibeh in the region between Edrei (Der’a)
THE POLITICAL CLIMATE IN THE EARLY IRON AGE
In the Late Bronze Age (1550-1200 B.C.) there was an ongoing struggle between major political powers seeking
control of Palestine (see comment on Josh 9:1. With the arrival of the Sea Peoples around 1200 (see comment
on Judg 13:1, all of the major powers were either wiped out (e.g., the Hittites) or neutralized (Egypt). Moving
into the Iron Age (just about this point in the book of Judges), the power stalemate has been replaced by a
power vacuum. The absence of major powers vying for control of the region allowed the smaller states to test
their strength, develop and build regional “empires.” The Philistines were able to take advantage of this early
in the period. Then David and Solomon were able to build a substantial empire in Syro-Palestine without
needing to be concerned about political powers in Mesopotamia, Anatolia or Egypt.
JUDGES 11:8-31 262
and Bozrah (Busra ash-Sham) in western
Gilead, about twenty miles west of Mount
Hauron. Though no excavations have been
conducted on the site, it is possibly named in
Thutmose III’s city list of this period.
11:8-10. position offered to Jephthah. The initial
offer by the elders would have set Jephthah
up as the military governor of Gilead,
though apparently still operating under the
authority of the elders. In verse 9 Jephthah negotiates
to be in authority also over the elders,
a step closer to the idea of kingship (compare
how Abimelech was made king in the region
of Shechem in chap. 9 and David’s kingship
over just Judah in 2 Sam 2:1-4.
11:12-13. negotiating territorial dispute. Basic
to the understanding of the negotiation is the
recognition that the Ammonites and Jephthah
share a concept of divinely granted eminent
domain. The gods are the ones who give
rights and possession to the land, and appeal
is made to the gods to judge the case and,
eventually (in war), to defend the territorial
distribution. The question of rights to the land
did not turn on who was there first, but on the
evidence that deity had given the land and on
his ability to preserve the possession of the
land for his people.
11:15-23. Jephthah’s claims. The Israelites had
taken the land from the Amorites, not the Ammonites.
Though the Ammonites might be
able to claim that the Amorites had taken the
land from them, Jephthah’s point would be
that Yahweh had taken the land away from
the Amorites and given it to Israel. Any prior
claims the Ammonites may have had were
nullified by the amount of time that Israel has
been in possession of the land with no claim
having been made. For details of the geographical
issues presented by Jephthah, see
the corresponding comments in Numbers 21.
11:24. Chemosh. Chemosh is best known as
the national god of the Moabites, and in the
ninth-century Moabite stone (Mesha Inscription)
he is said to bring victory in battle, as
Yahweh is depicted as doing for Israel. The
Ammonite national deity is generally Milcom
1 Kings 11:5, 33; NIV, Molech). Although
Chemosh was adopted as the national deity of
the Moabites, the occurrence of the variant
form, Kamish, in a deity list from Ebla, where
he had a temple, suggests he was on the register
of Semitic gods in third-millennium Syria,
long before the Moabites. One Assyrian deity
list associates Chemosh (Kammush) with Nergal,
the god of the netherworld. There is not
yet any firm identification of what natural
phenomenon Chemosh was related to, nor is
there any uncontested depiction of him on archaeological
finds.
11:26. chronological note. Jephthah identifies
the Israelite possession of the land as having
already a three-hundred-year history to it. Although
this is undoubtedly a round number, it
supports a date for the conquest in the fifteenth
rather than the thirteenth century (see
sidebar concerning the date of the exodus at
Ex 12. Jephthah is generally dated to around
1100 B.C. and cannot be placed much later if
space is to be left for Samuel, Saul and David.
Though the Bible’s integrity would not be
jeopardized if Jephthah were misinformed or
exaggerating, it is difficult to believe his argument
would carry any force if Israel had really
been in the land only half that time.
11:29. Spirit of the Lord. The Spirit of the
Lord is again associated with the raising of an
army (see comment on 6:34-35). Though Jephthah
has been given authority to command in
Gilead, he has no such formal role in other areas
of Manasseh, including the area of Bashan
(north of Gilead) as well as considerable territory
west of the Jordan.
11:29. troop movement. Since the site of Mizpah
is uncertain, there is nothing here specific
enough to reconstruct Jephthah’s muster of
the troops.
11:30. vows. A vow is a conditional promise,
usually of a gift to be made to deity (for more
information see comments on Gen 28:20-22;
Lev 27:2-13; and Num 30:2-15. Parallels to
Jephthah’s vow can be found in classical literature
in the vow of Idomenus, king of Crete
(roughly contemporary with Jephthah). The
storm that threatens him as he returns from
the sack of Troy leads him to make a vow
much like Jephthah’s and results in his sacrifice
of his son. Often appropriate sacrifices to
request divine aid would be offered prior to
battle (see 1 Sam 13:8-12. If there was no possibility
or opportunity for this prior to battle,
one might envision the type of vow made by
Jephthah. An alternative for Jephthah could
have been to devote the plunder to the Lord
(compare Num 21:2, but perhaps that would
be inappropriate for towns outside of Israelite
territory.
JUDGES 11:8-31 11:31. what Jephthah expected to meet him.
While it is true that the Israelite house accommodated
animals, animals do not go out to
meet someone. Dogs were not kept in houses,
were not kept as pets and were unsuitable for
sacrifice. Furthermore, a simple animal sacrifice
would not be suitable for the extent and
significance of the victory Jephthah has
achieved. It can therefore be concluded that
Jephthah is anticipating a human sacrifice (on
human sacrifice in the ancient Near East see
263 JUDGES 11:31-39
comments on Gen 22:1-2; Deut 18:10.
11:31. burnt offering. In all of the over 250 occurrences
of the term used here, it refers to an
actual sacrifice literally burnt on an altar. It is
never used figuratively or symbolically. For a
discussion of the burnt offering see comment
on Leviticus 1:3-4. It is the word used in Genesis
22:2 and in 2 Kings 3:27, where human sacrifice
is in view.
11:33. area of conquest. The area of Jephthah’s
conquest is said to include twenty towns, with
three named specifically. Archaeologists have
found many small fortified settlements in this
region from this time that featured round
watchtowers. It is likely that many of these
twenty settlements were of this type. There is
a well-known Aroer just north of the Arnon
gorge where it turns south, on the southern
border of Ammonite territory, but it is likely
that this is a different town by that name closer
to Rabbah (as in Josh 13:25. Abel Keramim
probably is the town called krmm in Thutmose
III’s list of cities, but the identity of the site is
unknown. Minnith, on the basis of later Greek
sources, is placed between Heshbon and Rabbah.
A tentative identification suggests Umm
el-Basatin. Though there is some uncertainty
about the sites, what is clear is that Jephthah
did not simply expel Ammon from Israelite
Gilead but invaded Ammon and conquered
many of its fortified garrisons, mostly between
Rabbah and Heshbon.
11:34. victory celebration. The practice of
maidens going out to greet returning victors
with song and dance is attested in the celebration
for Saul and David 1 Sam 18:6-7 and
partly by Miriam’s song in Exodus 15:20-21.
The “tambourine” his daughter played has
been identified in archaeological reliefs as the
tambour, a small drum (leather stretched over
a hoop) that would not have the tinny rattle
sound of modern tambourines.
11:34. only child. In the popular religious belief
in the ancient Near East the veneration of
ancestors by succeeding generations was important
to the comfort one would enjoy in the
afterlife. Such concepts were sometimes held
by Israelites as well, though not endorsed.
Within the context of the covenant, the end of
a family line meant the forfeiture of the land
that had been granted as a share of the covenant.
In either worldview, the death of the
only child was devastating on the philosophical
as well as the personal emotional level.
11:35. tearing clothes in grief. Along with
placing ashes in the hair, the tearing of clothing
was a common form of mourning in the
ancient Near East. One example outside the
Bible is found in the Ugaritic epic of Aqhat (c.
1600 B.C.), in which the sister of the hero tears
her father’s garment as she foretells a coming
drought. Such an act often implied grief over
the death of a relative, friend or prominent individual
2 Sam 3:31. However, it also was a
sign of impending ruin, as in the Ugaritic example,
Numbers 14:6 and here.
11:35-36. breaking vows. Since a vow is a religious
act, drawing the deity into compact
with the worshiper, it may not be broken under
penalty of God’s displeasure (see Ex 20:7
and the injunction not to “misuse” God’s
name). Though a vow could not be broken,
the law allowed for the mitigation of vows, especially
those involving persons (see comment
on Lev 27:2-8. This loophole was
apparently unknown to Jephthah.
JUDGES 11:31-39 11:37. roaming the hills for two months. In
Canaanite mythology from Ugarit (Baal and
Mot) the virgin goddess Anat roams the hills
mourning for lost fertility, since Baal is dead.
The motif of roaming the hills for lost fertility
is therefore a possible connection with Jephthah’s
daughter’s request. In early Mesopotamian
practice it was the god Dumuzi
(Tammuz), the “quickener of the child in the
womb,” who had died and was lamented. The
time period of two months likely correlates
with one of Israel’s “seasons.” The Gezer calendar
(tenth century) divides the year into
eight periods: four of two months’ length and
four of one month’s length. The second twomonth
period (for sowing) consisted of winter
months when concerns about fertility would
be most prominent.
11:39. fulfillment of the vow: women serving
at tabernacle? It has been suggested by some
interpreters that instead of being slaughtered
as a sacrifice Jephthah’s daughter was consecrated
to serve in the tabernacle in a state of
celibacy. There are examples of lifelong dedication
to sanctuary service (Samuel in 1 Sam
1:28) and of women serving at the sanctuary
Ex 38:8; 1 Sam 2:22. But there are no examples
of women serving the sanctuary in a vow
of celibacy or in lifelong consecration. In the
ancient Near East as a whole, dedication to
the sanctuary generally involved prostitution
rather than celibacy (see comment on Deut
23:17-18). This sort of dedication has been
viewed as comparable to sacrificing a son.
Perhaps most significant is the class of women
referred to as naditu in the Old Babylonian period
(1800-1600). They were connected with
the temple as “bride of the god” and were
therefore prohibited from marriage, though
they were not necessarily celibate. Hammurabi’s
laws mention situations where a man
marries a naditu, but in such situations she did
JUDGES 11:40—12:8 264
not bear children.
11:40. commemoration. The verb that the NIV
translates “commemorate” is uncertain (the
only other occurrence is in Judg 5:11, NIV: “recite”),
yet it offers the only description of this
annual observance. As a result commentators
can only speculate as to its nature. Without
any clear indication of its nature, it is difficult
to suggest parallels in the ancient world. In
the Old Babylonian period the naditus (see
above comment) yearly performed rites on behalf
of those who had died childless. The context
of this passage suggests the four-day
observance was in some way a period of
mourning for lost fertility (see comments on
11:37 above).
12:1. Zaphon. The general location of Zaphon
is clear enough, but there is still no consensus
about its precise location. Joshua 13:27 lists it
next to Succoth in Gad’s territory. It is commonly
identified with Tell el-Qos a couple of
miles north of Succoth (Tell Deir )Allah).
12:1. Ephraimites’ complaint. The Ephraimites
are inclined to be contentious (see with
Gideon, 8:1 and comment there), but while
Gideon is able to assuage them, here the complaint
escalates into civil war. None of the territory
taken from the Ammonites had been
allotted to Ephraim, but their allotted territory
was across the Jordan from the Ammonite
lands. It should also be remembered that the
tribes of Israel were set up as individual entities
joined together by their common faith and
heritage. The only formal leadership they recognized
was the leadership of their national
God, Yahweh, and the tribal leadership of elders
and clan heads. Jephthah represented a
departure from that because he was given a
formal position of rule (see comment on
11:8-10). This may have been viewed as a
threat to other tribes.
12:4. Gileadites as renegades. The Ephraimites
attempted to nullify any territorial claims
by the Gileadites by negating their tribal status.
Historically Gilead was one of the clans
from the tribe of Manasseh. By identifying
them as mixed stock (Ephraim and Manasseh),
they were classifying them as squatters
on the land with no rights to territory as
full-fledged clans and tribes would have. This
was a land grab by the Ephraimites.
12:5. fords of the Jordan. The fords referred to
here would be those by the town of Adam just
south of the confluence with the Jabbok River
(see comment on Josh 2:7.
12:6. variations in ancient Hebrew pronunciation.
Pronunciation of some consonants
varies between the related Semitic languages
of the ancient Near East. In one of these variations
the Hebrew consonant shin (sh) combines
two consonants from Ugaritic (similar
to Canaanite), sh and th. So the Hebrew word
for three, shalosh, in Ugaritic is thalath and in
Aramaic is talat. Most significant is the fact
that Ammonite also featured the th consonant
variant. It is this type of variation in
pronunciation that distinguished the Ephraimite
and Gileadite speech. This is not so
much dialectical as it is regional variation.
As is always the case, consonant sounds that
are not native to one’s own speech dialect are
difficult to reproduce without practice.
G. Rendsburg has worked out the most likely
scenario to fit the details of both linguistics
and context. The Ephraimites would
generally have pronounced the word “shibboleth,”
while the Gileadites, sharing Ammonite
practice, would have pronounced it
“thibboleth.” When the Gileadites confronted
the suspected Ephraimites, they challenged
them to pronounce “thibboleth,” for
which the Ephraimites could only manage
“sibboleth.” The word shibboleth can mean either
ears of corn or the torrent of a river. The
latter makes more sense in the context.
Judges 11:40—12:8
12:8-15 Minor Judges: Ibzan, Elon,
Abdon
12:8. “minor” judges. We know nothing of
these three individuals from any other sources
in or out of the Bible. For discussion of office
see comments on 10:1 and 2:16.
12:8. Bethlehem. Bethlehem here is generally
considered to be not the one in Judah a few
miles south of Jerusalem but the one in the territory
of Zebulun in the hills of Galilee just
north of the Valley of Jezreel. The only indicator
leading to this decision is that Elon and
Abdon are also from this general area.
12:9. political marriages. The wives of an ancient
ruler or his children usually represented
political alliances. Towns, city-states, tribes or
nations who wished to ally themselves with a
ruler or come under his protection sealed the
treaty with the marriage of a daughter of their
chief family to the suzerain or his son. This
was an act of loyalty on the part of the vassal,
who would then have a personal stake in preserving
the dynasty. The large number of sons
indicated the strength of the family line, for
with that many it would be assured of not dying
out. This would be important for a ruler,
because the family usually occupied key positions
in the administration. A large family
would theoretically be able to secure the future
of the dynasty. Verse 9 indicates a vast
web of political associations.
265 JUDGES 12:11—13:17
12:11. Aijalon in Zebulun. The well-known
town and Valley of Aijalon is in the territory
allotted to Dan and is therefore different from
that referred to here. This site is unidentified.
12:13. Pirathon. Pirathon has been identified
with the village of Farata six or seven miles
south-southeast of Samaria.
12:14. forty sons and thirty grandsons on seventy
donkeys. It is difficult to tell whether
these sons and grandsons represent political
alliances (see comment on 10:3) or the size of
the clan that he ruled (see comment on 12:8
above). The reference to the donkeys favors
the former and the reference to grandsons favors
the latter.
JUDGES 12:11—13:17
13:1-25
The Birth of Samson
13:1. Philistines. The group of Philistines that
are well-known through the narratives of
Judges and 1 and 2 Samuel came into the Palestine
area with the migration from the Aegean
region of the group known as the Sea
Peoples about 1200 B.C. It is the Sea Peoples
that are generally thought to have been responsible
for the fall of the Hittite Empire and
the destruction of many cities along the coast
of Syria and Palestine, such as Ugarit, Tyre, Sidon,
Megiddo and Ashkelon, though the evidence
for their involvement in those areas is
circumstantial. Their battles with the Egyptian
Pharaoh Rameses III are depicted on the famous
wall paintings at Medinet Habu. It is
this vast people movement that is also reflected
in the Homeric Epic of the siege of Troy.
Coming from Crete, Greece and Anatolia, they
probably used Cyprus as a base from which to
launch their attacks. Following the repulsion
of the Sea Peoples from Egypt, the tribe that
came to be known as the Philistines settled on
the southern coast of Palestine, where they established
their five capital cities of Ashkelon,
Ashdod, Ekron (Tell Miqne), Gath (Tell es-
Safi) and Gaza.
13:2. Zorah. Zorah is identified with the modern
Sar’a about sixteen miles west of Jerusalem
in the Sorek Valley, which was the major
pass from the coastal plains through the Shephelah
to the hills around Jerusalem.
13:2. barrenness. The inability of a wife to
bear children often made her vulnerable to
her husband’s whims, for most marriage contracts
allowed for her to be divorced on such
grounds. Alternatively it often led to the taking
of other wives, who, upon producing children,
would assume a more favored status
within the family. This text is not, however,
concerned with family politics or psychological
tensions. The previous barrenness of
Manoah’s wife is one element that helps to
demonstrate the supernatural aspect to Samson’s
life and career.
13:4-5. Nazirite vow. As with most vows in
the ancient Near East, the Nazirite vow typically
represented a conditional agreement
with deity that was concluded with offertory
gifts in response to a favorable answer to a petition.
What distinguished the Nazirite vow
was the period of abstinence preceding the offerings.
Samson’s situation is even more notable
in that the period of abstinence is not the
usual days or weeks, but his entire lifetime.
For more information on the details of the Nazirite
vow, see the comments on Numbers
6:1-21.
13:5. ritual importance of hair. There is a
Phoenician inscription from the ninth century
reporting the dedication of shaven hair by an
individual in fulfillment of a vow made to the
goddess Astarte. It is of importance that in the
biblical text there is no discussion of what
should be done with the hair that is cut. It is
neither dedicated as in the above inscription,
nor is it deposited in the temple as in some
cultures. The dedicated hair is uncut, not cut.
Hair (along with blood) was one of the main
representatives in ancient thinking of a person’s
life essence. As such it was often an ingredient
in sympathetic magic. This is evident,
for instance, in the practice of sending
along a lock of the presumed prophet’s hair
when the prophecies were sent to the king of
Mari. The hair would be used in divination to
determine whether the prophet’s message
would be accepted as valid.
13:15-16. hospitality meal. Hospitality custom
required that all strangers who approached a
dwelling were to be offered the opportunity to
rest, refresh themselves and eat a meal. This
was done to assure the friendship of the
stranger. This would be particularly true of
someone who was offering such prophetic
portents as here described. What is particularly
generous here is the fresh meat, an item not
usually found in the daily diet.
13:17. importance of the name. Someone’s
name was believed to be intimately connected
to their being and essence. A name was believed
to be important for magical purposes or
hexing. The giving of one’s name was an act
of favor, trust and, in human terms, vulnerability.
The Ten Commandments had prohibited
Israel from attempting to use Yahweh’s
name in magical ways to manipulate him. But
here it is neither evil intent nor invocation that
are intended by Manoah. The text indicates
that Manoah did not realize that the visitor
JUDGES 13:19—14:6 266
was supernatural. If a prophet, the individual’s
reputation could be enhanced and his
sponsorship provided for by someone pleased
with the accuracy and benevolence of his pronouncements.
Such rewards could only be
given if the individual’s identity were known.
JUDGES 13:2-19 13:19. grain offering. The word used to describe
the grain offering means “gift” or “tribute.”
The offering is used in situations where
respect or honor are intended. The same term
is used the same way in Ugaritic and Akkadian
(Canaan and Mesopotamia). It is typically
found on occasions of celebration rather than
the context of sadness or mourning. In formal
settings a small portion was burnt on the altar
as a token of the gift to the Lord, while the remainder
was given to the officiating priest.
The ingredients of this offering were grain, oil
and incense. The grain was the grits or semolina
left in the sieve after wheat was ground
into flour. The oil was olive oil, used as shortening
in cooking and easily combustible. The
incense was frankincense, which was made
from the gum resin of a type of tree found
only in southern Arabia and Somaliland. The
grain offerings used a small amount that was
entirely burnt in a slow smolder (For more information
see comments on Lev 2.
13:19. sacrifice on rock. By placing the food on
a rock, it is changed from a meal to a sacrifice
and is consumed. Rocks were at times used as
altars 1 Sam 14:32-34, usually with the intention
of allowing the blood to drain from the
slaughtered animal.
13:22. taboo of seeing God. The concept of deity
having an awesome, unapproachable appearance
was not limited to Israelite theology,
for in Mesopotamia the gods displayed their
power through their melammu, their divine
brilliance. This display, however, though it
struck terror in the heart, was not seen as being
fatal. It is also clear in the biblical text that
there is nothing like the melammu attached to
the messenger, because his supernatural identity
is not recognized by Manoah. Parallels to
this taboo are unattested in ancient Near Eastern
literature.
13:24. Samson’s name. Samson’s name is a
form of the noun that in Hebrew means
“sun.” Just a couple of miles south of his
home is the town of Beth Shemesh, house/
temple of the sun. The solar cult is known to
have existed among the religious aberrations
in Israel 2 Kings 23:11, and some have suggested
that Yahweh was at times depicted as
the sun in relief (the incense stand from Taanach)
and in literature (e.g., Ps 80:2-3; Deut
33:2).
13:25. Mahaneh Dan. Mahaneh Dan means
“camp of Dan” and therefore most likely does
not represent an established settlement. Zorah
and Eshtaol (Khirbet Deir Shubeib) are only
about a mile apart, but there is a spring by the
Wadi Kesalon running between the two towns
that may be the area referred to here.
JUDGES 13:19—14:6
14:1—16:31
Samson’s Exploits
14:1. Timnah. Timnah is located about five
and a half miles west along the Sorek Valley
from Samson’s home in Zorah. It is modern
Tell el-Batashi, situated about halfway between
Zorah and the Philistine city of Ekron.
Excavations at the site show occupation during
this period but offer little insight into the
biblical narrative.
14:2. parent arranged marriages. Throughout
the ancient Near East marriage was viewed
more as a clan partnership (often with economical
motivations) concerned with family
status than as a romantic matching of couples
who had feelings for one another. As a result
the arrangements for these partnerships were
in the hands of the head of the family. The
parents decided when marriage should take
place and who the mate should be. Often arrangements
were made when the spousesto-
be were still children. Endogamy, marriage
to someone from the same tribe or village, was
the common practice, especially in Israel
where land holdings were tied to tribal affiliation.
Even when an individual would have the
freedom to make a choice on his own, the parents
would then have to carry out the negotiations
for the financial arrangements concerning
bride price (see comment on Gen 29:18-20
and dowry (usually property), both constituting
assets that become attached to the wife.
Bride price is discussed much more than dowry
in the ancient Near East and in the Bible.
14:3. uncircumcised. Circumcision was practiced
by many different peoples in the ancient
Near East (see comment on Gen 17:9-14 but
not by the Philistines. The comment here has
little to do with physical attributes or sociological
practices, but is an ethnic designation
that for the Israelites is a sign of the covenant.
14:5-6. lion. Kings and heroes of the ancient
world often boast of their lion-hunting skills.
A familiar scene in Egyptian paintings is Pharaoh
astride his chariot facing lions with bow
or spear in hand. Assyrian kings likewise
claim hundreds of lions as hunting trophies. A
relief from Tel Halaf (about 900 B.C.) pictures a
warrior using a sword to fight a lion. Killing a
lion with bare hands is a feat attached to other
ancient heroes as, for instance, the Sumerian
267 JUDGES 14:10-20
king Gilgamesh and Heracles of Greek legend.
Lions were common in the forested regions
of Palestine, and in this time period the
whole region surrounding the Sorek Valley
between Zorah and Timnah was forested.
14:6. Spirit of the Lord. In previous appearances
in the book the Spirit of the Lord has
been involved at the point where the authority
to raise an army was a strategic issue (see
comments on 6:34-35 and 11:29). In those cases
the Spirit endowed the judge with an authority
that could only be given by God. In Samson’s
situation not authority but physical
ability is involved. The Spirit of the Lord
comes upon Samson on a number of occasions
(see 14:19 and 15:14), but not every time he
performs an unusual feat. The common denominator
is that the Spirit is involved in each
situation when he attacks or is attacked.
14:10. feast for bridegrooms. This was the second
stage in the marriage process, which took
place some time after the proclamation of espousal
had been formally made. The traditionally
seven-day feast was climaxed by the
consummation of the marriage, which may
have taken place after the first night of the
feast. A ceremony under a canopy is indicated
in biblical materials Ps 19:4-5; Joel 2:16. The
Ugaritic tale of King Keret features a wedding
feast when he marries Huray, but little detail
is given.
JUDGES 14:10-20 14:11. thirty companions. The bridegroom’s
companions would be those from the clan or
village of the bride who came forth to support
the union. Their obligations are unclear but
may involve providing security for the bride
by committing to see that she was treated fairly
in her new family and perhaps by accepting
liability for the woman’s support should her
husband abandon her. At the beginning of
verse 11 there is a variant reading of “Because
they feared him” instead of NIV “When he appeared.”
If this variant is correct, there may be
an implication that there was some intimidation
that brought out so many, thus also supporting
the claim of verse 15 that the
companions were coerced to come in order to
be robbed.
14:12. riddles. Riddles are characteristically
based on two levels of meaning inherent in
the words used. One level would involve the
common word usage, while the solution to the
riddle would require unraveling a more obscure
meaning of the words. It has been suggested
that the common level of meaning in
Samson’s riddle would have been either
something crude (related to the results of
overindulgence at a banquet) or something
erotic (related to the imminent consummation
of the marriage), though either of these would
appear too metaphorical to be able to constitute
a common level of meaning. In Greek legend
of this period Mopsus engaged Calchus, a
leader of the Achaeans leaving the sack of
Troy, in a riddle contest. The intriguing connection
here is that Mopsus is later credited
with the founding of Ashkelon.
14:13. thirty sets of clothing. The thirty outfits
spoken of here would be fine apparel used for
special occasions. The equivalent today would
be thirty three-piece suits. In the same way
that a shirt would be worn under a suit, the
linen garments referred to here would be
worn under the embroidered outer cloak.
14:14. honey in the carcass. The motif of bees
building their hive in the carcass of a large animal
is known from literature in the Aegean
region (where the Philistines originated), so
this riddle should have been one the Philistines
could solve.
14:18. riddles answering riddles. Samson’s
friends answer his riddle, while at the same
time posing their own riddle that gives a clue
as to how they procured the answer. Honey
and the lion answers Samson’s riddle. But
what is it that is sweeter than honey and
stronger than a lion? A woman’s enticement,
of course. Samson demonstrates his skill at
riddles by immediately solving theirs and responding
with his own wordplay. “Plowing
with someone’s heifer” could be analogous to
our expression “walk a mile in his shoes” but
it also has the more insidious meaning of
meddling with his wife.
14:19. Ashkelon. Ashkelon is located nearly
forty miles down the coast south of Tel Aviv.
It is a one-hundred-and-fifty-acre site that
was heavily fortified as one of the five major
cities of the Philistines. The Canaanite ruler
during the Amarna period (fourteenth century)
was Yidya, who was responsible for seven
of the letters of the Amarna archive. The
Philistines settled on the site around 1175 B.C.
During the period of Samson’s exploits (Iron
Age I) Ashkelon had fortifications at least on
the northern slope as well as a glacis (sloped
area outside the wall to prevent easy access
to the wall) and a mudbrick tower. From
Timnah to Ashkelon would have been a journey
of twenty-five miles. It is unclear why he
would have gone there rather than to Ekron,
Gath or even Ashdod, all much closer.
14:20. outcome of wedding: wife given to another.
The giving of the wife to the companion
does not suggest a secret side romance but
would have been the normal course of action.
The role of the companions at the wedding
was to guarantee continued support should
JUDGES 15:1—16:3 268
the wife be deserted, as the family assumed
had happened. A Babylonian prayer to Ishtar
requests that an angry young man come back
to his wife at his in-laws’ house and the connected
ritual is intended to result in conception.
15:1. wheat harvest time. The wheat harvest
time was at the end of May in this section of
the country.
15:1. taking young goat. Though the marriage
was usually consummated the first night of
the feast, the bride often did not go to live
with the bridegroom at the end of the sevenday
feast. For several months the husband
would regularly bring a gift and visit the
bride in her father’s house (and stay the night)
until all was ready for the move. In Babylon
this was typically a four-month period, perhaps
intended to be a probation period to see
whether the bride could become pregnant.
15:4. three hundred foxes. The word translated
by the NIV as “fox” is believed to be a more
generic term that could also refer to jackals.
From the practical standpoint it is likely that
jackals are used here. Foxes hunt alone while
jackals hunt in packs. Trapping this large a
number of foxes would require not only great
amounts of time but also cover a large range
of territory. Acquisition of jackals would be a
more manageable task in that whole packs
could be captured at once. Both species were
native to Palestine during this period.
15:5. shocks and standing grain. The stalks
that have already been cut and are lying in
piles awaiting the threshing process are the
shocks. The standing grain is that which has
not yet been cut. It was still some months until
the grapes and olives would be harvested, but
the fire did irreparable damage to those industries
as well.
15:8. rock of Etam. There is a town near Bethlehem
named Etam 2 Chron 11:6, but it is too
far east to be involved here, and Samson is not
in a town. The most common identification is
with ’Araq Isma’in in the vicinity of Samson’s
hometown, Zorah, on the slopes of the Sorek
Valley.
15:9. Lehi. It is uncertain whether Lehi (jaw) is
a place name or a description. Akkadian uses
the word for jaw to describe the boundary of a
territory, and some have felt that the same occurs
here in Judges, though it is unattested
elsewhere in the Old Testament. Those who
consider it a place name generally identify it
with Khirbet es-Siyyagh in the hill country of
Judah heading toward Jerusalem in the vicinity
of Beth Shemesh. It is about two miles from
Zorah and the rock of Etam.
15:13. new ropes. Ropes have been found preserved
in Egyptian tombs made of green papyrus
or of date-palm fiber. In Israel the stem
of the sparrow-wort, a desert shrub, was one
of the most suitable and convenient materials.
New ropes would have been less brittle and
therefore more resilient.
15:15. donkey’s jawbone. The jawbone of a
donkey would be about nine inches long and
weigh a little less than a pound. It would be
slightly curved and may well have had many
of the teeth still in place to improve its effectiveness
as a weapon.
15:19. provision of water. Sedimentary rock is
known to feature pockets where water can
collect just below the surface. By breaking
through the surface the collected water can be
released. The text does not explain in what
way God opened up the rock.
15:19. En Hakkore. No spring has been located
in this region that would suit the details of
the passage.
16:1. Gaza. Gaza was one of the five major cities
of the Philistines. It is located about twelve
miles southwest of Ashkelon about three miles
from the Mediterranean. In the Amarna period
it was the most important center of Egyptian
administration of the region. The 135-acre site
is located at the southern entrance to the coastal
plain, where it occupies the highest point in
the region along the main trade route coming
up from Egypt. Egyptian reliefs portray the city
as well fortified in the thirteenth century,
though the limited excavations have turned up
little from the Old Testament period.
JUDGES 15:1—16:3 16:3. structure of city gates. The text mentions
three parts of the gate: the gate itself, the
posts and the bar. Two gate doors were generally
set into stone sockets buried just under
the ground. The posts flanked the gate on either
side. They were made of wood and
joined to the wall. During Iron Age I many
cities did not have walls, but instead there
were houses built close around the perimeter
to serve that purpose. The bars slid across the
gates and the end fit into an opening in the
post. These bars could be locked in place by a
series of small wooden dowels that slipped
into holes on a block mounted on the gate.
One could therefore not exit the city without
a key once the gate was locked. Since the fortifications
of ancient Gaza have not been
found by archaeologists, it is difficult to be
more precise about the details of this particular
gate. Gate openings of this period were often
as much as twelve feet wide, though some
are as small as six feet.
16:3. hill facing Hebron. Hebron is nearly forty
miles east of Gaza in a continual uphill
climb. The text does not suggest that Samson
269 JUDGES 16:4-19
carried the gates to the vicinity of Hebron. The
phrase used can often mean “on the way to”
(see for instance Josh 13:3. He headed off on
the road to Hebron and dumped the gates on
a hill on the way.
16:4. Valley of Sorek. The Valley of Sorek is
the area of most of Samson’s activity. The
main valley is about thirteen miles west of
Jerusalem and is part of the wadi extending
about thirty miles in a northwesterly direction
from the hills around Jerusalem to the Mediterranean.
It serves as the main pass between
the coastal plain and the hills of Judah near
Jerusalem.
16:5. rulers of the Philistines. The five rulers
of the Philistines appear to be equal in authority.
The term used to describe them is likely
the Philistine term, and most scholars believe
it has its roots in the language of the Sea Peoples
(Greek or another Indo-European language).
Until more information is found it is
impossible to offer a clearer political analysis.
16:5. eleven hundred shekels of silver. Eleven
hundred shekels of silver is an exorbitant
sum—a king’s ransom (see 2 Sam 18:12.
Compare the ten shekels that was the standard
annual wage of a laborer and the four to
six hundred shekels that was paid for tracts of
land. The 5500 shekels would equal 550 times
the average annual wage. If we took $25,000
as an average annual wage today, that kind of
offer would be in the $15 million category.
16:5. Philistine beliefs about Samson’s
strength. The Philistines believed there was a
secret to Samson’s great strength that needed
to be discovered and that could be exploited
to weaken him. This demonstrates that they
considered supernatural or magical elements
to be the source of his abilities. Samson understands
this in that he offers magical solutions
for binding him. Just as modern superstitions
maintain that only silver bullets can be used
to slay a werewolf, so in the ancient traditions
certain materials had magical properties that
could be used to counteract supernatural phenomena.
This falls into the category of magic
designated “rite of contact and transference”
known from Hittite texts. In these rites, wool
or cords of various colors or materials were
used to neutralize magical properties.
JUDGES 16:4-19 16:7. fresh thongs. The fresh thongs or bow
strings were sometimes made of the intestines
of cattle. Sumerian literature refers to deriving
bow strings from a sheep’s leg (presumably
the tendons) or from ram’s gut, while Ugaritic
literature refers to tendons from a bull’s leg.
They were usually laid out to dry before being
put to use. Others have preferred to think of
vines being used. The fact that seven are used
also suggests a magical element to the procedure.
16:11. new ropes. See comment on 15:13.
16:13-14. loom weaving. There were two
types of looms used in this period: the horizontal
loom and the vertical loom. From the
description given of Delilah’s loom it appears
to be the former type. Four stakes were driven
into the ground in a rectangular pattern. The
threads that would make up the warp of the
fabric were tied at regular intervals to sticks
on both ends, and the sticks were then used to
stretch out the threads between the stakes.
When the ends of each stick were braced behind
the stakes, the threads would be
stretched horizontal to the ground, taut for
weaving. A shuttle would then be tied to the
thread that was to be woven in as the woof of
the fabric, with a bar being used to separate
alternating threads of the warp to allow the
shuttle with the woof thread to pass through.
Once the woof thread was in place the pin
would be used to tighten that row against the
previous rows. Samson has now become quite
creative for he is suggesting that his hair be
substituted for the woof thread. This would,
however, be a logical magical procedure in
that the hair was considered to contain one’s
life essence and the weaving would be a binding
action. When Samson jumps up, he pulls
the whole loom with him, snapping the end
sticks off the four stakes between which the
fabric was stretched.
16:13. seven braids. It was a common style for
men to have the hair bound or even curled in
segments. Samson’s hair was styled in seven
such segments (one in the back and three on
each side).
16:17. Nazirite. See comments in Numbers 6
for more information about the Nazirite vow
and the significance of hair. Though Samson
may have violated the vow on numerous occasions,
such circumstances merely required
the vow to be renewed. This was different in
that the shaving of the hair was the way to
bring the vow to an end.
JUDGES 16:17-30 16:17-19. cutting hair to deprive of invincibility.
There are a few examples of this same concept
known from early literature of the
Aegean region reported by Apollodorus (second
century B.C.). One account is of Nisus,
king of Megara, whose long hair made him invincible.
His daughter, Scylla, had fallen in
love with his enemy, Minos, king of Crete
(seventeenth century B.C.), so she cut off part
of her father’s hair so that Minos could
achieve victory. A similar fate likewise befell
Pterelaos, king of Teleboea (also reported by
Apollodorus), whose hair, which made him
JUDGES 16:21—17:2 270
immortal, was shaved off by a daughter in
love with the enemy. These stories may well
have been known by the Philistines who were
from the Aegean region, in which case the
suggested course of action would have made
perfect sense to them.
16:21. blinding prisoners. Most evidence
comes from Mesopotamia, where it was common
practice for prisoners of war to have either
their eyes gouged out or their tongues
removed.
16:21. bronze shackles. Both manacles and
fetters were used in the ancient Near East, and
bronze would have been the logical material
to make them out of at this period. Even later
in the Iron Age bronze continued to be used
for this purpose (see Jer 39:7. It is likely that
Samson had both his hands and his feet shackled
in this way.
16:21. grinding mill. Grinding grain into flour
was usually done with millstones and was the
job of the lowest members of society. One of
the basic “appliances” of any ancient household
would have been the handmill (called a
saddle quern) with two stones for grinding
(see comment on Judg 9:53. Larger milling
houses often served as prison workhouses in
Mesopotamia, but each prisoner still used a
handmill for grinding. The large rotary mill
that could be powered by donkey or slave labor
was not invented until after the Old Testament
period. The palace at Ebla had a room
containing sixteen handmills, inferred to be a
place where prisoners ground grain. Grinding
houses would include prisoners of war, criminals
and those who had defaulted on their
debts.
16:23. Dagon. There is evidence of Dagon as a
important god within the Semitic pantheon of
deities as early as the third millennium B.C. in
Mari. Assyrians worshiped him in the first
half of the second millennium, and in Ugaritic
literature he is positioned as the father of Baal
Haddu. His temple in the town of Ugarit was
bigger that the temple of Baal. It is generally
assumed, then, that the Philistines did not
bring this god with them from their Aegean
homeland but adopted him upon their arrival
in their new territory. Dagon is often identified
as a god of grain or of storm, but both of
these remain somewhat speculative.
16:25. brought to entertain. The “entertainment”
provided by Samson was probably not
connected to his wit or his strength, but to his
blindness. Putting obstacles in the way and
striking or tripping him would be only a few
of the cruel possibilities for tormenting a blind
person in an unfamiliar place.
16:29. temple architecture. The temples at Tell
Qasile (ancient name unknown, but occupied
by Philistines; located within modern Tel
Aviv) and at Beth Shan are the only Philistine
temples from this time period that have been
uncovered by archaeologists, though the temple
at Lachish is also instructive. They commonly
feature pillars that support the roof in a
central hallway (perhaps partially open-air).
The pillars in the temples of this period were
often made of wood and stood on stone pedestals.
They were held in place by the weight
of the roof. The largest phase of Iron I temples
at Tell Qasile was twenty-five by forty-five
feet. The temple at Beth Shan features a central
area with two pillars and measures nearly
forty-five feet square. The Late Bronze acropolis
temple at Lachish (Canaanite and slightly
earlier) was of similar design, with two pillars
in the central area, but was bigger, measuring
about sixty by one hundred feet.
16:29-30. bringing down the house. The verb
used in verse 30 suggests a twisting motion,
from which we can infer that Samson turned
the pillars off their stone bases, thus removing
the support of the roof and causing its collapse.
16:31. Zorah and Eshtaol. Zorah is identified
with the modern Sar’a about sixteen miles
west of Jerusalem in the Sorek Valley, which
was the major pass from the coastal plains
through the Shephelah to the hills around
Jerusalem. Zorah and Eshtaol (Khirbet Deir
Shubeib) are only about a mile apart, but there
is a spring by the Wadi Kesalon running between
the two towns that may be the area referred
to here.
JUDGES 16:21—17:2
17:1—18:31
Micah and the Danites
17:2. eleven hundred shekels. Although a
very large amount (eight grams/shekel), it is
not beyond the realm of possibility that this
much silver could be involved here (compare
the four hundred paid by Abraham for Machpelah
and Gideon’s spoils taken in Judg 8:26.
It most likely represented the woman’s dowry,
received at marriage, that was to provide support
should she be widowed or abandoned. It
is also the amount paid to Delilah in 16:5 by
the Philistine kings.
17:2. curse. The text is ambiguous enough to
allow for either “oath” or “curse” with regard
to the eleven hundred shekels of silver. It is
possible that Micah’s mother had pledged
that amount to Yahweh, or it may be that she
had placed a curse on whomever had taken it.
In both cases God would have been called
upon as witness (see Num 5:21 and Neh
271 JUDGES 17:2-9
10:29). The mother might well have been desperate
to find her pledged funds and called
upon God to help with the search. Micah’s reassurance
that he has the silver sounds less
like a response of a dutiful son than it does of
someone frightened of taboo (i.e. consecrated)
items (see Josh 7:20-21.
17:2. changing curse to blessing. Like Balaam
Num 23:11, Micah’s mother changes her
curse into a blessing. She may have been disappointed
to find that her son had taken the
silver, but she quickly transposes one form of
divine invocation into another. In this way, the
potential harm is abetted (see 2 Sam 21:3.
17:3. consecrated to the Lord to make image.
The making of sacred images was forbidden
in Exodus 20:4. However, the lawlessness portrayed
in the Judges period and common
practice among the Canaanites makes it almost
a certainty among the Israelites (see
Gideon’s ephod in Judg 8:27. Idols were
carved out of wood or stone as well as cast
from precious metals (see the golden calves in
Ex 32:1-4 and 1 Kings 12:28. Molds for the
casting of gods have been found at several
Canaanite sites. It may be presumed that the
material employed was consecrated at the beginning
of the process, and certain rituals (the
“mouth-opening” in Egyptian and Mesopotamian
texts) and ceremonies were performed
to bring the object to life. Then the final product
was consecrated in the service of the god
represented (see Ex 40:9-11 and Lev 8:10-11 for
the consecration of the tabernacle).
Judges 17:2-9 17:5. shrine. Archaeological excavations at
sites throughout Syro-Palestine have uncovered
house-shrines. These private sanctuaries
would have served the needs of households
and perhaps extended families within a village
culture (the plaster fragments from Tell
Deir ’Alla may be associated with such a
shrine as may the Kuntillet ’Ajrud inscriptions).
In larger population centers, more formal
temples and shrines also existed to serve
as worship and sacrificial centers for all devotees
and as a base of operations for the priestly
community of the god. However, the biblical
text makes a point that Micah’s shrine was not
a proper center for Yahweh worship, and the
inclusion of an idol graphically demonstrates
the danger of unsupervised local worship (see
the law in Deut 12:2-7.
17:5. ephod. The ephod was part of the priestly
garments to be worn exclusively by Aaron
and other high priests (see the comment on Ex
28:6-14). It was probably an apronlike affair,
made of special fabric and woven with a mixture
of woolen and linen thread as well as
gold. The breastplate containing the twelve
stones representing the Israelite tribes was attached
to the ephod Ex 28:25. The association
of the breastplate with the Urim and
Thummim, the lots used in divining God’s
will, makes the ephod a part of this oracular
procedure. As such it could have eventually
been so closely associated with the divine that
it too was worshiped (see Gideon’s golden
ephod in Judg 8:27. Micah’s ephod is designed
to add legitimacy to his personal
shrine, and the fact that it is listed in association
with his idols suggests it was also an object
of worship (see Judg 18:14-31.
17:5. idols. Graven images of any sort are
strictly forbidden by Exodus 20:4-6; 34:17. Yet
the existence of idols made of metal, wood
and stone was a continual reality in ancient Israel
(see Is 40:19-20; Hos 8:4-6. It is therefore
not surprising that Micah has created idols.
However, the official sanction given to them
by the Levite raises the scandal of the lawless
Judges period.
17:6. no king. Given limited central authority,
the judges were not able to undertake significant
spiritual or social reform among the people,
nor were they in a position to adjudicate
intertribal squabbles. The priesthood, the tribal
leadership and the judges are seen in the
narrative to be part of the problem rather than
part of the solution. Inauguration of a central,
civil authority had the potential to resolve
some of these problems, but only the appropriate
view of kingship would result in
progress. As 1 Samuel 8—12 will point out,
there are drawbacks to kingship as well, and it
is a dangerous mistake to treat a spiritual
problem with a political solution.
17:7-10. family priests. Micah’s original
choice was to appoint one of his sons as the
priestly administrator of his shrine. However,
when the opportunity arose to install a Levite,
he jumped at this opportunity to legitimize
his sanctuary (note how it has gained a reputation
in Judg 18:14-15. The use of the term
“father” here implies ability to make true
oracular answers to the yes and no questions
posed to God through him (see the use of this
term in 2 Kings 6:21; 8:9; 13:14). It might also
be compared to the title “mother in Israel”
given to Deborah in Judges 5:7. However, the
practice of using local or family priests is
eventually forbidden as the monarchy attempted
to centralize all worship in Jerusalem
(see 2 Kings 18:4; 23:5-9).
17:7-9. itinerant Levite. The Levites did not
receive a specific territorial allotment because
they were to serve all of the tribes as priests
Josh 18:7. Thus it is not out of character in
this period for a young Levite to go on a jour-
JUDGES 17:10—18:31 272
ney and seek employment in his profession.
There are some problems here with his association
with Judah, but the historical context is
uncertain.
17:10. priest’s salary. There is no provision in
the law for a priest to receive a salary. Exodus
28:1 and 29:26-28 describe the portion of the
sacrificial offering that is to be set aside for the
priests, and Joshua 21:3-40 lists towns and
pasturelands allotted to the Levites for this
sustenance. However, the offering of a specific
amount of precious metal as wages functions
more as a bribe or retainer for a prized employee.
18:1-2. Danite migration. The allotment assigned
to the tribe of Dan was between that of
Ephraim and Benjamin along the coastal plain
Josh 19:40-48. They would have been closest
to and most immediately affected by the Philistines
(see Samson’s exploits in Judges 13—
16) and may have eventually felt that they
would never be able to effectively compete
with this much stronger people.
JUDGES 17:10—18:31 18:5-6. oracle. One of the most common forms
of divination employed in the ancient Near
East involved asking a god a yes or no question.
This might require the casting of lots or,
as in this instance, inquiring of a prophet or
priest at a shrine. While this might seem to
eliminate ambiguity, the Levite’s answer suggests
that a question could be answered with a
noninformative statement. In Mesopotamia,
the baru priest sometimes used a “divining
cup” (see Joseph in Gen 44:5 or might consult
a body of omen texts to provide answers.
18:7. Laish. Located at the foot of Mount Hermon
in the extreme northern portion of Israelite
territory (also known as Leshem in Josh
19:47), the city was about one hundred miles
from Dan’s assigned territory. Laish was conquered
by the Danites and renamed Dan. The
site, which contains one of the sources of the
Jordan River, has a long history, attested by
Egyptian execration texts and in the Mari letters.
It would not be surprising to see Phoenician
(Sidonian) influence in this northern city.
For more information see the comment on
Dan in 18:29.
18:12. Kiriath Jearim. Listed as a city within
Judah Josh 15:60, the site is commonly identified
with Tell el-Azhar, nine miles west
northwest of Jerusalem, but this is unsubstantiated
by archaeological finds or extrabiblical
references. Its association with Mahaneh Dan
in this verse puts it in this general area (see the
comment on 13:25). This location places it
only six miles from Gibeon, with which it is
also associated (see comment on Josh 9:17.
18:14-27. pillaging the shrine. The practice of
attacking and looting shrines and temples was
simply part of warfare in the ancient world.
Since these places were often storehouses of
grain and other commodities and contained
valuable objects made of precious metals, they
were a natural target. The collecting of sacred
images as “hostages” was also common (see
1 Sam 5:1-2 and is documented in the Mari
letters (eighteenth century B.C.) as well as in
the Cyrus Cylinder from the Persian period (c.
540 B.C.).
18:28. Sidon, Beth Rehob. At the time of the
Danite conquest of Laish, it was a village controlled
by the Sidonians (on the Lebanese
coast). The exact location of Beth Rehob is unknown,
although it most likely is to be found
“near the entrance to Hamath” Num 13:21,
in the Huleh valley where it links with the Bekah
valley of southern Lebanon.
18:29. Dan. Tel Dan (Tell el Qadi) is located at
the foot of Mount Hermon and is watered by a
number of springs which serve as one of the
sources of the Jordan River. Its identification
has been proven by the discovery of an inscription
which invokes “the god of Dan.”
However, its original name was Laish (see
Josh 19:47; Judg 18:7, and by that name it was
mentioned in the Egyptian execration texts
and perhaps in the Mari letters. The Middle
Bronze period at the site saw the construction
cover over thirty acres. An arched mudbrick
gateway from this era testifies to the remarkable
culture of the city. The conquest of the
city in the early Iron Age is not evidenced by a
destruction level, but there is material evidence
(pottery, storage pits) of the introduction
of a new population group in the Iron
Age. No temple or shrine has been found from
this period, but Jeroboam may have been following
earlier tradition when he constructed a
temple when the nation was divided in the
tenth century 1 Kings 12:29-30.
18:30. tribal priesthood. The Levites were to
serve as priests for all of the tribes. Thus it is
not out of character to speak of Jonathan, the
son of Gershom, as priest of the tribe of Dan.
Jonathan came to his position by first serving
as a household priest in Ephraim and officiating
before idols, and then by consenting to the
confiscation of these sacred images from
Micah’s house. In that sense he perpetuated a
form of false worship along the lines of those
priests condemned by Hosea for failing to
convey the true knowledge of God to the people
Hos 4:6.
18:31. house of God in Shiloh. The shrine at
Shiloh operated as a cultic center during the
Judges period Judg 21:19 and in the time of
Samuel 1 Sam 1:3, but it was apparently de-
273 JUDGES 19:1-24
stroyed by the Philistines after the battle of
Ebenezer 1 Sam 4:1-11. Mention in Psalm
78:60 and Jeremiah 7:12; 26:6-9 suggests the
shrine there may have been rebuilt and used
until Solomon built the Jerusalem temple. The
site has been identified as Khirbet Seilun,
about halfway between Bethel and Shechem.
This seven-and-a-half-acre site is situated in a
strategic location where it enjoys fertile land, a
reliable water source and access to the main
north-south route through the heartland of Israel.
Substantial Iron Age I ruins have been
found at the site, along with evidence of destruction
by means of fire. Though remains of
public buildings from this period have been
found, no trace of the sanctuary has been
identified. The probable location at the highest
point of the tell has suffered from erosion
and later settlement.
JUDGES 19:1-24
19:1—21:25
The Civil War Against Benjamin
19:1. Levites. For discussion of the role, function
and provisions made for the Levites, see
the comments on Numbers 16:10; Deuteronomy
14:27-29; 18:1-5; 18:6-8.
19:1. concubines. A concubine is a secondary
wife who has probably come into the marriage
without a dowry. Her children may only
receive a portion of their father’s estate if he
chooses to publicly acknowledge them as his
heirs (note how Abraham treated his sons by
Keturah and his concubines in Gen 25:1-4. It
is possible that this sort of arrangement became
necessary when the first or principal
wife was infertile (see the use of Hagar in Gen
16:1-4 and the maids of Leah and Rachel in
Gen 35:21-22. However, in most cases in
which a marriage contract is made with the father
of a woman who will be considered a
concubine, there is an assumption of a lesser
status than a regular wife. Thus the Levite
may have simply contracted for a sexual partner,
since his social status would ordinarily
have required a wife of certain attributes (see
Lev 21:7. This may explain why he was in no
hurry to bring his concubine home (Judg
19:2).
19:1. hill country/Bethlehem. The geographical
distances involved are not great (perhaps
thirty miles), but they do represent two tribal
areas and in later terms the two kingdoms of
Israel and Judah. In any case it would have required
at least a full day’s travel to cover and
thus explains why they must stop for the
night after a later afternoon departure only
got them as far as Jebus/Jerusalem (Judg
19:8-11). The text actually refers to “Mt.
Ephraim” (NIV: the hill country of Ephraim)
which may be identifiable as Jebel Asur, the
most noticeable elevation in the region.
19:10. Jebus/Jerusalem. For discussion of the
pairing of these city names see the comments
on 1:7-8 and 1:21. The city would have been
only about four miles north of Bethlehem.
19:12-14. Gibeah. Scholarly consensus now
places the site of Gibeah at Jaba’, about four
miles northeast of Jerusalem. Jaba’ sits on a
hill above a canyon pitted with caves (see the
Rock of Rimmon in Judg 20:47. Although it is
described as a village in the tribal territory of
Benjamin, Gibeah will later serve as Saul’s fortress
city when he becomes Israel’s first king
(see 1 Sam 10:26; Is 10:29. The travelers
would likely have passed west of Jerusalem
and then taken the road northeast through
Anathoth to Geba.
19:15-17. city square hospitality. What is implied
here is that no one met the Levite’s party
as they entered the village, unlike in Genesis
19:1, and they were forced to seek shelter in
the rehob (“city square”). This place is a poor
refuge for travelers. Having to spend the night
there would be their last choice, and it would
reflect on the poor hospitality of the town that
strangers would have to shelter there. In Genesis
19 the angels’ intention to go to the rehob
suggests a testing of the community. The fact
that the Levite in Judges 19 is forced to go to
the rehob demonstrates a basic failure on the
part of the citizens of Gibeah to offer him hospitality.
19:18. house of the Lord. It is possible that the
Levite is either speaking of his own home in
Ephraimite territory, where he may or may
not perform any cultic functions, or to the
shrine at Shiloh where the ark of the covenant
is housed and a group of Levites provide official
sacrificial duties 1 Sam 1:3.
19:21. foot washing. It is typical for the host to
make a modest offer to the guest (usually water,
food, shelter and a foot washing). This
does not preclude more being given to the
guest, but it does protect the host who may
find himself in the dishonored position of offering
more than he can deliver. In any case
the host will make every effort to insure his
guest’s comfort, and this would include cooling
and cleansing hot, dusty feet (see Gen
18:4; 19:2; 24:32).
JUDGES 19:1-25 19:24. daughter and concubine made available.
The situation here may be intended to
portray a skewed world in which no man or
woman is safe from harm. The Ephraimite’s
invitation that the men do “what seems good
to you” is suggestive of the final phrase in this
narrative: Judges 21:25b—”everyone did as he
JUDGES 19:25—20:16 274
saw fit.” It should be noted that women are legal
extensions of their husbands in ancient Israel
and thus would come under the same
legal protections guaranteed to their husbands—
as long as their husbands identified
them as such. In this instance the Ephraimite
apparently shifts his role from hospitable to
inhospitable host by “callously” offering the
Levite’s concubine to the crowd in order to
save his honor and perhaps his own life. Technically
the concubine could not be legally separated
from the Levite and should have been
protected by the customs of hospitality to the
same degree.
19:25. Levite gives concubine to crowd. This
interchange is less dramatic than that in Genesis
19:9. The citizens of Gibeah simply ignore
the Ephraimite’s offer without accusing him
of “playing the judge.” There is a sense of urgency
in the text, brought on by a lack of reasoning
in the actions of the mob, which may
explain the Levite’s action of thrusting his
concubine out the door and into the hands of
the crowd. In both cases the life of the host is
saved by his guest(s), but clearly the solution
provided by Lot’s guests is preferable to the
Levite’s. What is clear in both narratives is
that the guest is forced to save his own life
and that of his host. The irony of this reversal
climaxes the narrative, although a sense of
disgust lingers over the violence done to the
Levite’s concubine. She is a victim whose only
attempt to assert her independence (her flight
from her husband in Judg 19:2 was thwarted
by her father, her husband and the failure of
the citizens of Gibeah to carry out their proper
role as host. The Levite chooses to sacrifice her
to save himself.
19:29. cut up pieces sent. The Levite will perpetrate
one last indignity on his concubine’s
body by carving her up into twelve pieces and
then using them as grisly invitations to a general
assembly of the tribes. There are clear parallels
between this action and Saul’s call to
arms in 1 Samuel 11:7, in which he carved his
oxen into twelve pieces.
20:1. Dan to Beersheba. This is the traditional
geographic range given in the text for the
north-south political limits of Israel. It represents
a distance of approximately 160 miles.
20:1-3. assembly in Mizpah. This site in the
tribal territory of Benjamin was a common assembly
point in premonarchic Israel (Josh
18:26; 1 Sam 7:16. The name means “to
watch,” and the site may have been a military
outpost or border fortress, and thus a likely
spot for the type of encampment described in
Judges. It may be identified with Tell en-Nasbeh,
about six miles north of Jerusalem.
20:2. four hundred thousand soldiers with
swords. As in many of the other passages that
mention the size of an army, it is difficult to ascertain
whether the Hebrew word ought to be
read as “thousands” or “divisions” (for more
discussion, see comment on Josh 8:3. Whatever
the case may be, this is a large turnout in response
to the summons. Population estimates
for this period generally run in the 200,000 to
250,000 range, based on the number of settlements,
the size of the settlements and the average
number of inhabitants per acre of city
space. The swords that are mentioned are
probably bronze swords, since we know that
Israel did not develop iron technology until
the monarchy period.
20:3-8. the hearing and verdict. Some aspects
of Israelite judicial procedure are followed in
this episode. The chiefs or elders of the tribes
are assembled to hear testimony. Once this has
been given, a verdict is rendered (compare the
case of the prodigal son in Deut 21:18-21. One
major variation on this process is the fact that
only the word of the Levite is given. Ordinarily,
two witnesses are required for a verdict to
be given (see Num 35:30; Deut 19:15. The
judgment of the tribes in this case includes
taking an oath to stay in the field until punishment
has been administered. Such a united
front is unprecedented in the Judges period,
when the tribes often fight among themselves
Judg 12:1-6 or refuse to join a combined military
effort (see Judg 5:15-17. The idea that
honor has been violated or a great affront
done that requires military action may be
compared to David’s vow after being rebuffed
by Nabal in 1 Samuel 25:21-22.
20:9,18. direction of the lot. The casting of lots
prior to battle forms an inclusio in the book of
Judges. At the beginning of the book, God responds
to the Israelites’ question of “who will
be the first to go up and fight?” with the name
Judah (1:1-2). And, again, in this final episode
Judah is directed to “go first” in the battle
against Gibeah and the Benjaminites (20:18).
The use of lots is common in Israelite tradition
in situations of land distribution (see Josh
14:2; 19:1-51) and judicial procedure (see Josh
7:14-21; 1 Sam 14:41-42. It is a form of divination
in which the decision, based on the cases
of lots (dice, knuckle bones, incised ivory palettes,
etc.) is provided by God’s answer to a
question (see the comments on Judg 1:1-2 and
18:5-6).
20:15. twenty-six thousand swordsmen. For
discussion of the large numbers see the comment
at 20:2.
JUDGES 19:25—20:16 20:16. seven hundred left-handed slingers.
The number may reflect a special or elite con-
275 JUDGES 20:26—21:1
tingent of ambidextrous warriors (see the
comment on Judg 3:15, who were such
marksmen with their slings that they could
turn the odds for an outnumbered army (see
1 Chron 12:2 for another group of Benjaminite
heroes or elite troops who were experts with
the sling).
20:26. fasting. Fasting is little attested in the
ancient Near East outside of the Bible. It generally
occurs in the context of mourning. In
the Old Testament the religious use of fasting
is often in connection with making a request
before God. The principle is that the importance
of the request causes an individual to be
so concerned about their spiritual condition
that physical necessities fade into the background.
In this sense the act of fasting is designed
as a process leading to purification and
humbling oneself before God Ps 69:10. After
their second defeat by the Benjaminites, the
other tribes gathered to seek God’s advice,
and in preparation for this query they fasted
and made sacrifices in order to remove any sin
or other obstacle that may have been the cause
for this defeat. For similar efforts related to
military action, see 1 Samuel 7:6 and 2 Chronicles
20:1-4.
20:26-28. ark at Bethel. This is the only reference
to the ark in the book of Judges, and
therefore for most of the book it is unknown
where the ark is being kept or how it is being
used. It is generally assumed that its location
changed on a number of occasions during the
period. In the beginning of 1 Samuel it is at
Shiloh.
20:28. time period. Since the episodes in the
book of Judges are not always in chronological
order, it could be that these events occurred
closer to the beginning of the
settlement period. This would allow for a son
of Aaron to still be alive and able to serve as
priest before the ark at Bethel. If it relates to a
later period, then this was probably Phinehas
II, the predecessor to Eli at Shiloh.
JUDGES 20:26—21:1 20:29-36. ambush strategy. The use of decoying
ambushes, such as that described in this
episode, seems to have been a familiar part of
Israelite military strategy. Joshua employs it in
his second attack on the city of Ai (Josh
8:2-21), and Abimelech uses similar tactics in
his capture of the city of Shechem (Judg
9:30-45). This strategy falls into the category of
indirect warfare, characterized by ambush,
pretend retreats, decoys, infiltration and the
like, rather than lengthy siege or pitched battle.
It would have been difficult for armies to
besiege walled cities without siege engines or
a large enough force to completely surround
the city and prevent counterattacks or the escape
of the citizens. Thus trickery was used to
fool the city into opening its gates or into
sending contingents of troops outside the
walls that could be cut off by ambushes (see
Jeroboam’s unsuccessful strategy in 2 Chron
13:13-18). Such tactics are known from the ancient
Near East in the Mari texts (eighteenth
century B.C.), the Egyptian Papyrus Anastasi
(thirteenth century B.C.) and a Middle Assyrian
text (tenth century B.C.).
20:33. Baal Tamar. A site between Gibeah and
Bethel which has not been conclusively identified.
Among the possibilities are Khirbet Atarah,
Ras et-Tavil and Sahre al Gibiyeh, all of
which are within this general area. The city
serves as the site of a diversionary battle
which allowed another army of Israelites to
attack Gibeah and destroy it.
20:35. 25,100 killed. The original Benjaminite
muster was 26 divisions plus 700 trained warriors
(v. 15). The number here in verse 35 is the
total casualty count, which is broken down in
the following verses. Of the divisions, 25 were
wiped out, including 18 on the battlefield (v.
44), 5 during flight (v. 45) and 2 more in the
“mop up” operation (v. 45). Of the 700 trained
warriors, 100 were killed while 600 escaped
and hid (v. 47).
20:45. rock of Rimmon. The limestone cliffs
around the site of Gibeah/Geba are pitted
with small caves from which ambushing soldiers
could spring or in which these six hundred
survivors could hide (see comment on
Judg 19:12-14. This is the origin of the name
“Pomegranate Rock,” which is most likely
identified with the el-Jaia cave in the Wadi
es-Swenit, approximately one mile east of Gibeah/
Geba.
20:48. decimating cities (incl. animals). Although
the term is not used here, the action
taken against the Benjaminite towns is precisely
the same as a h@erem, a holy war in which
all persons, animals and property are destroyed
as a sacrifice to God (see Josh 6:17-21
at Jericho and 1 Sam 15:2-3 and the h@erem
against the Amalekites). This would then account
for the fact that only six hundred Benjaminites
(hiding at the Rock of Rimmon)
would have survived this devastation. It is an
extreme form of warfare, and one that occurs
only infrequently since it does not provide the
conquering force any loot or slaves.
21:1. oath. Once again an unwise oath appears
in the narrative (see previously Jephthah’s
oath in Judg 11:30-31. In their zeal to punish
the Benjaminites, they had carried out a war
of total devastation and had sealed the fate of
their future existence by swearing not to intermarry
with any survivors (see the importance
JUDGES 21:4-25 276
of keeping a vow in Num 30:2-15. This may
have also been a security measure should
there be future conflicts with the Benjaminites.
However, the destruction had been so complete
that the six hundred survivors were left
without wives or other women to marry. Since
the Israelites could not violate their oath without
bringing God’s wrath upon them, an alternative
source of brides for the Benjaminites
had to be sought.
21:4. built altar. If Bethel was only an assembly
point for this episode and not the permanent
cultic site for the ark, it is to be expected
that a new Yahweh altar would have to be
constructed for the use of the Israelites (see
the legislation on construction of altars in Ex
20:24-26). It is also possible that a new altar
would have been built in an open area or on a
high place to accommodate the large numbers
of Israelites assembled (see Gideon’s new altar
in Judg 6:26.
21:4. offerings. In order to purify themselves
and make themselves worthy of God’s attention,
a new altar is constructed and burnt, and
peace offerings are made (see Ex 20:24. This is
done because they have placed themselves in
a difficult situation after making an unwise
vow. They are responsible for the near-extermination
of the tribe of Benjamin. Now they
regret that act and want to seek Yahweh’s
guidance on how to save Benjamin from extinction.
Their act of building an altar and
making sacrifices is proper (as it was in Judg
20:26) and elicits a response from God.
21:8-12. Jabesh Gilead. Most likely located at
Tell Maklub, on the Yabis River in the northern
Gileadite hill country, just east of the Jordan
River. It was a strategic site, commanding
the well-traveled wadi immediately below the
city. As such it controlled much of the merchant
traffic in that area (see 1 Sam 11.
21:5, 10. death for not attending. The Israelite
tribes had taken an oath of solidarity. The assumption
was that anyone who failed to assemble
was taking the side of their enemy and
thus deserved the same fate. Thus Jabesh
Gilead was targeted for punishment as a fulfillment
of the oath and, conveniently, as a
source of brides for the six hundred remaining
Benjaminites. Taking an oath such as this
might be compared to Saul’s statement in
1 Samuel 11:7 when he called for a mustering
of Israelite tribes to save Jabesh Gilead from
the Ammonites. He threatened to destroy the
cattle of any man who failed to assemble for
this campaign. The threat probably implied
violence against the person as well. One Mari
text provides a graphic example of this type of
threat. The head of a criminal was carried on a
pole as an indication of the fate of draft dodgers.
21:6. elders. In the absence of a king or other
dominant leader, the tribes had to rely on the
collective assembly of the tribal elders. They
administered justice in the village culture
Deut 19:12; 21:2-6; 22:15) and served as representatives
for the people at major gatherings
Josh 8:10; 1 Sam 4:3.
21:19. geography. The festival of Shiloh (Khirbet
Seilun) must have been on the pilgrimage
route between Bethel in the south and
Shechem (Tell Balatah, about thirty miles
north of Jerusalem) to the north. Lebonah was
located north of Shiloh (possibly either
El-Lubban or Lubban Sherqujeh). All of these
directions by the elders suggest that none of
them had been to this Canaanite festival.
21:21-23. girls of Shiloh. The idea of stealing
brides also occurs in early Greek and Roman
traditions and probably reflects a practice that
was not uncommon in the ancient world. The
festival in question was apparently a Canaanite
fertility ritual associated with the harvest.
21:25. no king. This chapter concludes with
the same statement which appears earlier, explaining
the anarchic conditions in the Judges
period by noting that no king ruled at that
time (see the comment on Judg 17:6. This provides
an exclamation to the entire book. The
stories filled with violence and death were an
obvious case for the necessity of the monarchy.
The covenant was ignored, the people rebelled,
and no law was above breaking in a
time when everyone did what was right in
their own eyes. Thus the only hope for peace
and the rule of order was a reestablishment of
the covenant and the imposition of strong
leadership.
JUDGES 21:4-25
277 RUTH 1:1-13
R U T H
1:1-22
RUTH 1:1-13 To Moab and Back
1:1. chronological note. The story of Ruth is
placed by the narrator in the time of the judges,
but no indication is given as to when in
this several-century period it took place. If the
genealogy at the end of the book has no gaps
(see comment on Gen 5:1-32, the events
would best be placed in the second half of the
twelfth century, roughly contemporary to
Jephthah and Samson.
1:1. Bethlehem. Bethlehem is located about
five miles south of Jerusalem. Bronze and Iron
Age pottery has been found at the site, but little
excavation can be carried out due to continuing
occupation. The town was particularly
susceptible to the climate because there was
no spring and it relied on cisterns to gather
water. The main produce of the area includes
grain crops (wheat and barley) as well as olives
and grapes.
1:1. going to Moab in time of famine. There
are a number of wadis that cross the region of
Moab, and the combination of adequate rainfall
and porous soil makes it good for agriculture.
The family of Elimelech would have
traveled north to the area of Jerusalem and
then taken the Jerusalem to Jericho road to
cross the Jordan at the fords by Jericho. From
there the road east up to Heshbon would connect
them to the north-south King’s Highway
leading through the region of Moab. Depending
on where they settled, the trip would have
been seventy to one hundred miles and would
have taken about a week.
1:1. Moab. The region of Moab, east of the
Dead Sea, extended from the plains north of
the Arnon River south to the Zered River. The
region measures about sixty miles north to
south and about thirty miles from the Dead
Sea to the eastern desert. The “plains of Moab”
north of the Arnon was a region that had
belonged to Sihon (see Num 21 and had been
distributed to the tribe of Reuben. Little is
known of Moab during this period, though archaeological
surveys have identified several
dozen settlements during this time.
1:2. Ephrathites. “Ephrathite” could refer to
either a geographical district or a clan ancestor.
The fact that the designation could refer to
individuals from differing tribes and clans
would make it a potentially confusing designation,
but geographical possibilities are
equally uncertain.
1:3-5. plight of the widow. Widows in the ancient
Near East had lost all social status and
generally were also without political or economic
status. They would equate to the homeless
in our American society. Typically they
had no male protector and were therefore economically
dependent on society at large.
1:1-6. divine intervention. As would be the
case for any natural occurrence, the Lord is
seen as intervening to bring an end to the famine.
In the ancient Near East, deity played the
most important role in cause and effect, both
in history and in nature. In our worldview we
would be inclined to identify human or natural
cause and effect first and then mention that
“of course, God was behind it all.” In the ancient
Near East it would be the other way
around. God would be identified as the cause
behind famine or war, with natural or human
causes given secondary notice, if mentioned at
all. They would not rule out natural causes
any more than we would rule out supernatural
ones.
1:8. advantage of mothers’ homes. Usually
the place of protection is in the father’s house
rather than the mother’s. Ruth 2:11 implies
that Ruth’s father is still alive. In its other appearances
in the Old Testament Gen 24:28;
Song 3:4; 8:2) the mother’s house has to do
with preparations for marriage. This corresponds
to the situation in both Mesopotamia
and Egypt, where the mother was protector of
the daughter and the one who advised and
supervised in matters of love, marriage and
sex. Therefore, Naomi’s encouragement of the
girls to return to their mother’s home does not
suggest seeking a place of legal protection, but
rather a place that may provide a new family
situation.
1:13. why would they wait for Naomi’s sons?
In Israel the law had established the institution
of levirate marriage (see comments on
Gen 38:6-26; Deut 25:5-10 wherein if a man
died leaving his wife childless, his brother
was responsible to impregnate the widow so
that the family line of the deceased would not
die out. Commentators have noticed, however,
that in the scenario Naomi is presenting,
the potential sons that could provide an heir
for Ruth or Orpah would have a different father
than their deceased husbands, so this
would not qualify as levirate marriage. It is
difficult to see, therefore, how this would preserve
the line of Mahlon or Kilion. Nonetheless,
such sons could at least provide legal
RUTH 1:16—2:8 278
protection and care for the women in old age.
1:16-17. the nature of Ruth’s commitment.
Rather than having any evangelistic intentions,
Naomi makes every attempt to chase
Ruth back to her own gods. It was not unusual
for women who married into foreign families
to seek the continued protection of their
native deities (see Gen 31:19; 1 Kings 11:8;
16:31). From the information the text gives,
one could conclude that Ruth’s acknowledgment
of Yahweh just comes along with the
adoption of a new people in a foreign land.
Just as Ruth has stated that wherever Naomi
travels or settles she will travel or settle, she
has also affirmed that whoever Naomi’s people
or gods are will be her people and gods.
This appears to be a commitment made to
Naomi on the basis of a relationship with
Naomi rather than a commitment made to
Yahweh because she has been convinced of
the theological superiority of monotheism and
that Yahweh is the sole God of heaven and
earth.
1:17. even death will not separate us. Contrary
to many translations, Ruth here affirms
that even in death she will not leave Naomi.
What she means is that she intends to care for
Naomi’s burial and the rituals connected with
death, and to be buried in the same place as
Naomi. Being cared for in death would have
been a typical concern to a childless widow, so
this would be a significant commitment to
Naomi. Ruth’s decision to be buried in
Naomi’s land would show that she was totally
setting aside her former allegiances and dependencies
to cast her lot in with Naomi. Being
buried in the same family tomb as Naomi
would be further assurance that appropriate
provisions would continue to be made for
Naomi after death. Care for the dead was popularly
believed to influence their existence in
the afterlife.
1:19. the whole town. Bethlehem has never
been a big town despite the important role it
has in Israel’s history. The population of the
town would not have exceeded a couple of
hundred in most periods and was likely considerably
less at this time.
1:20. significance of names. In the ancient
Near East a name was often given with a
meaning in mind and with the hope that the
name would characterize or imprint itself on
the person’s destiny. Unfortunately the name
Naomi, “pleasantness,” brings only irony as it
appears to mock her ill-fortune. She suggests
it would be a false claim to admit being
Naomi after all the bitterness (Mara) she had
experienced.
1:21. deity as cause of suffering. In the ancient
world the gods were seen as behind all
mundane daily occurrences and, therefore,
certainly as determining the course of one’s
life. The cycle of nature (that had brought the
famine) as well as disease and death were all
in the hands of deity. It is natural, then, that
Naomi identifies Yahweh as the source of her
misery. It is important to note that this does
not explicitly translate into blame. She does
not proclaim her innocence or seek vindication,
and she does not openly call into question
God’s justice. It is safe to assume,
however, that she is not aware of any claim
deity would have against her integrity and
would be distressed that the reasons for Yahweh’s
actions against her were not evident.
On the other hand, the general opinion in the
ancient world was that the mortals rarely
could discern what led the gods to do what
they did. This puzzlement is a common theme
of Mesopotamian wisdom literature.
1:22. beginning of the barley harvest. The
barley harvest in this region would begin in
mid- to late-April as the rainy season came to
a close. It was the earliest of the major harvest
seasons.
RUTH 1:16—2:8
2:1-23
Ruth Meets Boaz
2:1. status of Boaz. Traditionally translations
have identified Boaz as a “valiant warrior,”
but the NIV “man of standing” is probably a
better choice. One’s prominence could be
achieved through military prowess (see Jephthah,
Judg 11:1, but many of the people described
by this phrase have no known military
reputation. It is likely that the phrase has
broader application (see comment on Judg
6:12).
2:2. poor gathering grain. Israel’s law mandated
provision for the poor and destitute by
allowing them to follow the reapers in the
fields to gather what was dropped or left behind
(see comments on Lev 19:9-10 and Deut
24:19-22). This solution to a social problem required
that the recipients work hard for their
provision, and it therefore preserved the dignity
that is sometimes forfeited by those who
are entirely dependent on the generosity of
others.
2:8. the field of Boaz. Since land was apportioned
by tribe and clan and family, what
would have looked like a single field may
have had delineated tracts that belonged to
various clan or family members. Stone markers
would have identified the boundaries, and
it would be very easy to pass from one family
holding to another in what looked like one
279 RUTH 2:12—3:9
field. Indeed, it would have been easiest for
the poor to roam over the whole field to improve
their chances of adequate returns. In
contrast, Boaz has intentions that Ruth be
more than adequately provided for.
2:12. refuge under the wings. The metaphor
of taking refuge under the wings of deity is
found also in Psalms (36:7; 57:1; 61:4; 91:4) and
is consistently related to issues of care and
protection connected to the covenant. The
metaphor is also known from other ancient
Near Eastern cultures, particularly Egyptian,
where even the disembodied wings represent
protection. Deities with wings are often portrayed
overshadowing the king. Likewise an
ivory from Arslan Tash dated to the eighth
century shows characters in human form with
wings protecting a figure in the center.
2:14. dipping bread in wine vinegar. The
morsel that Ruth dips would most likely have
been a grain cake of some sort, usually cooked
in oil. The substance she dips it in had as a
base the byproduct of the wine fermentation
process. It was bitter tasting if used for a drink
but here is used as a dressing or condiment of
sorts and would have been enjoyable.
2:15-16. additional gathering privileges.
Verse 16 uses some very obscure terminology
in relaying Boaz’s instructions to his workers,
but it is clear that he has purposed to make
Ruth’s labor productive. Best estimates conclude
that the workers are instructed to take
some stalks out of their own harvested handfuls
and leave them for Ruth to retrieve.
2:17. threshing the grain. The hard surface of
the threshing floor often served the needs of
an entire community. A stick or a rock would
be used to beat the stalks to separate the grain
from the chaff.
2:17. ephah. An ephah would amount to
about two thirds of a bushel of grain. This has
been calculated to be between thirty and fifty
pounds of grain, which would have represented
about a month’s worth of the grain ration
usually allotted to male workers.
2:20. kinsman-redeemer. The kinsman-redeemer’s
role was to help recover the tribe’s
losses, whether those losses were human (in
which case he hunted down the killer), judicial
(in which case he assisted in lawsuits) or
economic (in which case he recovered the
property of a family member). Since Yahweh
had granted the land to the Israelites as tenants,
they could not sell it, and if they mortgaged
a portion of it to pay debts, it was
considered very important to regain ownership
as soon as possible. In this way the land
remained within the extended family as a sign
of its membership in the covenantal community.
The importance of this inalienable right
to land can be seen in Naboth’s refusal to relinquish
the “inheritance of my fathers” when
King Ahab offered to buy his vineyard (1
Kings 21:2-3). In Mesopotamia (especially in
the earlier periods) land was often owned by
families rather than by individuals, so any individual
would be limited in his ability to sell
the property.
2:23. barley harvest and wheat harvest. The
barley harvest ended in May and blended into
the wheat harvest, which continued into June.
RUTH 2:12—3:9
3:1-18
Ruth’s Proposal
3:2. winnowing barley at the threshing floor.
Winnowing was often done in the late afternoon,
when the breeze had picked up after the
day’s heat. The process used a pronged fork
on a long handle by which the threshed grain
was tossed into the air. The breeze blew the
lighter chaff a short distance away (it was later
retrieved to be used as fodder), while the
grain fell back to the threshing floor. The
threshing floor was usually out in an open
area to make maximum use of the breeze.
3:3. Ruth’s ablutions. The perfume mentioned
here consisted of scented oils that would have
been commonly used at celebrations and other
festive occasions. The scents were usually
derived from imported plants.
3:3. why shouldn’t Boaz know she is there?
Some commentators have suggested that Ruth
is fashioning herself as a bride, and thus to be
seen would be to tip her hand. Most consider
her remaining hidden to be an issue not of
propriety but of appropriate timing.
3:7. lying at the end of the grain pile. The
threshing floor would have been used by
many members of the community, so there
would have been others there winnowing besides
Boaz. Each would have had his assigned
traditional area, and each would sleep by his
pile after the festivities so as to guard it until it
could be carted away in the morning.
3:7-9. uncovering feet and the spreading of
the garment. There are occasions in the Old
Testament where the term “feet” is used euphemistically
for the sexual organs. The expression
“spread the edge of the garment” is
likewise used with sexual overtones in a betrothal
context in Ezekiel 16:8. The text of
Ruth does not suggest a blatant sexual act but
is provocative in its ambiguity.
3:9. what is Ruth asking? Ruth uses a phrase
that elsewhere is used to refer to betrothal and
marriage. It is also clear from Boaz’s response
in the next verse that she has requested mar-
RUTH 3:12—4:10 280
riage. Naomi had not advised her to be this
bold, but the outcome of marriage was certainly
what Naomi had in mind.
3:12. why does it matter that there is a closer
relative? The benefits that derived from functioning
as a kinsman-redeemer required that a
sequence of priorities be established. Closer
relatives were therefore given the opportunity
to exercise that function first.
3:14. why should it not be known a woman
was there? Aside from the natural desire to
preserve the reputation of both Ruth and Boaz
(the word used in v. 13 for staying the night
does not have sexual connotations), Boaz was
anxious not to jeopardize the legal matters of
the following day by any shadow of immorality.
3:17. six measures. The unit of the six measures
is unspecified and therefore uncertain. It
is unlikely that it would be six ephahs—that
would be far too much for her to carry. Boaz
may just have used shovelfuls or double
handfuls.
RUTH 3:12—4:10
4:1-16
A Husband and a Son
4:1. seat at the town gate. The gate area in Israelite
cities was an open space that was the
hub of activity. Merchants, visitors, messengers
and judges all frequented that area and
conducted their business there. It was a logical
place to find someone you might be looking
for. Since people heading out to their
fields would pass through the gate area, Boaz
hoped to encounter the individual he sought.
Numerous excavations have produced gate
plans showing that often there were benches
lining the whole area where people could
meet for their various purposes. Since only
limited excavation has been done at Bethlehem,
no gate from this period has yet been uncovered.
4:2. ten elders as witnesses. The elders, usually
clan leaders or heads of household, served
as the governing body of the city. Judicial and
legal matters were in their hands. Here there
is no legal judgment to pass, but they would
oversee the legal transaction to assure that all
was done according to law and custom, as
well as serve as witnesses to the transaction.
4:4. why would he want to redeem the land?
By redeeming Naomi’s land the kinsman
would have prospects for very soon enlarging
his own permanent landholdings. Since
Naomi had no heir, when she died, the land
would revert to his family and be passed on to
his heirs. The money put forth for the land
would be an investment on future returns. If
this was just a case of land redemption, it
would have been a very attractive business
proposal.
4:5-6. Why does Ruth’s involvement change
the situation? Once Boaz interprets the kinsman
responsibilities as including marrying
Ruth, the economic picture changes considerably.
One could forgive the other kinsman for
not realizing that Ruth came with the package
deal. Only by a significant stretch in custom
would he be considered to have any levirate
obligations to Ruth (for review of levirate laws
see comment on Deut 25:5-10, yet it is clear
that that is involved by the reference in verse 5
to maintaining the name of the dead. If the
kinsman must marry Ruth, the son that may be
born to her would then be the heir to the property
of Elimelech’s family. In this case the money
that is used to redeem the land is not an
investment but simply reduces his family assets.
Instead of serving to eventually enlarge
his holdings of land, his money would be going
to a charitable cause. He would also incur
additional cost in providing for Naomi, Ruth
and who knows how many additional children.
It is even possible that Ruth’s children
would have a claim to a portion of his inheritance
along with any children he already had. It
is likely he is married; the economic impact on
his family of redeeming Ruth is thus a chief criterion
in his decision.
4:7-8. removal of sandal. Sandals were the ordinary
footwear in the ancient Near East, but
they were also a symbolic item of clothing, especially
in the relationship between the widow
and her legal guardian. This may have been
due to the fact that land was purchased based
on whatever size triangle of land the buyer
could walk off in an hour, a day, a week or a
month 1 Kings 21:16-17. Land was surveyed
in triangles, and a benchmark was constructed
of fieldstones to serve as a boundary marker
Deut 19:14. Since they walked off the land in
sandals, the sandals became the moveable title
to that land. By removing the sandals of her
guardian, a widow removed his authorization
to administer the land of her household. Land
transfers in the Nuzi texts also involved replacing
the old owner’s foot on the land with that
of the new owner.
4:9-10. nature of the transaction. By purchasing
all of Naomi’s property and goods, Boaz
has undertaken the total care of Naomi and
the obligation to support her in life and provide
for her in death. By acquiring Ruth, he
has obligated himself to give her the opportunity
to bear children, the first of whom would
then become the heir of Elimelech and his
sons.
281 RUTH 4:11—1 SAMUEL 1:2
4:11-12. blessing. Blessings connected to marriage
rarely address the relationship between
husband and wife; instead they focus on children.
The blessing of creation as well as the
covenant blessing anticipated reproduction as
the blessing of God. In the ancient world as a
whole this is also true as can be seen in the
blessing on King Keret in the Ugaritic texts—
that his new wife would bear him seven or
eight sons. Examples in the blessing on Boaz
are drawn from Israel’s national history
(Rachel and Leah, see Gen 30 as well as from
the tribal history of Judah (Tamar, see Gen 38.
4:15. responsibility of children. It is here
suggested that the son will lift Naomi’s spirits
and console her after the loss of her husband
and sons. Her grief over her previous loss
would have been not only in terms of personal
relationships, but also in terms of economic
hardship and possibly even of afterlife issues
that were popularly associated with ongoing
rituals by descendants (see comment on Num
3:1). This grief would then be addressed,
since it was expected that children would
care for their parents in old age (providing
food and shelter, legal protection and proper
burial).
4:17. Naomi’s son. Some have concluded that
there was an official adoption of the child by
Naomi. While adoption for legal purposes
was a very common practice in the ancient
world, the legal situation here would not have
required an adoption. Another suggestion has
been that the son is actually being turned over
to Naomi’s custody for her to raise, since he is
a substitute son for her. While this is possible,
it is most likely that there is simply a recognition
that Naomi is the legal mother of the
child and that she will play a significant role
in his upbringing, while he will continue to
provide for her in the next generation.
RUTH 4:11—1 Samuel 1:2
4:17-22
Genealogy
4:18. importance of family line. Here we discover
that this incident that nearly resulted in a
family of Israel dying out concerned none other
than the family of David. The great King
David came that close to never having been
born. The genealogy is demonstration that God
resolved the family crisis. Not only did the
family of Naomi survive, but it prospered to
become one of the great families in Israel. Survival
of the traumatic Judges period (setting
from 1:1) was through faithfulness and loyalty;
faithfulness and loyalty in turn resulted in individuals
such as David (result of 4:21).
1 S A M U E L
1:1-28
1 SAMUEL 1:1-5 Samuel’s Birth
1:1. Ramathaim in the hill country of
Ephraim. There is a town called Ramah (modern
er-Ram) in the territory of Benjamin about
five miles north of Jerusalem and four miles
south of Bethel. Since Ramah is given as the
place of Samuel’s home in 1:19, some consider
this to be the site. The text, however, clearly
locates Ramathaim in the hill country of
Ephraim. This has long been associated with
New Testament Arimathea about fifteen miles
west of Shiloh.
1:2. polygamy in Israel. In Israel, as in most of
the ancient world, monogamy was generally
practiced. Polygamy was not contrary to law
or morals, but was usually not economically
feasible. The main occurrence of polygamy
would be when the first wife was barren, but
there are several other factors that encouraged
the practice, including (1) an imbalance in the
number of males and females, (2) the need to
produce large numbers of children to work
herds and/or fields, (3) the desire to increase
the prestige and wealth of a household
through multiple marriage contracts, and (4)
the high rate of death for females in childbirth.
Polygamy is most common among pastoral
nomadic groups and in rural farming
communities where it is important that every
female be attached to a household and be productive.
In the Bible most cases of polygamy
among commoners occur prior to the period
of the monarchy.
1:2. shame of childlessness. Since bearing
children was a sign of God’s greatest blessing
Ps 127:3, the inability to bear children was
often viewed as a sign of God’s punishment.
Additionally, a woman’s status in the family
would be very tenuous if she had not borne
children. A barren woman could be and often
was discarded, ostracized or given a lower
status. Mesopotamian prayers and legal texts
1 SAMUEL 1:3-11 282
show that these same issues existed throughout
the ancient Near East.
1:3. Shiloh. Whether Elkanah’s home is Ramah
in Benjamin or Ramathaim in Ephraim, the
journey to Shiloh was about fifteen miles. For a
family this would have been a two-day journey.
The site of Shiloh has been identified as
Khirbet Seilun, about halfway between Bethel
and Shechem. This seven-and-a-half-acre site is
situated in a strategic location enjoying fertile
land, a reliable water source and access to the
main north-south route through the heartland
of Israel. Substantial Iron Age I ruins have been
found at the site, along with evidence of destruction
by means of fire. Though remains of
public buildings from this period have been
found, no trace of the sanctuary has been identified.
The probable location for the sanctuary
at the highest point of the tell has suffered from
erosion.
1:3. annual sacrifice. The law called for three
annual pilgrimages: at the Feast of Unleavened
Bread, the Feast of Weeks and the Feast
of Tabernacles. Many interpreters consider the
last to be the occasion for Elkanah’s visits.
Since the text does not specify the occasion of
a pilgrimage feast, however, some believe that
this was a traditional family ritual reflecting
the piety of Elkanah.
1:3. priestly line of Eli. Eli was from the line
of Aaron through his fourth son, Ithamar. At
the beginning of the Judges period, the high
priest was Phinehas, son of Eleazar, the eldest
remaining son of Aaron. Aaron’s first two
sons, Nadab and Abihu, had been slain because
of ritual violation Lev 10. How the
care of the tent of meeting and ark had
switched from the Eleazar branch to the Ithamar
branch is unknown.
1:4. giving portions of sacrifice. A number of
the sacrifices provided an opportunity for a
shared meal, especially the fellowship offering
(see the comment on Lev 3:1-5. When a
sacrificial meal was included, the officiating
priest as well as the family of the celebrants
would receive portions of the meat, a rare
item in ancient meals. This would have the
sociological status of a turkey dinner in
America.
1:5. double portion for Hannah. The description
of Hannah’s portion is obscure in the Hebrew.
Most translations identify it as a double
portion (NIV, NASB, NKJV, NRSV), while other
suggestions have been “only one portion”
(RSV) and “special portion” (NLT). Many of the
commentators favor “only one portion” because
that sets up the contrast that makes
most sense of the context.
1:7. sanctuary at Shiloh. Here the sanctuary is
referred to as the “house of the Lord,” which
is ambiguous regarding the nature of the
structure. In verse 9 it is referred to as a “temple,”
which implies a building. In 2:22 reference
is made to the tent of meeting, that is, the
tabernacle. This variation in terms suggests
that the tent has either had a more durable
structure built around it or has been erected
inside a sacred enclosure that perhaps was
previously Canaanite.
1 SAMUEL 1:3-11 1:8. husband better than ten sons. Elkanah’s
attempt to console Hannah is weak. While
their relationship on a human level could be
argued to meet Hannah’s emotional needs,
there is much more involved here. First, there
is the social stigma of barrenness. Second,
there is the extension of the family into the future.
Children were relied upon to care for parents
in their old age, to provide proper burial
and to carry on their memory. In some cases it
was believed that one’s comfort in the afterlife
was dependent on provisions carried out by
succeeding generations. Hannah’s status in society
and hope for the future are dismal. These
concerns give Elkanah’s well-meaning question
an empty ring.
1:9. priest’s seat by the entrance. Eli was perhaps
too advanced in years to continue officiating,
but he could still serve a public
relations function, greeting worshipers at the
entrance and offering advice or instruction.
The piece of furniture described here could be
translated “chair” but in most places refers to
a throne or a seat of honor. In public settings
benches would often be provided, while in
residences a couch or stools would be more
common. Excavations at Mari have provided
many examples of stools in residences.
1:11. vows. Vows are voluntary, conditional
agreements that are common in most of the
cultures of the ancient Near East, including
Hittite, Ugaritic, Mesopotamian and, less often,
Egyptian. In the ancient world the most
common context for a vow was when a request
was being made to deity. The condition
would typically involve God’s provision or
protection, while that which was vowed was
usually a gift to deity. The gift would most frequently
take the form of a sacrifice, but other
types of gifts to the sanctuary or priests would
be options. Fulfillment of a vow could usually
be accomplished at the sanctuary and was a
public act. In Ugaritic literature King Keret
makes a vow in requesting a wife who could
produce offspring. In return he offered gold
and silver corresponding to his bride’s
weight.
1:11. hair cutting. Refraining from cutting hair
is the most important element in the Nazirite
283 1 SAMUEL 1:13—2:8
vow (see comments on Num 6. The Nazirite
vow is usually restricted to a limited time period,
but here, as with Samson, it is specified
as being lifelong. The significance of hair to
the vow is unknown, though hair (along with
blood), was one of the main representatives in
ancient thinking of a person’s life essence. As
such it was often an ingredient in sympathetic
magic. This is evident, for instance, in the
practice of sending along a lock of the presumed
prophet’s hair when the prophecies
were sent to the king of Mari. The hair would
be used in divination to determine whether
the prophet’s message would be accepted as
valid.
1:13. silent personal prayer. Often prayers
were accompanied by sacrifices. In this official
act a priest would be paid a fee to offer the
sacrifice and recite an appropriate prayer.
Hannah, lacking funds for such an official undertaking,
is praying on her own but is delighted
to receive a favorable blessing from
the priest, which she took as having the force
of an oracle. In Mesopotamia the seer-priests
would use divination to read omens on behalf
of women praying for conception. There are
numerous examples of spontaneous prayer in
the Old Testament, though this is the only occasion
where the prayer is specified as being
silent. In the ancient Near East prayers tended
to be formulaic and often had a basis in magical
incantations. As a result we know little
about silent spontaneous prayer.
1:19. nature of worship. The worship referred
to here probably indicates participation in the
daily morning sacrifice (see comment on Lev
6:8-13).
1:22-24. weaning age. Weaning generally took
place between the ages of two and three and
was accompanied by a celebration since it was
a rite of passage. According to the Egyptian
Instruction of Any a child was nursed for about
three years.
1:24-25. nature of the sacrifice. The sacrifice
offered by Elkanah and Hannah included a
bull, flour and wine. According to Numbers
15:8-12 the flour and the wine were to accompany
a bull offering. The text is more easily
understood as referring to three bulls rather
than to a three-year-old bull. This would be
supported by the fact that they also bring
three times the required amount of flour and
wine. If there are three bull offerings to be
made, this may indicate the generosity of Elkanah
and Hannah.
1:28. lifelong dedication. As pointed out in
the comment on 1:11, this length of dedication
was abnormal for the Nazirite vow. Even so
the length had been specified in the vow and
was being fulfilled accordingly. Hannah is not
only fulfilling her vow but is carrying out an
ancient tradition. The first male offspring born
to any mother was considered as belonging to
deity. In the ancient Near East this concept
sometimes led to child sacrifice to ensure fertility.
Alternatively, in ancestor worship the
firstborn would have inherited the priestly
function for the family. In Israel it led to consecration—
transferring the firstborn to the domain
of deity for cultic service or to the
temple for holy use. From that status the son
may be redeemed, and Israelite law saw his
place being taken by the Levites (Num
3:11-13). Because of her vow, Hannah did not
follow through on the redemption proceedings.
In Mesopotamia slaves were sometimes
given as gifts to the temple for the rest of their
lives, and Akkadian literature attests to a particular
class of women who were dedicated
for life to serve the temple as prostitutes. Gifts
of children to the temple are evidenced in
Sumerian texts from the beginning of the second
millennium.
1 SAMUEL 1:13—2:8
2:1-10
Hannah’s Prayer
2:1. horn. The imagery of the horn is at times
used in relation to posterity (see especially
1 Chron 25:5, but also Ps 132:17. It is also
used to represent visible strength as a weapon
capable of goring the enemy. Ceremonial
crowns of gods and kings in Mesopotamia often
featured horns.
2:6. grave. The word translated “grave” is the
Hebrew Sheol. It was common belief in the ancient
Near East that there was continued existence
beyond the grave in a netherworld of
some sort. It was considered an act of God’s
judgment to be sent there, but it was not seen
as a place of ongoing reward or judgment.
Since the grave was the means of entry into
the netherworld, Sheol is often simply another
way of speaking of the grave.
2:8. world upside down. The actions of God
were often seen as bringing reversal to the
world. This reversal could be in terms of the
created world (mountains reduced to dust,
valleys lifted up, sun going dark); the social
world (the poor receiving honor, as here, the
mighty being deposed); or the political world
(empires tumbling). This world-upsidedown
motif was a way of expressing God’s
sovereign control. It could be used to convey
judgment or reward and came to be connected
with the future kingdom of God, where
wrongs would be set right and a new order
would take shape.
1 SAMUEL 2:8—3:3 284
2:8. foundations of the earth. The foundations
of the earth are sometimes viewed as pillars
Ps 75:4 and other times as water Ps 24:2.
Both possibilities have been suggested by interpreters
of this passage, which contains the
only occurrence of the word here translated
“foundations.” Both water and pillars are part
of the ancient view of the structure of the
world.
2:9. thundering from heaven. Thunder and
lightning were considered to regularly accompany
the presence of a deity in the ancient
Near East, often in a battle setting. From the
Sumerian Exaltation of Inanna, to the Hittite
myths about the storm god, to the Akkadian
and Ugaritic mythologies, the gods are
viewed as thundering in judgment against
their enemies. Baal is depicted as grasping a
handful of thunderbolts. Thundering terminology
is picked up in royal rhetoric as Hittite
or Assyrian kings portray themselves as the
instruments of the gods, thundering against
those who have violated treaties or stood in
the way of empire expansion.
2:10. kingship in this period. The reference to
kingship here is surprising since Israel has not
yet instituted a monarchy. Nevertheless, kingship
was well known in the ancient world of
this time, and segments of Israel had already
dabbled with the idea Judg 9. Furthermore,
that kingship was a future expectation is reflected
in passages such as Genesis 17:6; Numbers
24:17; and Deuteronomy 17:14-20.
2:11-36
The Decline of the House of Eli
2:13. three-pronged fork. Examples of the
three-pronged fork have been excavated by
archaeologists at Gezer. These bronze implements
are short-handled with long, straight
tines (like a pitchfork with a short handle) and
date to the Late Bronze period. The term used
here describes a similar utensil in Old Assyrian
texts.
2:13-16. priestly practices. The text contrasts
the normal procedure at Shiloh to the procedures
used by Eli’s sons. Both differ from the
prescribed procedure in the Pentateuch (see
Lev 7:30-34. The Pentateuch details which
parts comprise the priest’s share. The normal
practice at Shiloh was for the priest to receive
whichever part came up from the boiling pot
on the end of the fork. Eli’s sons insisted on
taking what they wanted, when they wanted
it. Their ritual offenses came in three areas: (1)
their selection of the best parts for themselves;
(2) their preference for the meat being roasted
rather than boiled; and (3) their refusal to yield
the fat for burning on the altar Lev 3:16; 7:25).
2:18. linen ephod. The linen ephod is a garment
reserved for the priesthood (see 2:28), so
this is an indication that Samuel has become
involved in an apprenticeship. The ephod was
most likely a type of apron. Linen was the basic
material, though higher ranking priests would
have had gold thread woven into the fabric.
2:19. garment made by Samuel’s mother. The
robe described in this verse is likewise a
priestly garment (see Ex 28:31-34 but is also
worn by other people of standing and authority
(kings, prophets, Job and his friends, God).
It is identified as a garment characterizing
priests in 1 Chronicles 15:27. It was typically
fringed with a distinctive hem that indicated a
person’s standing.
2:22. women at the entrance of the tabernacle.
In the ancient Near East there are many
examples of women serving the temple in various
capacities. From menial tasks to priestly
duties, from celibacy to prostitution, from
short-term periods as a result of vows to lifelong
dedication—examples of all sorts are
available. It is therefore difficult to identify the
nature of the service that the women mentioned
here are performing. The indictment of
the sexual misconduct of Eli’s sons suggests
that the women were either involved in some
duty of piety or were supposed to be virgins.
It must be noted, however, that there is no evidence
of religiously motivated celibacy in Israel,
and the text does not describe the women
as virgins. For further discussion see comment
on Judges 11:39.
2:27. prophet. The role of prophet was well
understood in the ancient Near East, as evidenced
by over fifty texts found in the town of
Mari that report various messages given by
various prophets. Generally the prophet offered
a message from deity. For more information
see the comments on Deuteronomy 18.
1 SAMUEL 2:8—3:3
3:1-21
Samuel Becomes a Prophet
3:3. the temple. The term used here suggests a
building. For more information see comment
on 1:7.
3:3. lamp of God. The menorah in the tabernacle
was to remain lit all night Ex 27:21; Lev
24:1-4), but it was never supposed to be extinguished,
so the comment that it had not yet
gone out would be pointless. On the other
hand, we have seen that the practices at Shiloh
did not necessarily follow what was stipulated
in the Law. The phrase “lamp of God” is
also used to refer to hope 2 Sam 21:17; 1 Kings
11:36; 2 Kings 8:19, and that would also make
285 1 SAMUEL 3:3—4:1
sense in this context.
3:3. incubation dreams in the ancient Near
East. In the ancient world it was believed that
a person sleeping in the temple or its precincts
may become privy to divine plans. Some
would perform sacrificial rituals and spend
the night in the temple in order to receive such
revelation. This process is referred to as incubation.
In early literature kings such as
Naram-Sin and Gudea sought information
through incubation. In the Judges period this
practice is observable in the Ugaritic epics of
Aqhat (where Daniel is requesting a son) and
Keret (where Keret is requesting a son).
Though Samuel is simply performing his regular
duties and clearly has no expectation of
revelation, his experience would be understood
in light of the common association between
temple and revelation. There are no
known examples in the ancient Near Eastern
literature of such unintentional incubation
dreams.
3:4-10. Samuel’s dream? Since Samuel gets up
to go to Eli and speaks when the Lord arrives
(v. 10), modern readers would not usually
characterize his experience as a dream. Yet
these elements are not contradictory to
dreaming by ancient definitions. In ancient
Near Eastern literature (examples from Mesopotamian,
Egyptian, Hittite and even Greek)
there is a category called auditory message
dreams. Well-known dreams in this category
would include those of the Egyptian king
Thutmose IV (fifteenth century), Hittite king
Hattushilis (thirteenth century) and Babylonian
king Nabonidus (sixth century). In these
examples the dreams were meant to validate
either their kingship or tasks they are undertaking.
In auditory message dreams the god
appears (see v. 10) and sometimes startles the
person awake. The content of the dream is a
spoken message by the deity rather than
events or symbolic images. There are a number
of examples of the person responding verbally
to the deity (e.g., Nabonidus). By ancient
Near Eastern standards, then, Samuel’s experience
could be classified as a dream.
3:11-14. importance of repeated messages.
The message given to Samuel is virtually the
same as that pronounced by the man of God
in chapter 2. The repetition of the message indicates
its importance and verifies its truth. It
also serves to provide affirmation of Samuel’s
prophetic calling.
1 SAMUEL 3:3—4:1
4:1—7:1
The Capture and Return of the Ark
4:1. political climate in the early Iron Age. In
the Late Bronze Age (1550-1200) there had
been an ongoing struggle between major political
powers seeking control of Palestine (see
comment on Josh 9:1. With the arrival of the
Sea Peoples around 1200 (see next comment),
all of the major powers were either wiped out
(e.g., the Hittites) or neutralized (Egypt).
Moving into the Iron Age, the power stalemate
was replaced by a power vacuum. The
absence of major powers vying for control of
the region allowed for the smaller states to test
their strength, develop and build regional
“empires.” The Philistines were able to take
advantage of this early in the period. Then
David and Solomon were able to build a substantial
empire in Syro-Palestine without
needing to be concerned about political powers
in Mesopotamia, Anatolia or Egypt.
4:1. Philistines. The group of Philistines that
are well known through the narratives of
Judges and 1 and 2 Samuel came into the Palestine
area with the migration from the Aegean
region of the Sea Peoples about 1200 B.C.
It is the Sea Peoples that are generally thought
to have been responsible for the fall of the Hittite
empire and the destruction of many cities
along the coast of Syria and Palestine, such as
Ugarit, Tyre, Sidon, Megiddo and Ashkelon,
though the evidence for their involvement in
those areas is circumstantial. Their battles
with the Egyptian pharaoh Rameses III are depicted
on the famous wall paintings at Medinet
Habu. This international upheaval is also
reflected in the Homeric epic of the siege of
Troy. Coming from Crete, Greece and Anatolia,
the Sea Peoples may have used Cyprus as
a base from to launch their attacks. Following
the repulsion of the Sea Peoples from Egypt,
the tribe that came to be known as the Philistines
settled on the southern coast of Palestine.
There they established their five capital
cities of Ashkelon, Ashdod, Ekron (Tell
Miqne), Gath (Tell es-Safi) and Gaza.
4:1. Ebenezer and Aphek. Both of these sites
are in the area of an important pass between
the hill country and the plain. The area is
about twenty miles west of Shiloh and north
of Philistine territory (about twenty miles
north of Ekron, the furthest north of the five
major Philistine cities). Aphek is identified
with modern Ras el-Ain, also called Tell Aphek,
by the Yarkon River. It is named in Egyptian
texts as early as the nineteenth-century
Execration texts and appears in the itineraries
of Thutmose III (fifteenth century). Excavations
have uncovered evidence of Philistine
settlement on the site in this period. The identification
of Ebenezer is less certain. Many
now believe that it is the site called Izbet Sar-
1 SAMUEL 4:3-21 286
tah located on the edge of the hill country
across the pass from Aphek and about two
miles further east. The small settlement (half
an acre) was established late in the Judges period
and was abandoned early in the eleventh
century. One of the oldest and longest proto-
Canaanite inscriptions was found at this
site. The ostracon has eighty-three letters but
no coherent words, and has been identified as
an abecedary (alphabet list). Some interpreters
think it should be classified as early Israelite.
1 SAMUEL 4:3-21 4:3-4. ark and cherubim. The ark was a wooden
box, open at the top, approximately three
to four feet in length and two and a quarter
feet in both width and height, based on eighteen
inches a cubit. It was overlaid inside and
out with sheets of the finest gold. Four rings
(also gold covered) were attached to the sides
for the insertion of two gold-encrusted poles,
which were used to carry the ark and protect
it from the touch of all but the high priest. A
golden cover, decorated with two winged
cherubim, sealed the ark. The primary function
of the ark was to store the tablets and to
serve as a “footstool” for God’s throne, thereby
providing an earthly link between God and
the Israelites. In Egyptian festivals the images
of the gods were often carried in procession
on portable barques. Paintings portray these
as boxes about the size of the ark carried on
poles and decorated with or flanked by guardian
creatures. Biblical descriptions as well as
archaeological discoveries (including some
fine ivory pieces from Nimrud in Mesopotamia,
Arslan Tash in Syria and Samaria in Israel)
suggest the cherubim are composite
creatures (having features of a number of different
creatures, like the Egyptian sphinx), often
four-legged animal bodies with wings.
The cherubim appear in ancient art with some
regularity, flanking the thrones of kings and
deities. The combination of cherubim as
throne guardians, chests as footstools and
statements in the Old Testament concerning
Yahweh being enthroned on the cherubim
supports the concept of the ark as representing
the invisible throne of Yahweh. The use of
empty thrones was widespread in the ancient
world. They were provided for use by deities
or royal personages when they were present.
4:3-7. use of the ark in battle. In the divine
warrior motif the deity is fighting the battles
and defeating the deities of the enemy. In Assyria
Nergal is the king of battle, and Ishtar is
viewed as a war goddess. The Canaanite Baal
and the Babylonian Marduk are divine warriors.
This is not to be viewed as “holy war”
because in the ancient Near East there was no
other kind of war. In most situations prayers
would be made and omens asked to assure
the god’s presence. Standards or statues of the
deity were usually carried to symbolize their
presence. Assyrian kings of the ninth and
eighth centuries regularly refer to the divine
standard that goes before them. The ark, as
Yahweh’s standard, represents the Lord as
clearing the way before the Israelites and leading
the armies into Canaan. This concept is
not very different from the Assyrian belief
that the gods empowered the weapons of the
king and fought before him or at his side.
Nearly every army in the ancient Near East included
priests and diviners (as seen in the
Mari texts), prophets 2 Kings 3 and portable
sacred objects (Assyrian Annals of Shalmaneser
III [858-824 B.C.]). In this way, the god(s)
could be consulted on the battlefield or invoked
to lead the soldiers to victory.
4:9-10. Philistine control of Israel. It is difficult
to be certain how much of Israelite territory
came under Philistine control at this time.
Most estimate that it would have included
from the Jezreel Valley south through the central
hill country, skirting the Jerusalem hills
but extending to much of the Negev.
4:10. thirty thousand Israelites slain. This is
clearly a significant loss of life, but it is difficult
to be certain of how to read the numbers.
For further information see the comment on
Judges 20:2.
4:12. Shiloh. The site of Shiloh has been identified
as Khirbet Seilun, about halfway between
Bethel and Shechem. This seven-and-ahalf-
acre site is situated in a strategic location
where it enjoys fertile land, a reliable water
source and access to the main north-south
route through the heartland of Israel. Though
this chapter does not say anything about the
destruction of Shiloh by the Philistines, Jeremiah
7:12-15 suggests that it was destroyed at
this time. Substantial Iron Age I ruins have
been found at the site, along with evidence of
destruction by means of fire.
4:12. dust on the head. Putting dirt, dust or
ashes on one’s head was a typical sign of
mourning throughout the Old Testament and
into the New Testament period. It is a practice
also known from Mesopotamia and Canaan.
Many mourning rites function as a means for
the living to identify with the dead. It is easy
to see how dust on the head would be a symbolic
representation of burial.
1 SAMUEL 4:12—5:3 4:21. names with significance. The giving of
names in the ancient world was a significant
act. A name was believed to affect a person’s
destiny; so the person giving the name was
exercising some degree of control over the
person’s future. Often the name expressed
287 1 SAMUEL 5:1-5
hopes or blessings. At other times they preserve
some detail of the occasion of the birth,
especially if the occasion appeared significant.
This name is built from the same noun/adjective
that is attached to the ark as well as used
to describe Eli (v. 18). Though the bearing of a
son would have normally been viewed as significant,
everything of national significance is
gone—Eli, his sons and, especially, the ark.
The future looks grim.
1 Samuel 5:1-5 5:1. Ashdod. Ashdod is about three miles
from the coast directly west of Jerusalem. The
tell of the ancient site is about three and a half
miles south of the modern city. It features a
twenty-acre acropolis and a lower city of over
one hundred acres. It is mentioned in the
Ugaritic texts, where it is an important center
of trade, and excavations have demonstrated
a large Late Bronze Canaanite settlement on
the acropolis. The Canaanite city was destroyed
by the Sea Peoples. The site was then
settled by the Philistines and became one of
their five principal cities. The Iron Age settlement
of Samuel’s time period is represented
in stratum X, which is Philistine in culture. At
this time the city was well fortified and was
beginning to expand from the acropolis to the
lower city. No temple has yet been unearthed
in that stratum.
5:2. Philistine temples. The Philistine temples
of this period feature a holy place where the
statue of the god was prominently displayed
on a raised platform. For further information
about Philistine temple architecture see the
comment on Judges 16:29.
5:2. Dagon. There is evidence of Dagon as a
important god within the Semitic pantheon of
deities as early as the third millennium in
Mari. Assyrians worshiped him in the first
half of the second millennium, and in Ugaritic
literature he is positioned as the father of Baal
Haddu. His temple in the town of Ugarit was
bigger that the temple of Baal. It is generally
assumed, then, that the Philistines did not
bring this god with them from their Aegean
homeland but adopted him upon their arrival
in their new territory. Dagon is often identified
as a god of grain or of storm, but both of
these remain somewhat speculative.
5:2. ark as trophy of war kept in temple. The
ark would have been placed in the temple to
indicate that Yahweh, Israel’s God, was a defeated
prisoner of Dagon. His inferiority had
been demonstrated on the battlefield, and his
subordination was represented in his humble
servitude before his master Dagon. It is possible
that it was believed that continuing opportunities
for humiliation would result. This is
very similar to how conquering kings treated
captive kings (see comment on Judg 1:6-7.
There are several examples in the ancient
world of statues of a god being carried off as
trophies of war. The Marduk statue is taken
from Babylon by the Hanaeans (seventeenth
century), by the Elamites (thirteenth century)
and by the Assyrians (seventh century), and in
each case is eventually recovered and restored
to his temple. Additionally the statue of Shamash
was taken from Sippar by the Suteans
(eleventh century). In the eighth and seventh
centuries this was a common practice of the
Assyrians, and Isaiah prophesies that captivity
will be the fate of the gods of Babylon (Is
46:1-2). Assyrian king Esarhaddon speaks of
taking the gods of his enemies as booty.
5:3-4. importance of fall, hands and head.
The repeated fall of Dagon was a clear indication
that Yahweh was not defeated, inferior,
subordinate or about to suffer humiliation.
While the ark’s presence in the temple of
Dagon had been intended to humiliate, the
cutting off of the hands and head of Dagon indicated
destruction. The head of a conquered
foe was typically displayed as evidence of his
death (see 17:51-54) and cutting off hands was
a way of counting casualties (see comment on
Judg 8:6 as well as mutilation that demonstrated
the powerlessness of the enemy. In a
Ugaritic text, Anat, the goddess of battle, carries
the heads and hands of her slain opponents
away from the battlefield. In addition,
this makes sense given how images were
manufactured. In a Hittite prayer of this period,
a promise is made to supply a life-sized
statue of the king with head, hands and feet of
gold, and the rest of silver. Since the images of
the gods were generally clothed, more care
and expense was afforded to the portions that
would show. Images were often not cast in
one piece but made in parts and joined together
with tenons.
5:5. holiness of threshold. The threshold was
typically made of a single stone that spanned
the doorway, raised slightly from the level of
the floor. Sockets were cut into the outer edges
of the threshold on which the gates or door
swung. The height of the threshold would
prevent the doors from swinging out. Entryways
were often considered both sacred and
vulnerable. Superstitious belief held that stepping
on the threshold would allow demons
that haunted the entryway to gain admission.
Perhaps that was the preferred explanation
among the Philistines for Dagon’s troubles.
Similar superstitions have continued in the
Near East and the Far East from Syria to Iraq
to China, but ancient information concerning
this superstition is lacking.
1 SAMUEL 5:6—6·9 288
5:6. plague of the Philistines. The connection
with rodents in the passage (5:6, in a sentence
preserved only in the Septuagint; 6:4) suggests
that the affliction is infectious and is possibly
bubonic plague. The Hebrew term
translated “tumors” could easily be used to
represent the boils (buboes) that are symptomatic
of the plague. There is some question,
however, whether bubonic plague is attested
in the ancient Near East at this early a date. As
a result, others have proposed that the plague
be understood as bacillary dysentery, which
can be transmitted through food infected by
mice. If this is correct, however, the connection
of the swellings is unclear.
5:8. rulers of the five cities. The five rulers of
the Philistines appear to be equal in authority.
The term used to describe them is likely the
Philistine term, and most scholars believe it
has its roots in the language of the Sea Peoples
(Greek or another Indo-European language).
Until more information is found, it is impossible
to offer a clearer political analysis.
5:8. Gath. Gath has been tentatively identified
as Tell es-Safi, five miles south of Tell Miqne/
Ekron. Of the five major cities of the Philistines
it was the closest to Judah. There has
been little excavation at the site, though it has
been confirmed that there are Iron Age remains.
The city was located by the Elah Valley,
one of the principal passes from the coastal
plain into the hill country surrounding Jerusalem.
5:10. Ekron. Ekron has been identified as Tell
Miqne in the Sorek Valley, about twenty miles
southwest of Jerusalem and fifteen miles from
the Mediterranean. It features a forty-acre
lower city, a ten-acre upper tell and a twoand-
a-half-acre acropolis. Excavations since
the early 1980s have given a good picture of
this town, which, by the divided monarchy
period, was known for its production of olive
oil (with over one hundred processing plants).
An inscription found on the site in 1996 (dated
to the seventh century B.C.) provided the first
example of the Philistine dialect of West
Semitic using the Phoenician script. In this period
it was fortified with a mud-brick wall
over ten feet thick. A large public building
(over twenty-five hundred square feet) from
this period has been excavated that archaeologists
believe to be a palace-temple complex. If
they are correct, this is likely the building
where the ark would have been housed and
where the leaders would have met.
1 SAMUEL 5:6—6·9 6:2. priests and diviners. Since it was now
suspected that the supernatural power connected
to Yahweh and the ark was more than
the Philistines or their gods could handle, the
specialists were consulted for their advice on
what was to be done. Priests would have expertise
in the treatment of holy objects and issues
of purity, whereas diviners would be
skilled in incantations, omens and magical
procedures.
6:2. importance of proper procedures. The
plagues that had followed the ark around Philistia
made it clear that they were dealing with
an angry god. Appeasement of the deity
would require certain gifts and rituals. Popular
belief would have expected that such appeasement
would only work if acceptable
gifts were offered, correct words were spoken,
and appropriate actions performed. Incorrect
procedures might prove entirely fruitless or
might make the deity angrier still. This all
took place in the realm of magic, a science that
required precision.
6:3. guilt offering. For discussion of this offering
see comment on 5:14-16 (“reparation offering”).
One of the offenses this offering is
designed to address is sacrilege, the desecration
of sacred areas or objects. The crime addressed
by the reparation offering was
appropriating that which was holy into the
realm of that which was profane. The Philistines
were therefore admitting to desecrating
the ark.
6:4-5. efficacious symbols of the plague.
Making symbols of the mice and tumors was
an act of sympathetic magic in which the representation
of something stands for the reality.
By sending the tokens back with the ark they
were hoping to rid themselves of these divine
punishments. Images of mice and other animals,
believed to have been used in magical
rituals, have been found in excavations
throughout the ancient Near East.
6:4-5. role of rats. In the comment on 5:6 it
was noted that some readings connect the
plague to rodents. The Hebrew word used is
often translated “mice” but is more generic
and could refer to rats as well. Bubonic plague
is spread through fleas that infest rats.
1 SAMUEL 5:6—6:7 6:7-9. oracular mechanism. The success of this
strategy would determine both whether they
had assessed the problem correctly and
whether their gift was acceptable to the deity
they were seeking to appease. Besides offering
a gift of appeasement and attempting to rid
themselves of the plague through sympathetic
magic, the Philistines are also asking for an oracle
from Yahweh. They are doing this because
sending the ark back is an admission
that Israel’s God is more powerful than theirs.
Such an admission is humiliating, and they
would not do it unless they were absolutely
convinced that Yahweh was the cause of their
289 1 SAMUEL 6:9—7:5
problems. That is what the oracle is intended
to determine. In an oracle a yes/no question is
posed to deity, and a mechanism of some binary
nature is used so that deity can provide
the answer. In Israel the priest carried the
Urim and Thummim to use in oracular situations
(see comment on Ex 28:30. In the ancient
Near East, when they wanted a natural
mechanism for oracles, they tended to use the
liver or kidney of sacrificed animals (a divinatory
practice called extispicy; see comment on
omens at Deut 18:10. Here the Philistines use
a natural mechanism for the oracle (see Gen
24:14 and Judg 6:36-40 for other occurrences).
Their yes/no question is whether or not Yahweh,
Israel’s God, is the one responsible for
the plagues. Their oracular mechanism is
based on the normal behavior of cows. If the
answer to the question is “no,” the cows will
act like normal cows: they will go to the barn
to nurse their calves, or they will wander into
the field. If the answer to the question is
“yes,” the Lord will override the natural behavior
of cows: they will ignore their bulging
udders and their hungry, bleating calves, and
will trot merrily along the road straight to Israelite
Beth Shemesh (uphill). The thought behind
this process is that if deity is providing
the answer, he can alter normal behavior and
override natural laws in order to communicate
his answer, just as he had done in sending
the plague.
6:9. Beth Shemesh. Beth Shemesh was located
in the border region between Israel and Philistia.
It occupied about seven acres on a ridge
overlooking the Sorek Valley that ran along
the north side of the city. The journey from Ekron
to Beth Shemesh followed the Sorek Valley
and was about nine miles. The archaeological
site is Tell er-Rumeilah west of modern
Ain Shems. There is an Iron Age occupation
level at the site dated to the mid-eleventh century,
the time of Samuel. In this level a residence
has been found with a spacious
courtyard paved with flagstone surrounded
by several chambers.
6:13. wheat harvest. The wheat harvest occupies
the months of May and June in this region.
6:15. rock as altar. Other passages where a
rock serves as an altar include Judges 6:20-21;
13:19; and 1 Samuel 14:33-34. By elevating the
sacrifice off the ground in this way, the blood
could drain. More often Israelite makeshift altars
consisted of a number of large stones
piled up.
6:19. putting seventy to death. There is considerable
controversy concerning the number
who died at Beth Shemesh. The NIV translates
seventy, following a few Hebrew manuscripts.
A more convincing array of manuscripts sets
the number at 50,070. This is odd because the
Old Testament generally rounds to even ten
thousands. It is also unlikely because Beth
Shemesh was a small country town that
would have had a population of less than one
thousand. Even the number seventy has been
taken as a conventional indication of a large
number (see comment on Judg 8:30.
6:19. punishment for looking into the ark.
Despite popular modern speculation the text
gives no indication of the mode of death for
the offenders. Numbers 14:20 forbids even the
priests to look at the ark. It would have been
difficult for the people of Beth Shemesh to
avoid that, but their curiosity led them to violate
the sanctity of the ark by going well beyond
an incidental glance. Restricted access to
sacred space and holy objects was common in
the ancient world (see comment on Lev 16:2,
so treating the ark as a common object of curiosity
would have been recognized as an act of
desecration.
6:21. Kiriath Jearim. Listed as a city within
Judah Josh 15:60, the site is commonly identified
with Tell el-Azhar, nine miles westnorthwest
of Jerusalem, but this is unsubstantiated
by archaeological finds or extrabiblical
references. Its association with Mahaneh Dan
in Judges 18:12 puts it in that general area (see
the comment on Judg 13:25. This location
places it only six miles from Gibeon, with
which it is also associated (see comment on
Josh 9:17. It is about seven miles northeast of
Beth Shemesh.
1 SAMUEL 6:9—7:5
7:2-17
Defeat of the Philistines
7:3. foreign gods and Ashtoreths. Here the
Ashtoreths are distinguished from the foreign
gods. Ashtoreth is the name of the goddess
known in Canaan as Ashtar or Astarte, the
consort of Baal (see comment on Judg 2:13.
The use of the plural here may suggest that all
deities and their consorts should be disposed
of.
7:5. Mizpah. Though several cities shared this
name (it means something like “outpost” or
“garrison”), this one in Benjaminite territory
is the most well-known. It is often associated
with the eight-acre site called Tell en-Nasbeh
about eight miles north of Jerusalem. Mizpah
at this time was an oval enclosure surrounded
by a wall about three feet thick. It guarded the
main north-south road between the hills of
Judah and the hills of Ephraim.
7:6. pouring out water from a well. Though
1 SAMUEL 7:6-12 290
wine libations are known from sacrificial
texts, there are no other examples of ritualized
water libations mentioned in the Old Testament.
Rabbinic sources speak of water libation
as one of the rituals practiced during the Feast
of Tabernacles. In that context it is thought to
accompany prayers for rain. In Mesopotamia
water libations were among the offerings given
to the dead, and they also poured out water
from a well to ward off evil spirits when
the well was dug. None of these possibilities
makes sense in this context, where it is connected
to repentance and purification.
1 Samuel 7:6-12 7:6. fasting in religious practice. Fasting is little
attested in the ancient Near East outside of
the Bible. It generally occurs in the context of
mourning. In the Old Testament the religious
use of fasting is often in connection with making
a request before God. The principle is that
the importance of the request causes an individual
to be so concerned about his or her
spiritual condition that physical necessities
fade into the background. In this sense the act
of fasting is designed as a process leading to
purification and humbling oneself before God
Ps 69:10. In connection with their repentance
the Israelites fasted in order to remove any sin
or other obstacle that may have led to their
subjection to the Philistines. For similar efforts
related to military action, see Judges 20:26 and
2 Chronicles 20:1-4.
7:6. Samuel’s leadership. Samuel’s leadership
is described by the same term that serves as a
title for the judges (see comment on Judg
2:16-19). This rounds out his credentials as
prophet, priest and judge. The three roles are
combined in this passage as he leads them in
repentance in order to bring about their deliverance.
7:7. Philistine response. Why do the Philistines
attack when the Israelites gather for a religious
observance? In the ancient Near East
rituals were generally performed prior to military
initiatives. One of the ways that spies or
informants could tell military action was afoot
was when suspicious gatherings took place
for rituals not connected with known festivals.
Assyrian kings regularly received reports
from their informants regarding a vassal
king’s involve-ment in rituals that could be
suspected of being connected with battle
preparations.
7:9. lamb for a burnt offering. Lambs were offered
daily in the sacrificial system (see comment
on Ex 29:38 and were also used for
purification offerings (see Lev 12:6 and 14:10).
Those offerings required one-year-old lambs.
This lamb is a suckling, in Akkadian referred
to as a spring lamb, and therefore offered the
most tender meat. In one Assyrian text from
the time of Ashur-Nirari V (eighth century) a
spring lamb is used in an oath-taking ceremony
connected to the making of a treaty.
7:10. thundering from heaven. Thunder and
lightning were considered to regularly accompany
the presence of a deity in the ancient
Near East, often in a battle setting. From the
Sumerian Exaltation of Inanna, to the Hittite
myths about the storm god, to the Akkadian
and Ugaritic mythologies, the gods are
viewed as thundering in judgment against
their enemies. Baal is depicted as grasping a
handful of thunderbolts. Thundering terminology
is picked up in royal rhetoric as Hittite
or Assyrian kings portray themselves as the
instruments of the gods, thundering against
those who have violated treaties or stood in
the way of empire expansion. For further information
concerning the divine warrior see
comments on Exodus 15:3; Joshua 3:17;
6:21-24; 10:11.
7:11. Beth Car. This site is mentioned only
here and remains unidentified.
7:12. memorial stone. In the ancient Near East
it was common practice to use stones, often
inscribed, to mark boundaries. Babylonian kudurru
stones were boundary markers that
were sometimes inscribed with the details of
the royal grant assigning rights to the land.
They were public and legal indicators of ownership
and were believed to enjoy divine protection.
Like this stone, the kudurru stones
were sometimes given names (for example,
“Establisher-of-Permanent-Boundaries”). The
Egyptians also erected memorial stelae to indicate
the borders of their territory, especially
that which had come to them by conquest. Examples
are known throughout the second millennium.
Both Babylonian and Egyptian
examples usually had lengthier inscriptions
on the stone describing summary accounts of
the victory or stipulations or curses regarding
the continuing possession of the land.
7:12. Shen. Many versions and translations
read “Jeshanah,” and most commentators
consider this more likely. Shen is otherwise
unknown, while Jeshanah is usually associated
with Burj el-Isaneh. It seems less likely,
however, that the Philistines would flee
straight north (though they did have garrisons
in that direction). It is possible that Shen
(“tooth”) is just a reference to a natural formation.
7:12. Ebenezer. The Ebenezer mentioned in
4:1 (Izbet Sartah) was about twenty miles
northwest of Mizpah. The location named
Ebenezer in this chapter is likely at a different
place. Samuel is giving the name here and us-
291 1 SAMUEL 7:14—8:7
ing the meaning of the name (“tone of help”)
to show that this Ebenezer represents victory
rather than the humiliating defeat that had become
associated with the other Ebenezer.
1 SAMUEL 7:14—8:7 7:14. Ekron to Gath. The line from Ekron
(Sorek Valley) to Gath (Elah Valley) is about
five miles north-south. The coastal plain of the
Philistines lies to the west of the line and the
Shephelah leading into the hill country of
Judah to the east. This verse probably indicates
that those towns in the Shephelah that
the Philistines had taken over were recovered.
7:14. Amorites. The Amorites along with the
Canaanites were the primary inhabitants of
the land prior to the coming of the Israelites
and the Philistines. For some information
about their background see the comment on
Numbers 13:29.
7:16. Samuel’s territory. The Bethel-Gilgal-
Mizpah circuit appears to be all in the territory
of Benjamin. There are several towns
named Gilgal, including one listed on the
northern boundary of Judah. If this is the correct
Gilgal, Samuel’s circuit would have started
by traveling from his home in Ramathaim
about fifteen miles southeast to Bethel. Two
miles further south would get him to Mizpah,
and from there Gilgal was nearly ten more
miles. The return trip home would have been
about twenty-five or thirty miles. There are
sites named Gilgal closer to Bethel and Mizpah
that may be intended here. In the Mari
documents there is a diviner named Asqudum
who regularly makes a circuit of four towns
providing his services to the citizens.
7:17. altar at Ramah. The text does not specify
whether this is an altar for sacrifice or a memorial
altar (see comment on Josh 22:9-34. If
it is an altar for sacrifice, it may be replacing
the one that was in Shiloh and had been destroyed
by the Philistines.
8:1-22
The Request for a King
8:2. role of Samuel’s sons. Samuel was “judging”
on the circuit mentioned in 7:16. This was
not the sort of judging he had been involved
in earlier in the chapter (7:6) but would have
involved giving decisions concerning disputes
among the people (see comments on Ex
18:13-27 and Deut 16:18-20. Samuel’s sons
were serving this type of function, not the delivering
type of judges found in the book of
Judges. Their territory was very remote (see
next comment), rather than central as Samuel’s
had been.
8:2. Beersheba. Beersheba is located at the
southern extremity of the land in the northern
Negev at Tell es-Seba’ (three miles east of the
modern city). Archaeological finds from this
period suggest that the site was in transition
from being a temporary to a permanent settlement.
Some of the first houses were just being
built. The population would have been less
than two hundred. Therefore this was a very
minor appointment.
8:6. kingship in the ancient Near East. The
kings of the ancient world enjoyed nearly limitless
power and authority, and regularly
claimed divine support for their rule. Kingship
was believed to have been lowered from
heaven and to have its roots in the original
creation and organization of the world. The
king functioned as vice-regent for the divine
ruler, and it was his duty to preserve order
and justice in society. He was entrusted with a
divine stewardship over the people and the
land. Kings were often considered to possess a
divine office while they lived (understood differently
in the various times and cultures) and
to become gods when they died. Justice and
law came from them. They often had priestly
duties and were depicted as shepherds. The
maintenance of the temples and provisions for
them was an important obligation of the king.
Throughout the ancient Near East kings were
military leaders. They brought protection or
deliverance for their people as well as acquiring
other lands. These conquests brought access
to additional natural resources and trade
routes, as well as bringing plunder into the
royal coffers and slave labor into the kingdom.
Both of these would reduce the burden on the
population of the country.
8:6. what the leaders want. The leaders of Israel
have decided that they want a permanent
head of government empowered with centralized
authority over the tribes and commanding
a standing army. They have concluded
that their organization as a federation of tribes
has put them at a military disadvantage. They
believe that a king with a trained standing
army at his command will level the playing
field and enable them to successfully defend
their land. They have been mistaken in assessing
their problem as a political problem and
consequently opting for a political solution.
What Samuel seeks to clarify for them is that
their problem is not political but spiritual.
Their political solution will solve nothing unless
it is accompanied by a spiritual solution.
1 SAMUEL 8:2-11 8:7. divine king versus human king. In Israel’s
tribal structure there had been no provision
made for a human centralized authority. Moses
had provided prophetic authority and Joshua
had been granted military authority, but no one
had succeeded Joshua in such a position.
1 SAMUEL 8:11-16 292
Moses had been understood to be the intermediary,
giving God’s instructions as God led the
people. Likewise, as the book of Joshua repeatedly
indicates, Joshua was subordinate to
God’s commander Josh 5:13-15, and the victories
were the Lord’s victories. Each tribe had its
leadership, but central authority belonged to
the Lord and was his to give. The judges were
those whom the Lord raised up and endowed
with a recognized central authority (see comment
on Judg 2:16-19. The fact that God was
seen as raising up military leaders and that
God was the one who brought the victories
demonstrates that God was the one who was
the king leading out the armies in battle. Victory
in battle was assured if the Lord was pleased
with Israel. By making their request, the leaders
are implying that God has been less than
successful in bringing victory and that somehow
a king will do a better job.
1 Samuel 8:11-16 8:11. prerogatives of kingship. Kingship requires
a supporting administration. The administration
must be housed and fed.
Buildings need to be erected to house the administration,
and land must be owned by the
crown. A standing army must be raised, and it
likewise must be housed and fed. The king
must then have access to laborers and goods
of every sort. Taxation and forced labor were
the major means of providing for the monarchy
and stood as royal prerogatives. This
would bring about dramatic political and economic
changes. This portrayal of kingship is
similar to that known in the ancient Near East
of this period, particularly observable in
Ugaritic texts as the model of Canaanite kingship.
8:11. chariots and horses. Israel had not previously
had cavalry or chariotry. This development
within a standing army required the
centralized authority of kingship. Training
was required that only a permanent army
could provide. Construction and care of the
chariots and stabling and caring for the horses
all required significant administrative oversight.
8:11. running before chariots. Those who run
before chariots proclaim the presence of the
king and protect the person of the king. In
Hittite texts the gods are said to run before the
king’s chariot, leading to victory. The men
who run before the king’s chariot function as
heralds (see 2 Sam 15:1; 1 Kings 1:5; 18:46).
8:12. infantry commanders. In the spontaneous
calling out of an army in times of emergency
(as previously practiced in Israel),
trained commanders were not part of the picture.
Part of a standing army, however, involves
the permanent appointment of such
officers. Such military divisions are also
known from Assyrian and Babylonian military
terms, where, for instance, one of the lower
officers is the commander of fifty.
8:12. working the king’s fields. Once an administration
is set up, certain lands become
royal lands 2 Chron 26:10. Land can become
forfeit to the throne as a result of criminal activity,
or land can come to the throne through lack
of heirs to inherit ancestral property. This land
would be farmed to provide food for the administration
as well as to supply stockpiles
against emergency. Those who work the land
may be forced laborers (in a form of taxation),
slaves from foreign peoples or debt slaves who
have no other way to recover from losses.
8:12. making the king’s weapons. The king’s
weapons would have included bow and arrow,
sword, dagger, shield and javelin. At this
period the Israelites had either not yet acquired
iron-working technology or had been
effectively prohibited from producing iron
weapons, so their weapons would have been
bronze. It was common even into the Middle
Ages to have a royal smith who would even
travel with the army to service the weapons of
the king. The Nuzi texts list carpenters and
bronze-workers among the palace staff.
8:13. cooks, bakers, perfumers. Cooks and
bakers staffed the royal scullery. The extended
family of the king and his administration (often
from the extended family) would have to be
regularly fed in royal style. Additionally there
may have been prisoners of the king and
household servants who would need at least
meager provisions. Perfumers performed a
number of different duties at the court. The
king’s garments were regularly perfumed, and
spices were burnt in order to maintain a pleasing
aroma around the palace. Additionally
some spices were recognized as having medicinal
value, in which case the perfumer might be
performing the task of pharmacist. Assyrian
texts and Egyptian tomb paintings both portray
elaborate procedures for preparing these
spices and ointments.
8:14-15. land confiscation. Attractive properties
were frequent targets of royal confiscation.
The king’s administrators and favorites
were rewarded and kept loyal in this way (see
comment on 22:7). This practice is well-known
from Hittite and Ugaritic materials as well as
from Kassite period Babylon, where land
grants to courtiers were very common.
8:16. commandeering of donkeys and slaves.
It was not unusual for a king to commandeer
a slave who caught his attention or stock animals
that were noteworthy. The commoner
would have little choice but to offer as a gift
293 1 SAMUEL 8:17—9:12
that which had attracted the king.
8:17. tithe of grain and flocks as taxes. In
Ugaritic literature the tithe is a fixed payment
to the king made by each town and village. In
earlier biblical passages the tithe was treated
as something due the priesthood and the
sanctuary. Here the tithe describes royal taxation.
1 SAMUEL 8:17—9:12
9:1-27
Saul and Samuel Meet
9:1. status of Kish. Traditionally translations
have identified Kish as a “valiant warrior,”
but the NIV “man of standing” is probably a
better choice. Such prominence could be
achieved through military prowess (see Jephthah,
Judg 11:1, but many of the people described
by this phrase have no known military
reputation. It is likely that the phrase has
broader application (see comment on Judg
6:12).
9:1. Benjamin. The tribe of Benjamin was descended
from the youngest son of Jacob. Its
more recent history was disreputable in that it
had been nearly exterminated in a civil war
during the Judges period Judges 20—21). Its
tribal allotment was small but strategically
placed between the powerful tribes of Judah
and Ephraim. Jerusalem, not yet in Israelite
control but destined for greatness, was in Benjaminite
territory.
9:2. Saul’s appearance and stature. People in
the ancient Near East placed high value on the
stature and appearance of the king. The earliest
kings were temporarily empowered warlords—
mighty champions and fierce fighters.
Even after kingship evolved into a permanent
institution, the king who carried the aura of a
great champion was the pride of his people. A
few examples include Sargon of Akkad, described
as mighty in battle; Tukulti-Ninurta of
Assyria, who had no rival on the battlefield;
Nebuchadnezzar, a valiant man strong in warfare;
and Gilgamesh, a heroic warrior of great
stature as well as beautiful in manhood.
9:2. Saul outside the Bible. As yet no mention
has been found of Saul in any ancient Near
Eastern inscriptions. He had little contact with
other peoples except the Philistines, and there
have been no significant finds of Philistine
historical archives.
9:4-5. scope and distance of Saul’s search.
Saul lived in Gibeah, about six miles north of
Jerusalem. The hill country of Ephraim was
about fifteen miles northwest of his home.
Though Shalisha and Shaalim are obscure,
most interpreters identify them with
Baal-Shalisha and Shaalbim respectively,
which stand at the northwest and southwest
extremities of the Ephraimite hill country. Just
the circumference of this area would entail a
sixty-mile trek, a large area to cover in this
three-day search (v. 20). The region of Zuph is
generally inferred (from 1 Sam 1:1 to be the
region of Samuel’s hometown in the hill country
of Ephraim.
9:6. Samuel’s reputation. It is intriguing that
Saul, who lives only a stone’s throw away
from Samuel’s hometown and within the circuit
of Samuel’s territory, appears ignorant of
this nationally renowned figure. Rather than
suggesting that Samuel’s renown was less
than reputed, it likely indicates the spiritual
and political naivete of Saul.
9:6-9. role of the local “man of God.” Though
Samuel had a national reputation, to the local
people among whom he had lived all his life
he was like a village holy man. These holy
men were supported by the gifts of the villages
they served and would have been consulted
on any number of minor personal matters.
Areas of expertise would include issues of
health and illness, rituals and prayers, legal
and political affairs and a variety of other personal
and community matters.
9:8. gift of silver. A quarter of a shekel of silver
would have been the equivalent of a week
or so of wages for the ordinary working man.
This would be appropriate considering the
value of the donkeys that had been lost.
9:9. terminology for prophets. Three terms
are used in this passage: man of God, seer and
prophet. The first is a general term that could
apply to either of the others. The seer and the
prophet were engaged in basically the same
activity, but the structuring of the role in society
was different (much like the difference between
the offices of judge and king).
Nevertheless, it is a terminological change
that is noted here, not a sociological one.
1 SAMUEL 9:1-12 9:11. coming out to draw water. Towns were
usually situated on high ground in the vicinity
of a water source (spring or well). In later
periods tunnels were built to give secure access
to the water sources, but at this period
one would have to go outside the city walls to
get the daily supply of water. Typically this
would be done in the early evening rather
than in the heat of the day.
9:12. high place. The high place (Hebrew:
bamah) is a place of worship where an altar is
functioning. It is typically not an open-air
shrine but an indoor facility, housing sacred
furniture and precincts large enough to accommodate
a priesthood (we cannot assume
that all of them were on high ground). The
Mesha Inscription shows that such shrines
1 SAMUEL 9:12—10:3 294
were also part of Moabite worship. Possible
examples have been found at sites such as
Megiddo and Nahariya.
9:12-13. sacrifice at the high place. Though
the name of this town is not given, most assume
that it is Samuel’s hometown of Ramah
(Ramathaim, see 1:1). After the fall of Shiloh
he built an altar in Ramah (7:17), and with the
ark in exile this was probably functioning as a
central sanctuary. Sacrifices were typically occasions
for meals, and that proves to be the
case here as well. This may be a new moon
sacrifice, which was a festive occasion (see
comment on 20:5). Alternatively it could be an
enthronement ceremony, specially called since
Samuel had been forewarned of Saul’s arrival.
9:13. blessing the sacrifice. No other passage
in the Old Testament speaks of blessing the
sacrifice. Blessing is usually the offering of
kind words that it is hoped the deity will
bring about. Since sacrifices were often associated
with petitions, Samuel’s blessing may
have reflected the hope that the petition be
granted.
9:21. Saul’s objection. In the ancient Near East
kings usually tried to attach some significance
to their ancestry when none was evident, lest
this weakness be used as a reason for revolt by
some ambitious competitor. The lack of ancestry
could label one as an imposter or pretender.
The objection of genealogical unworthiness
is not uncommon in the Bible, and, in fact, is
sometimes worn as a badge Amos 7:14. For
information concerning the tribe of Benjamin,
see the comment on 9:1. Nothing further is
known of the status of Saul’s clan.
9:22. hall where they ate. The portions of
meat that were to be eaten by the priests and
the worshipers were at times required to be
eaten on the premises (for example, Lev 7:6.
Since feasting was an important part of sacrifice
and worship, sanctuaries provided rooms
for that activity. The word used in this verse to
describe this room is used elsewhere for the
various rooms attached to the sanctuary in the
temple complex. Archaeologists often find
auxiliary rooms attached to the main sanctuary,
but it is frequently not possible to determine
what each room was used for.
9:23. choice cut of meat. The thigh (NIV “leg,”
v. 24) was considered one of the prime pieces
of meat and was usually reserved for the officiating
priest Lev 7:32-34. Here Samuel
yields it to his guest of honor.
9:25-26. sleeping quarters on roof. Though
the presence of stairways and supporting pillars
(among other evidences) show that many
houses had second (or even third) stories, archaeologists
are usually not able to recover
more than the floor plan of houses in the remaining
rubble of occupation levels. Second
stories (rooms on the roof) were desirable for
family activities and sleeping because they offered
better ventilation.
1 SAMUEL 9:12—10:3
10:1-27
The Anointing and Selection of
Saul as King
10:1. anointing with olive oil. Anointing a
king was common practice in some parts of
the ancient Near East. Much of the evidence
comes from Hittite sources describing enthronement
ceremonies. There is no evidence
of kings being anointed in Mesopotamia. In
Egypt the pharaoh was not anointed, but he
anointed his officials and his vassals. His
anointing of them established their subordinate
relationship to him and indicated his protection
of them. This model would fit the idea
of Saul being anointed as a vassal to God. But
in 2 Samuel 2:4 it is the people who anoint
David. This anointing suggests some sort of
contractual agreement between David and the
people he will govern. In Nuzi, individuals
entering a business agreement anointed one
another with oil, and in Egypt oil anointment
was used in wedding ceremonies. For information
on royal coronations see comment on
11:15.
10:2. Rachel’s tomb at Zelzah. Locating this
site is extremely complicated. Detailed study
including attempts to reconcile many variants
and difficulties offer two main possibilities.
One is that the tomb should be located in the
vicinity of Kiriath Jearim (see comment on
6:21). Kiriath Jearim is about fifteen miles
south-southwest of Samuel’s home. The second
follows the supposed course of Saul’s
journey in this passage as he appears to be
traveling east from Ramah to Geba. This
would place Rachel’s tomb along that road.
10:3. great tree of Tabor. Judges 4:5 refers to
the “Palm of Deborah” where she held court,
and Abraham pauses at the great tree of
Moreh (see comment on Gen 12:6. Trees
served as landmarks, meeting places and even
sacred sites. Where the sun is hot and shade is
desirable, trees can take on special significance.
10:3. worship at Bethel. Throughout much of
Israel’s history, Bethel was considered an important
sacred site. The ark was housed there
for at least part of the Judges period, and it
was a place of altar and sacrifice (see comments
on Judg 1:22-23; 20:26-28; 21:4).
10:3. products for sacrifice. Goats, bread and
wine were the basic makings of a sacrificial
295 1 SAMUEL 10:5-10
meal. By receiving consecrated bread, Saul is
again being treated as a priest (see comment
on 9:23) and being recognized as an honored
personage.
10:5. Gibeah of God. The designation “of
God” suggests there was some sort of shrine
or sanctuary on this hill (Gibeah = hill), but it
was currently also occupied by a Philistine
garrison. Since 13:3 speaks of a Philistine garrison
at Geba, many have identified the two as
the same location, the modern village of Jaba
about six miles north of Jerusalem. No excavations
have been conducted there, but surface
surveys have found Iron Age remains on the
site. It overlooks the strategic pass across the
deep canyon of the Wadi Swenit from Micmash
that leads from the north into the region
of Jerusalem. For discussion of Gibeah see
comment on 10:26.
10:5. high place. There is a difference between
outdoor cultic places and the “high place”
(bamah) mentioned in many places as religious
centers in the local towns and cities (1 Kings
11:7; Jer 7:31; Ezek 16:16; 2 Chron 21:11; Mesha’s
Moabite Stele). The high place could be
outdoors but often was an indoor facility, built
to house sacred furniture, an altar and precincts
large enough to accommodate a priesthood.
10:5. musical instruments. These are all typical
musical instruments of the time and are attested
in ancient Near Eastern texts, reliefs
and paintings as early as the third millennium.
There is still some disagreement among
authorities as to which of the Hebrew words
in this passage ought to be translated “harp”
and which as “lyre.” The one the NIV translates
“lyre” is a ten-stringed instrument, while
the one translated “harp” is thought to have
had fewer strings. Both are hand-held with
frames made of wood. The tambourine has
been identified in archaeological reliefs as the
tambour, a small drum (leather stretched over
a hoop) that would not have the tinny rattle
sound of modern tambourines. The instrument
translated as flute is likely a double pipe
made of either bronze or reed.
1 SAMUEL 10:5-10 10:6. connection between music and prophecy.
One could be trained for the profession of
prophet (or seer), and there was a prophetic
guild in this early period of Israel’s history
usually identified as the “sons of the prophets.”
Typically these prophets would use various
procedures in order to prepare themselves
for receiving prophetic oracles. Music played
an important role in inducing a trancelike
state (ecstasy) that was seen as making one receptive
to a divine message. In the Mari texts
there is an entire class of temple personnel
who were ecstatics and who often provided
prophetic messages.
10:6. role of the Spirit of the Lord. When the
Spirit of the Lord was attached to any activity
in the Judges period, it was usually to the calling
up of an army. In a tribal society with no
centralized government it was difficult to get
other tribes to stand with one or two that
might be facing problems. The measure of a
leader in such situations was his ability to
compel others to follow though he had no office
of command over them. In Israel this was
a mark of the power of Yahweh, for it was he
alone who had the authority to call out the
armies of the tribes. Yahweh was the only central
authority. It was therefore a clear indication
of the Lord’s authority at work in
someone when they exercised authority that
was only Yahweh’s by calling out the armies
(see Judg 11:29; 1 Sam 11:6-8. This was one of
the distinguishing features of the judges of Israel.
Saul’s central authority is going to be
permanent and more extensive than that possessed
by the judges, but it still receives its endorsement
by the empowerment of the Spirit
of the Lord. In 11:6 the empowerment of the
Spirit is going to result in Saul’s raising an army,
as the judges had done. Here it is associated
with prophetic activity, specifically to his
receptivity to divine guidance.
10:8. Gilgal. As noted in the comment on 7:16,
there are several sites with the name of Gilgal.
It is impossible to be certain which one is intended
here.
10:8. purpose of sacrifices. Burnt offerings
and fellowship offerings are two of the most
general types of sacrifices. The former often
accompanied petition, while the latter served
as an opportunity for festive celebration and a
communal meal before the Lord. It is likely,
then, that these sacrifices would have been directed
to either the initiation of kingship or
perhaps toward military activity against the
Philistines. Between the sacrifice offered in
Samuel’s town, the sacrifice of those going to
Bethel, and these in Gilgal, it becomes evident
that sacrifice in this period was not restricted
to a central location.
10:10. Saul as a prophet. Kings in the ancient
Near East were often considered to have prophetic
gifts. This was especially true in Egypt,
where the pharaoh was the representative of
the gods and spoke for them. Civil leadership
in Israel up to this time has also often combined
authority for ruling with prophetic activity
(Moses, Deborah, Samuel). Samuel
accumulated priestly, prophetic and governing
roles, but the governing role was the result
of the other two. With Saul the issues concern
1 SAMUEL 10:17—11:6 296
to what extent someone chosen as king will
also accumulate priestly or prophetic roles.
Kingship in the ancient Near East was at times
configured with those roles included. It is then
very logical to ask, “Is Saul also among the
prophets?”
10:17. Mizpah. Though several cities shared
this name (it means something like “outpost”
or “garrison”), this one in Benjaminite territory
is the most well-known. It is often associated
with the eight-acre site called Tell
en-Nasbeh about eight miles north of Jerusalem.
Mizpah at this time was an oval enclosure
surrounded by a wall about three feet
thick. It guarded the main north-south road
between the hills of Judah and the hills of
Ephraim.
10:20-21. process of choosing a king. Evidence
from Mesopotamia suggests that divination
was used to confirm a designated king
but not to propose one. Divination was not
considered acceptable in Israel. The process
used here is more like an oracular process and
is very similar to that used in Joshua 7 (see
comment on Josh 7:14-18.
10:25. regulations of the kingship. This appears
to be a document that frames a constitution
or charter of some sort. One possibility is
that it details the people’s subordination to
the king and the king’s subordination to the
Lord. In Egypt the coronation ceremony involved
a proclamation by the god Thoth that
gave the official approval of the gods for the
king’s accession. There is nothing in this chapter
that actually depicts Saul as being
crowned; he is merely acclaimed as the one
that has been selected (see comment on 11:15).
10:26. Gibeah. Saul’s hometown of Gibeah
was long been identified with Tell el-Ful about
three miles north of Jerusalem, though many
have not been convinced despite a small fortress
uncovered at the site that archaeologists
dubbed “Saul’s fortress.” The archaeological,
textual and topographical evidence are now
all thought to favor the theory that Gibeah
and Geba are one and the same and are to be
identified with Jaba on the southern rim of the
Wadi Swenit about six miles north of Jerusalem.
1 SAMUEL 10:17—11:6
11:1-11
Saul Defeats the Ammonites
11:1. Jabesh Gilead. Jabesh Gilead was a city
in the Transjordan, probably along the Wadi
el-Yabis, a tributary of the Jordan River that
cut through the north Gileadite hill country. A
number of sites in the area have been proposed
as the ruins of Jabesh Gilead, none of
which have proved convincing. The most likely
candidate is Tell Maqlub, lying on the
northern edge of a bend on the Yabis River.
There is detailed evidence for Iron I Age (c.
1200-1000 B.C.) material remains in this area.
The city is described as having a treaty relationship
with Israel from the period of the
judges (chap. 21; cf. 2 Sam 2:4-7. Jabesh
Gilead was not incorporated into Israel until
after the death of Saul. Cf. 1 Samuel 11:9-10.
11:1-2. Nahash. Ammon and Israel had continually
fought over the area east of the Jordan
River (see Judg 11:33. Based upon
fragments from the Dead Sea Scrolls, a restoration
of 1 Samuel 10:27b gives evidence that
Nahash had also threatened the Israelite
tribes of Gad and Reuben, a fact confirmed
by the Jewish historian Josephus (A.D. 37-
100). Nothing is known of Nahash from extrabiblical
literature, no Ammonite historical
documents from this period having survived.
11:1-2. Ammonites. Apart from the Bible, the
Ammonites are only known from written
sources from the Late Assyrian annals (c. 733-
665 B.C.) and from local fragmentary epigraphic
sources (to c. 590 B.C.). The Bible describes
them as a Transjordanian people
related to the Israelites through Abraham’s
nephew, Lot. From the period of the exodus
and following, the Ammonites were perennial
enemies of Israel until their conquest by Saul’s
successor, David 2 Sam 10—12).
1 SAMUEL 11:1-9 11:2. gouging out the right eye. The practice
of blinding one’s enemies is found with the
Philistines (against Samson; Judg 16:21 and
Nebuchadnezzar of Babylon (against Zedekiah
of Judah; 2 Kings 25:7. It was also a common
Assyrian practice performed upon vassal
kings who had broken treaties. The Jewish
historian Josephus (A.D. 37-100) states that the
right eye was gouged out in this case, which
made the soldier unable to fight, since the
shield was held over the left eye. However, in
the context of 1 Samuel 11 the purpose of the
gouging out of the eyes appears to have been
reproach. Incapacitating mutilation of subjected
individuals is also seen in the treatment of
kings whose thumbs and big toes were cut off
(see comment on Judg 1:6.
11:4. Gibeah. See comment on 10:26.
11:6. role of the Spirit of God. The Spirit of
God rested upon Saul as it previously did
upon the judges Othniel, Gideon, Jephthah
and especially Samson Judg 14:6, 19; 15:14).
When the Spirit of the Lord was attached to
any activity in Judges, it was usually to the
calling up of an army. In a tribal society with
no centralized government it was difficult to
get other tribes to support one of their num-
297 1 SAMUEL 11:7—12:15
ber that might be facing problems. The measure
of a leader in such situations was his
ability to compel others to follow though he
had no office of command over them. In Israel
this was a mark of the power of Yahweh,
for it was he alone who had the authority to
call out the armies of the tribes. Yahweh was
the only central authority. It was therefore a
clear indication of the Lord’s authority at
work in someone when they exercised authority
that was only Yahweh’s by calling out
the armies. This had been one of the distinguishing
features of the judges of Israel. In
1 Samuel 10, the Spirit had caused Saul to behave
like one of the prophets, while here in
1 Samuel 11, Saul exercised the authority of
calling out the armies of Israel. His Spirit possession
was reflected immediately in his righteous
indignation, similar to the situation
where Samson in his fury killed thirty at Ashkelon
Judges 14:19, and it was confirmed by
the response of the troops.
11:7. oxen pieces as messages. A biblical parallel
to dismemberment as a message comes
from Judges 19:29-30, where the unnamed
Levite cut his concubine into twelve pieces,
evidently an invitation to participate in the intertribal
war against the tribe of Benjamin.
The idea was that whoever did not come for
the battle would be punished in like manner.
A letter from the city of Mari has a certain
Bahdilim asking the king of Mari if he can cut
off the head of a prisoner and send it around
as a warning to troops who are not being cooperative
in assembling for battle.
11:8. Bezek. Bezek has been located at Khirbit
Ibzik, a site west of the Jordan River, twelve
miles northeast of Shechem and about fourteen
miles west of Jabesh Gilead. It is placed
on the southwestern slope of the Ras es-
Salmeh, a steep mountain range overlooking
the Manasseh hill country. It was thus a convenient
place from which to cross the Jordan
River to arrive at Jabesh Gilead.
11:8. size of army. The number of soldiers
mentioned varies greatly in ancient versions
of the Old Testament. The later texts, however,
give expanded numbers for both Israel and
Judah. Many archaeologists would estimate
the entire population of Canaan at this time as
being barely this many. The Hebrew term for
thousand has often been viewed as a term denoting
a unit of soldiers and not to be taken as
referring to an actual number (see comments
on Josh 8:3; Judg 20:2.
11:9. distance from Bezek to Jabesh Gilead. If
both Bezek and Jabesh Gilead have been identified
correctly by modern archaeologists, then
the two cities were about thirteen or fourteen
miles apart. This could easily be covered in a
march that began in the evening and concluded
in the Ammonite camp in the early hours
of the morning.
11:12-15
Saul Affirmed as King
11:14-15. reaffirmation of kingship at Gilgal.
Gilgal, a cultic center on Samuel’s circuit, remains
unlocated, but most think it was near
Jericho (see comment on 1 Sam 7:16. As the
sacred site closest to the battle scene, it is chosen
for the coronation. Even though Saul has
been designated by two different processes as
the one who will be king, it is only now, after
he has proven himself in military affairs (remember,
the people wanted a king who
would lead their armies into battle), that he
will actually be crowned. The text says nothing
of reaffirmation but states that they made
him king. In Mesopotamia there were ceremonies
to celebrate enthronement each year connected
to New Year’s celebrations. Coronation
in the ancient Near East would generally involve
investing the king with the royal insignia
and regalia and anointing him. There was
commonly an aspect of the ceremony in which
the king’s legitimacy was affirmed by the
chief deity. The anointing and the affirmation
of legitimacy had already taken place in this
case.
11:15. fellowship offerings. One portion of
the fellowship offering was offered to God,
and another portion was consumed by the
worshipers. Typical use of this offering was
for ratification of treaties or covenant agreements.
For more information see comments
on 10:8; Exodus 24:5; and Leviticus 3:1-5.
1 SAMUEL 11:7—12:15
12:1-25
Samuel’s Speech
12:15. Samuel clearing himself of claims. Politics
has not changed much in three millennia.
It is common for a ruler to blame the country’s
problems on a previous administration. It was
also not uncommon in the ancient world for
charges to be trumped up against anyone who
might be seen as a threat to the power of the
ruler currently in power. It was therefore understandable
that Samuel would want to take
steps to procure an affirmation of his innocence
in matters of government. It was the ruling
party’s duty to maintain justice, and
Samuel wanted verification that he had not
been accused of any injustice. The legal process
described here consisted of three parts:
(1) the witnesses are listed (Yahweh, his
1 SAMUEL 12:6—13:2 298
anointed [i.e., the king] and the people, v. 3),
(2) Samuel appealed to these witnesses, and
(3) the witnesses responded. This pattern is
also attested in Ruth (4:4, 11) and Joshua
(24:22).
12:6-12. time span of recounted history. Exodus
12:40 says that the Israelites were in Egypt
for 430 years. First Kings 6:1 says that it was
480 years from the exodus to the dedication of
the temple. The coronation of Saul may be as
much as eighty years prior to the dedication
of the temple, meaning that Samuel is covering
somewhere between 800 and 850 years of
history in five short verses. That would be like
a contemporary speaker addressing the failures
of Christianity from the Crusades to the
present in one hundred words or less.
12:12. divine kingship. Ever since the book of
Exodus the text has been developing the idea
of Yahweh fighting for the Israelites, resulting
in the Lord being praised as warrior and king.
The book of Joshua indicates repeatedly that
the Israelites’ victories are the Lord’s victories.
Yahweh was established as their king and
champion and led them forth victoriously in
battle. References to Yahweh as king of Israel
abound in Scripture (e.g., Ex 15:18; Num
23:21; Judg 8:7; and 1 Sam 8:7; 10:19). The concept
of deity as king was not unique to Israel,
however. Both Marduk (Babylonian) and Baal
(Canaanite) demonstrate their kingship by
subduing the sea, which is personified in their
divine foe (Tiamat and Yam respectively). The
issues of bringing secure order out of conflict,
being proclaimed king and establishing a
dwelling are intertwining themes in the ancient
Near Eastern literatures concerning cosmic
battle. More specifically, the Assyrians, for
example, claimed that the god Assur was the
monarch and that the reigning king was in essence
his earthly representative. The difference
in Israel, until now, was that Yahweh did
not have an earthly counterpart, as did the
other nations. The fact that God was seen as
raising up military leaders and that God was
the one who brought the victories demonstrates
that God was the one who was the king
leading out the armies in battle (see comment
on 8:7). Now Saul’s kingship was to be an
earthly reflection of Yahweh’s rule in heaven.
12:17-18. rain during the wheat harvest. Rain
during May and June in Palestine, the months
of the wheat harvest, was almost unknown
and thus was interpreted as a supernatural occurrence.
Furthermore, it could endanger the
crop (see Prov 26:1. Thus God was standing
as divine witness against them.
12:19. Samuel’s revised role. Like Moses and
Deborah before him, Samuel, until this point,
had exercised political leadership by virtue of
his prophetic office. With the initiation of
kingship, the role of the prophet would now
become an advisory one. Rather than leading
the people as the recipient of divine messages,
the prophet would offer guidance to the king,
who would retain the freedom to accept or reject
it. This passage also emphasizes the intercessory
role of the prophet (for more information
see comments on Deut 18:14-22.
12:25. king and people identified. In the ancient
Near East the king was often considered
the personification of the state. As a result the
king could be held accountable for the peoples’
behavior, and the people could be punished
or blessed based on the conduct of the
king.
1 SAMUEL 12:6—13:2
13:1-22
Saul Offers the Sacrifice
13:1. chronological note. The age of Saul at his
accession is not precisely known since this
verse has not survived intact in most ancient
manuscripts. The Greek version of the Old
Testament (called the Septuagint) added the
number thirty here, but that is probably a secondary
calculation, possibly based on David’s
age at his accession 2 Sam 5:4. Saul had an
adult son, Jonathan, and at least one grandson
before his death 2 Sam 4:4. Saul’s length of
reign is listed as two years, though most interpreters
believe that part of the number has
dropped out of the text (i.e., x-two years).
However, the Jewish historian Josephus (A.D.
37-100) and Luke Acts 13:21 both know a tradition
that Saul reigned for forty years. Because
of the unique spelling of the number in
the earliest manuscripts, it is now believed by
many that the original number for the length
of his reign has been lost.
13:2. size and nature of standing army. Saul’s
selection of three thousand men probably represented
a choice of men to serve as retainers
or an imperial guard, rather than the total of
the volunteers for the war, which would have
been more. Standing armies in the ancient
Near East were made up of professionally
trained soldiers and mercenaries. They served
garrisons and border posts as well as providing
for a palace guard. The number of three
thousand might simply represent three companies
(one stationed with Jonathan and two
with Saul). Geba is not a large site, and it is
unlikely that it would have housed more than
a few hundred men under normal circumstances,
but the Israelites would soon have to
face the combined military forces of the Philistines
(see comment on verse 5).
299 1 SAMUEL 13:2-14
13:2. Micmash. Rising about two thousand
feet above sea level, the site of Micmash (modern
Mukhmas) is about four and a half miles
southwest of Bethel. Sparse Iron Age finds at
the site have led some experts to prefer identification
with Khirbet el-Hara el-Fawqa just
over half a mile to the north, where more evidence
of occupation at this time was found.
The mountainous terrain in the area is an obstacle
to chariot warfare.
1 Samuel 13:2-14 13:3. Philistine garrison at Geba. Geba has
been identified as the modern village of Jaba
about six miles north of Jerusalem. No excavations
have been conducted there, but surface
surveys have found Iron Age remains on the
site. It overlooks the strategic pass across the
deep canyon of the Wadi Swenit from Micmash
that leads from the north into the region
of Jerusalem.
13:4. distance from Gilgal to Micmash. Again
there are numerous sites named Gilgal, and
their precise locations are unknown (see comment
on 7:16). The Gilgal in 10:8 appears to be
near Geba. If Saul’s encampment is the Gilgal
from Joshua’s time, it was much further east,
near the Jordan River, about twenty miles
from Micmash. In this case he would have
been far removed from the theater of operations.
13:5. Philistine army. The Philistines had
overwhelming military superiority in this situation,
with thirty thousand (often amended
to three thousand) chariots and six thousand
horsemen (charioteers). If the amended number
is correct, there were two soldiers per
chariot, known from contemporary Egypt,
Anatolia and Assyria. For comparison, Shalmaneser
III of Assyria (ninth century B.C.)
claims to have crossed the Euphrates River
with an army of 120,000. Provincial Assyrian
governors were required to raise troops for
the Assyrian army, often amounting to as
much as 1,500 cavalry and 20,000 troops. Since
there were over twenty provinces, the entire
amount of Assyrian troops was very large.
13:6. hiding places. Pits and cisterns were dug
for the collection of water and would have
served as convenient hiding places if they
were dry. These would typically have been in
the area of towns. There were forested areas
on either side of the Wadi Swenit in ancient
times so thickets would have been available.
Wadi Swenit and Wadi Kelt also feature many
caves in the walls of the cliffs. Caves in Palestine
often offered protection for people in danger.
Sometimes caves were used for family
tombs. These would have been well-known
by the inhabitants of the area and protected
from easy access. There is extrabiblical inscriptional
evidence for cave-dwelling refugees
in a cave near the Judean fortress city of
Lachish. On the walls is written, “Spare me, O
merciful God, spare me, O Yahweh,” and,
“Save, O Yahweh.”
13:7. Gad and Gilead. Both the terms Gad and
Gilead were employed as general designations
for Israelite lands east of the Jordan River.
Gilead was inhabited by the tribes of
Reuben and Gad. The Israelites fled to these
areas since they were somewhat removed
from the base of Philistine operations.
13:8. Saul’s conundrum. Offering a sacrifice to
enlist a deity’s favor before an impending battle
was common in the ancient Near East. This
favor would hopefully ensure the god’s willingness
to participate in the conflict. The Iliad
provides many examples of this in contemporary
Greek literature, and Hittite and Assyrian
accounts (e.g., Esarhaddon of Assyria, seventh
century B.C.) amply attest the use of sacrifices
and omens to determine the will of the gods
before going to battle as an essential part of
military strategy. In Saul’s case the need for
the ritual was interfering with the strategic element
of timing. His choice attempted to acquire
the ritual benefit (by offering the
sacrifice himself) and still try to take advantage
of striking before the strategic military
moment passed.
13:8-13. Saul’s offense. In general it was not
unusual for a king to serve some priestly functions
(see comment on 2 Sam 8:18. In consideration
of the dominant role Samuel has had,
however, it is to be expected that the charter of
Saul’s kingship (10:25) drew distinct lines of
delineation between their respective roles. It
should be noted that Saul is not accused in
verse 13 of violating priestly protocol or committing
desecration, but of breaking the command
of God.
13:9-10. function of the sacrifices. Burnt offerings
and fellowship offerings are two of the
most general types of sacrifices. The former
often accompanied petition, while the latter
served as an opportunity for festive celebration
and a communal meal before the Lord.
Additionally the peace offerings are sometimes
thought to represent an acknowledgment
of the deity’s kingship—an important
element prior to battle. For general information
on the sacrifices, see the comments on
Leviticus 1:3-4; 3:1-5.
1 SAMUEL 13:6-18 13:14. man after his own heart. This statement
means that God was now going to select
someone of his own choosing (according to
his own will or purpose rather than according
to the will and purpose of the Israelites). This
wording does not concern the piety of David
1 SAMUEL 13:15—14:2 300
but demonstrates God’s exercise of will in rejecting
Saul (a man fulfilling Israel’s desire,
9:20) and replacing him with someone who
was measured by a different criterion. Akkadian
uses the same terminology when it
speaks of the deity Enlil installing a king of his
own choice. Even Nebuchadnezzar puts a
king of his own choice in Jerusalem.
13:15. Gilgal to Gibeah. The distance for the
army to travel from Joshua’s Gilgal to Gibeah
was about fifteen miles or a day’s journey (for
difficulties in identification see comment on
13:4).
13:16. Geba and Micmash. These two sites
face one another across the deep canyon of the
Wadi Swenit, along the strategic pass that
crosses the wadi from the north into the region
of Jerusalem. Micmash is a little over a
mile northeast of Geba.
13:17-18. routes of raiding parties. The Philistine
raiding parties turned in three different
directions. The Ophrah road was due north
and led to the town of Ophrah five miles
north of Micmash. The Beth Horon road led
west to the town of the same name, about
twelve miles from Micmash. It went through
Gibeon and would have been one of the major
supply lines from the Philistine plains into the
Jerusalem hills. Last, the border road overlooking
the Valley of Hyenas (Zeboim) was
southeast of Micmash, probably where the
Wadi Swenit met the Wadi Kelt about halfway
between Micmash and Jericho. This is the major
pass into the Jordan Valley.
13:19-20. iron monopoly. For the ancients
there were many technical difficulties in
smelting iron, including maintaining a consistently
high temperature, adequate draft, combining
a proper amount of carbon and iron
(called “carburization,” which transforms the
wrought iron into steel), and heavy tools to remove
slag from the iron itself. Weapons made
of uncarburized iron are inferior to bronze
weapons. Consistent carburization is not evident
in Palestine until the tenth century. It is
not certain where iron smelting began, but it
was widespread throughout the Near East (especially
Anatolia and northern Iraq) by the
end of the second millennium B.C. The widespread
use of iron in place of bronze is now
thought to be the result not only of the availability
of the technology for smelting iron but
also of the increasing difficulty of procuring
the tin needed to make bronze. What must be
noted, however, is that the text does not indicate
an inferiority in iron technology but the
absence of blacksmiths. Bronze weapons
would have still been very useful to the Israelites.
It is likely that these verses indicate that
blacksmithing had been outlawed so as to prevent
the manufacture of metal weapons of any
sort.
13:21. charges for smithing. The smithing
charges here can be seen to be exorbitant
when measured against the fact that the average
monthly income was approximately one
shekel. The implements that were sharpened
(plows, mattocks, pickaxes, goads) were for
agricultural enterprises. They may have been
made of iron or bronze, but the Israelites were
prohibited from operating the smithies needed
for sharpening them. Iron plows have been
uncovered throughout Palestine for this period.
Iron mattocks (apparently a type of hoe)
have been found at Tell Jemmeh in southwest
Palestine. Goads were pointed implements
used to encourage the oxen to continue plowing.
13:22. weapon shortage. This verse confirms
that neither iron nor bronze manufacture was
permitted to the Israelites. We must assume
that the Philistine rule in the area had resulted
in the confiscation of weapons and that the
law against blacksmithing of any sort had
made only the most primitive weaponry
available to them.
1 SAMUEL 13:15—14:2
13:23—14:48
Victory at Micmash Pass
13:23. Micmash pass. The Micmash pass is the
strategic pass that leads from the north into
the region of Jerusalem across the deep canyon
of the Wadi Swenit. For more information
on Micmash see comment on verse 2. A contingent
had advanced from the Philistine
camp to the slope of the ravine (or pass)
which separated Micmash from Gibeah/Geba
and the Israelite camp. The site was surrounded
by the hills which formed the north side of
the wadi. Micmash was inaccessible except for
the pass which linked it to Gibeah/Geba.
14:1, 6, 17. armor-bearer. Jonathan’s armorbearer
was more than a porter of military
equipment. He fought together with him and
probably served the function of a squire or apprentice.
The closest parallel from ancient
Near Eastern literature is the member of the
chariot crew that holds the shield.
14:2. “pomegranate tree” at Migron. Though
some commentators have identified Migron
as a threshing floor, others have suggested
that it is the ancient name for the Wadi
es-Swenit. There is a rock of Rimmon (Hebrew
for pomegranate) located one mile east of Gibeah/
Geba (see comment on Judg 20:45 with
a large cave that may have been serving as
Saul’s headquarters. On the other hand, if
301 1 SAMUEL 14:3-24
“threshing floor” is correct, there is an ancient
threshing floor between Geba and Wadi
Swenit, and Ugaritic texts attest to the threshing
floor as a place where a king (Danil) met
with the people. The open area of a threshing
floor, however, would seem less likely in this
context.
14:3. linen ephod. An ephod was part of the
priestly wardrobe (see comment on Ex 28:6-14
and in both Egypt and Mesopotamia was reserved
for clothing images of deity and for
high-ranking priests. The ephod is elsewhere
closely associated with oracles (it contains the
Urim and Thummim, see comment on Ex
28:30, and was used for oracular consultation
in Judg 8:27.
14:4-5. terrain: Bozez and Seneh. Khirbet
el-Miqtara is a small settlement not far from
the pass on the south side of the Wadi Swenit
where the cliffs begin to get steeper. This area
features some large outcroppings where
someone could scale the cliffs without being
seen.
14:6. divine warrior ideology. In the divine
warrior motif the deity is fighting the battles
and defeating the deities of the enemy. In Assyria
Nergal is the king of battle, and Ishtar is
viewed as a war goddess. The Canaanite Baal
and the Babylonian Marduk are divine warriors.
In this worldview human warfare is
viewed simply as a representation of warfare
among the gods. The stronger god would be
victorious regardless of the strengths or weaknesses
of the human combatants. Therefore, if
Yahweh fights on their behalf, Jonathan is convinced
that they will be victorious.
14:10. explanation of oracular mechanism.
Oracular mechanisms of this period generally
operated on a binary mechanism whereby
designated occurrences could offer either a
yes or a no answer from deity. The designated
occurrences were typically options between
an ordinary versus an extraordinary occurrence
(see comments on Judg 6:36-40 and
1 Sam 6:7-9. In this case, however, either of
the Philistine challenges could be seen as typical
and appropriate. It would seem, instead,
that Jonathan is looking for Yahweh’s direction
through an (inadvertent) invitation from
the Philistines to come into the camp.
14:14. area of battle. The Hebrew text is very
difficult, and translations vary greatly (NIV:
“in an area of about half an acre”). The reference
to half a furrow in the Hebrew text suggests
that Jonathan cut a swath half a furrow
wide (estimated at ten to fifteen yards)
through a field of about one acre.
14:15. earthquake. In the ancient Near East
the thundering in the sky and the trembling of
the earth are commonly paired together as an
indication of the divine involvement in battle
(see comment on 2:9). Additionally, the dread
of a deity as a divine warrior was often believed
to precede a powerful, successful army
into battle. Egyptian texts attribute this terror
to Amun-Re in the inscriptions of Thutmose
III, and Hittite, Assyrian and Babylonian texts
all have their divine warriors who strike terror
into the hearts of the enemy. It is a common
motif that one of the ways a deity achieves
victory is by throwing the enemy into confusion.
An example in Egyptian literature occurs
in the myth of Horus at Edfu: Horus confuses
the enemy so that they begin to fight one another
until none remain.
1 SAMUEL 14:3-24 14:19-20. oracular use of the ephod. The Urim
and Thummim were kept in a pouch in the
priest’s ephod (see above, verse 3). Information
from the Urim and Thummim presumably
would be gained by posing a yes-no
question and then shaking out one of the
stones. It is thought that the same stone would
have to be shaken out three times in succession
to confirm the answer. When Saul instructs
Ahijah to withdraw his hand, he has
made the decision to discontinue the oracular
process and proceed without divine guidance.
14:23. aspects of divine intervention. Evidence
for crediting the Lord with the victory
would be seen in four elements that typically
indicated divine intervention: direction
through an oracle (v. 10); success by the outnumbered
army (v. 14); earthquake (v. 15); and
confusion and panic among the Philistines (v.
20). These are all connected to the work of
Jonathan, while Saul was experiencing no
such divine help or guidance even though he
anxiously sought it.
14:23. Beth Aven. The town of Beth Aven has
not been identified with any certainty. The
way it is introduced in the texts suggests it
was more prominent than Ai. Tell Maryam is
often considered the prime candidate. It has
not been excavated, but surveys have turned
up Iron Age remains. Hosea is thought to use
Beth Aven as a pejorative name (lit. “house of
wickedness”; cf. Hos 4:15; 5:8; 10:5) for Bethel
(house of God), north of Micmash. As still another
alternative, some manuscripts of the
Old Testament read Beth Horon, which was
due east of Micmash. Any of these towns
would have been on a route of pursuit to Aijalon.
14:24. fasting for battle. Fasting is little attested
in the ancient Near East outside of the Bible.
It generally occurs in the context of
mourning. In the Old Testament the religious
use of fasting is often in connection with mak-
1 SAMUEL 14:31-48 302
ing a request before God. The principle is that
the importance of the request causes an individual
to be so concerned about his or her
spiritual condition that physical necessities
fade into the background. In this sense the act
of fasting is designed as a process leading to
purification and humbling oneself before God
Ps 69:10. This would be a normal procedure
to use in rituals preparing for battle but is incomprehensible
as a requirement during the
battle. The emphasis Saul places on the fast is
for the sake of his own vengeance rather than
for the sake of consecration to the Lord.
1 SAMUEL 14:31-48 14:31. Micmash to Aijalon. Aijalon (modern
Yalo) was a few miles southwest of Beth
Horon and about twenty miles west of Micmash.
The town was on the edge of the hill
country.
14:32-35. eating without draining blood. Sacred
literature from Ugarit and Mesopotamia,
as well as Israel, identified blood as the life
force of any animal. As such in Israelite tradition
it belonged to the life-giver, the creator
God Yahweh. Therefore the Israelites were
prohibited from consuming meat which still
contained blood. This sacred fluid had to be
drained from the meat and “poured on the
ground like water” so that it returned to the
earth. In sacrificial contexts the blood was to
be poured on the altar (see Lev 17:11-12. The
prohibition against eating meat with the
“blood still in it” in Leviticus 19:26 is tied to
the injunction against participating in any
form of divination or sorcery. Thus, rather
than a dietary law, this decree involves the
practice of draining blood from a sacrificial animal
into the ground or a sacred pit, which
was designed to attract the spirits of the dead
(see 1 Sam 28:7-19 or chthonic deities, and to
consult them about the future. Such practices
are found in several Hittite ritual texts and in
Odysseus’s visit to the underworld (Odyssey
XI, 23-29, 34-43). These practices were condemned
Deut 18:10-11 because they infringed
on the idea of Yahweh as an allpowerful
God, who was not controlled by fate.
14:33-35. rock as an altar. Having a stone
function as an altar was not unprecedented. A
stone served as an altar for the sacrifice at
Beth Shemesh (6:14). Secular slaughter of animals
was permitted as long as the animal’s
blood was poured out on the ground (Deut
12:15-24).
14:37. no reply by the oracle. It is generally
assumed that the Urim and Thummim were
being used for oracular inquiries (see next entry)
and that for an answer to be affirmed it
would have to be repeated a specified number
of times.
14:40-43. binary process for determining
guilt. Saul arranged a lot-casting ceremony
similar to that used to elect him king (10:19-
21) and to condemn Achan Josh 7:16-18.
According to a section of text provided by
some reliable manuscripts, the decision was
made through the use of the Urim and
Thummim (see Ex 28:30; Lev 8:8; Deut 33:8,
items kept in the priest’s ephod. No description
of these objects is found in Scripture, although
traditions from the Hellenistic and
later periods suggest they were markers,
whose appearance and presentation when
cast like lots would determine God’s will
(see Num 27:21; 1 Sam 14:37-41; 28:6). The
practice of posing yes-no questions to the
gods (asking oracles) is known throughout
the ancient Near East. Particularly of interest
are the Babylonian tamitu texts, which preserve
the answers to many oracular questions.
Positive and negative stones (thought
to be bright stones and dark stones) were
also used widely in Mesopotamia in a procedure
called psephomancy. In one Assyrian
text alabaster and hematite are specifically
mentioned. The yes-no question would be
posed and then a stone shaken out. The
same color stone would have to be shaken
out three times consecutively for the answer
to be confirmed. Urim is the Hebrew word
for “lights” and therefore would logically be
associated with bright or white stones. One
recent study has pointed out that hematite,
because of its use for weights and seals, was
termed the “truth stone” in Sumerian. The
Hebrew word thummim could have a similar
meaning. Hittite KIN-oracles feature a detailed
description of the question, concluding
with the request that the answer be
favorable. Then there is a series of three castings
of the lot to determine the answer. In
this context a series of yes or no questions
were posed, and after this binary inquisition
the lot indicated Jonathan as the offender.
14:47-48. Saul’s conquests. The narrator’s selection
has focused on the spiritual failures of
Saul, but here he makes it clear that there were
many victories. There is no suggestion in the
text or evidence from extrabiblical materials to
suggest that these victories represented an expansion
of Israelite control or territory. Moab,
Ammon and Edom are the neighbors to the
east and south. Philistines and Amalekites
border on the southwest and are the Israelites’
archenemies during this period. Zobah is an
Aramean state located in the Beqa Valley region
of modern Lebanon. It is possible that
these battles of Saul’s were defensive rather
than offensive.
303 1 SAMUEL 15:1-22
15:1-35
Saul’s Amalekite Failure
15:2-8. Amalekites. The Amalekites were a
nomadic tribe inhabiting the desert south of
Judah in the Negev and Sinai. The biblical
writers saw them, like the Edomites, as descended
from Esau. They were the traditional
enemies of the Israelites, beginning in Exodus
17:8-13, where they attempted to block the Israelites
from crossing into West Asia from
Egypt. The passage here is the first recorded
instance of the Israelites invading Amalekite
territory. The Amalekites are not mentioned in
any extrabiblical source.
1 Samuel 15:1-22 15:3. the ban. The “ban” is sometimes chosen
as the English word to represent the concept
of total destruction that is commanded here.
Just as there were some types of sacrifices that
belonged entirely to the Lord while others
were shared by priest and offerer, so some
plunder was set aside as belonging solely to
the Lord. Just as the whole burnt offering was
entirely consumed on the altar, so the ban
mandated total destruction. Since the warfare
was commanded by Yahweh and represented
his judgment on Israel’s enemies, the Israelites
were on a divine mission with Yahweh as
their commander. Since it was his war, not
theirs, and he was the victor, the spoil belonged
to him. Although the divine warrior
motif occurs throughout the ancient Near
East, the h[erem concept is more limited—the
only other occurrence of the term is in the Moabite
Mesha inscription, but the idea of total
destruction is also in the Hittite material. The
best analogy for us to understand h[erem is to
think in terms of radiation. A nuclear explosion
would destroy many things and irradiate
much more. The abhorrence and caution with
which we would respond to that which has
been irradiated is similar to what is expected
of the Israelites regarding things under the
ban. If radiation were personified, one could
understand that once something was given
over to it, it was irredeemable. It was this condition
that Saul exposed himself to by not following
the instructions for the ban. Although
peoples outside the land were exempt from
this, God had singled out the Amalekites for
destruction because of their acts against God’s
people (15:2).
15:4. Telaim. Telaim (Telem in Josh 15:24 was
a city of uncertain location in the Negev, but
not far from Ziph (modern Khirbit ez-Zeifeh),
about thirty miles south of Hebron. The city
belonged to the tribe of Judah.
15:4. size of army. Saul had only used three
thousand men in 1 Samuel 13, and David
fought against the Amalekites with only four
hundred men. The word translated “thousand”
in these passages should be rendered
by its alternate meaning, “companies” or “divisions.”
Rather than a specified number, it
has been suggested that each clan supplied a
division, with the number varying dependent
on the size of the clan. Later in history these
companies were standardized as having a
thousand, but here there may be as few as ten
in a division. Thus two hundred military divisions
came from Israel and ten from Judah.
The precise numbers of soldiers would not be
known.
15:6. Kenites. The Kenites are mentioned in
Scripture as having a nonaggressive relationship
with Israel. It has been argued that the
term Kenite is a reference to metalworking and
that the Kenites were itinerant smiths. They
were usually found on the southeast border of
Judah near Edom. Many of the Kenites were
linked to Moses Judg 1:16, 4:11). Some have
suggested that they enjoyed a status as ritual
specialists.
15:7. Havilah to Shur. The location of Havilah
is uncertain but was probably on the western
edge of the Arabian Peninsula near modern
Medina (see comment on Gen 25:18. Though
it is not impossible that Saul chased them all
the way to Egypt, other possibilities are allowed
in the wording of the text. One is that
Saul chased them along that road. A second is
that the text is identifying a certain group of
Amalekites, those working the trade route
from Havilah to Shur.
1 SAMUEL 15:12-33 15:12. king’s monument. Ancient Near Eastern
kings often commemorated a victory with
a commemorative stele. These would typically
offer the details of the successful military
campaigns and proclaim the suzerainty of the
king over the area. One of the most famous is
a stele of the Egyptian king Merenptah (c.
1224-1214) commemorating a victory over the
Libyans. They tended to glorify (and enhance)
the king but additionally were usually intended
to elaborate on how the deity had brought
victory to his favored one. Saul’s monument
was at the Judean town of Carmel. Absalom
set up a similar monument in the King’s Valley
2 Sam 18:18.
15:22. obedience better than sacrifice. In the
ancient Near East oracular instructions from
the deity typically concerned ritual procedures
for the king to perform. If there were instructions
to carry out some military activity,
it could easily be assumed that the deity
would give such a command in order that his
or her temple could benefit from the booty
that would be taken. As a result, it would be
1 SAMUEL 15:23—16:1 304
difficult to separate the ideas of obedience and
sacrifice. Obedience to most oracular instructions
would inevitably result in sacrifices being
offered to the deity. It is easy to
understand how Saul would see obedience in
terms of sacrifice rather than as an alternative
possibility.
15:23. comparison of offenses in ancient
Near East context. The Hebrew word that the
NIV translates “rebellion” has to do with
pressing one’s case. It is used to describe the
Israelites’ contentiousness in the wilderness.
Here it represents Saul’s attempts to justify
and excuse his actions. Samuel compares this
to divination. Divination assumed that there
was knowledge to be gained about the activities
and motives of the gods through the use
of various indicators (such as the entrails of
sacrificed animals). It professed to be able to
identify what would please the deity without
specific input from the deity. In the same way
Saul was contending that he knew what
would be pleasing to deity (despite Yahweh’s
specific commands). His contentions claimed
the same kind of information divination
would offer—that he had an inside track on
what would please God. The Hebrew word
NIV translates “arrogance” is used when
someone is trying to force a particular course
of action. Samuel appropriately compares
this to idolatry (specifically he refers to teraphim;
see comment on Gen 31:19 in that the
idols were typically used to manipulate and
coerce the gods into particular courses of action
(see comment on Deut 4:15-18. Food
and gifts were presented to the gods so that
the gods would be obliged to grant requests
or bestow blessings. Samuel is suggesting
that that is exactly the activity Saul intends to
engage in as he plans to present all of these
cattle to the Lord. Saul was attempting to
manipulate with gifts in the same way that
idol worshipers did.
15:27. Samuel’s hem. As the high priest’s garments
had an elaborately decorated hem (Ex
28:33-34), Samuel’s robe would also have had
a distinctive fringe or design marking him as a
prophet. It may have been specially dyed or
contained a special stitching, and it symbolized
his power and authority. Its importance
for identification is indicated by the fact that a
hem impressed on a clay tablet is used to
identify a prophet in the Mari texts. A husband
divorced his wife by symbolically cutting
off the hem of her robe. Grasping the hem
of the garment was a common phrase found
in Ugaritic, Aramaic and Akkadian (languages
related to biblical Hebrew). In Akkadian
the phrase was “to seize the hem.” Grasping
the hem of someone’s garment was a gesture
of supplication and submission, both in Israel
and Mesopotamia. Saul’s grasping of Samuel’s
skirt was a final plea for mercy. This is
also the case in the Ugaritic Baal Cycle, where
Anat seizes the hem of Mot’s garment to plead
for her brother Baal. Old Babylonian texts evidence
the seizing of the hem as a means of
forcing a person into a legal confrontation.
When the hem ripped, the prophet recognized
this as a symbolic act. The tearing of the garment
represented the tearing of the kingdom
from Saul’s hands.
15:33. put Agag to death. The word used here
is unique in the Old Testament and is sometimes
translated “hacked to pieces.” Dismemberment
was a common procedure for the
execution of high-ranking enemies and is depicted
on a relief of the Assyrian king, Shalmaneser
III.
16:1-12
1 SAMUEL 15:23—16:1 David’s Anointing
16:1-13. succession narrative and Hittite
apology. The description of David’s rise to the
throne of Israel has some similarities with annalistic
documents from Hittite Anatolia of
the fourteenth and thirteenth centuries B.C.
The Proclamation of Telepinu is a decree or an
edict with a long prologue justifying the
king’s cause. Telepinu, a usurper, attempted
to justify his accession to the throne by recalling
events that actually happened generations
before the reign of the king he overthrew. Although,
like David, he did not claim any hereditary
legitimacy, he showed that he
belonged to a line of legitimate and successful
predecessors whose principles were betrayed
by the king whom he removed. A second example,
the Apology of Hattusilis, was a document
whose purpose was to justify the revolt
that brought Hattusilis to the throne. Like Telepinu,
he claimed to have taken the throne because
of an unworthy predecessor. David’s
replacement of the unworthy Saul has superficial
similarities with these two Hittite kings.
The biblical text, however, is anxious to demonstrate
that David did not usurp the throne
and in fact did nothing to undermine the reign
of Saul. He was not involved in any plot but
was simply a pawn in the divine plan.
16:1. anointing with olive oil. Anointing a
king was common practice in some parts of
the ancient Near East. Among the Egyptians
and Hittites, anointing was believed to protect
a person from the power of netherworld deities.
Much of the evidence comes from Hittite
sources describing enthronement ceremonies.
305 1 SAMUEL 16:4-14
There is no evidence of kings being anointed
in Mesopotamia. In Egypt the pharaoh was
not anointed, but he anointed his officials and
his vassals. This anointing established their
subordinate relationship to him and indicated
his protection of them. In the Amarna texts
there is reference to a king of Nuhasse (in
modern Syria) being anointed by the pharaoh.
This model would fit the idea of David being
anointed as a vassal to God. In 2 Samuel 2:4 it
is the people who anoint David. This anointing
suggests some sort of contractual agreement
between David and the people he will
govern. In Nuzi, individuals entering a business
agreement anoint one another with oil,
and in Egypt, oil anointment is used in wedding
ceremonies. For information on royal
coronations see comment on 11:15. The spices
used for anointing purposes were myrrh, cinnamon,
cane and cassia (see recipe in Ex
30:23-25). Oil symbolized the gifts of God to
the people and the responsibilities now laid
on their leaders through this ceremony. In Israelite
practice, anointing was a sign of election
and often closely related to endowment
by the Spirit. Additionally, throughout the ancient
world anointing symbolized an advance
of a person’s legal status. Both concepts of protection
and change of status may correlate to
the king’s anointing, for it would offer him
protection on the throne and identify him with
the divine realm.
16:4. Bethlehem. The village of Bethlehem
was about six miles south of Jerusalem, lying
on the border of the fertile region of Beit-Jalah
and the dry region of Boaz near the Judean
Desert. Bethlehem may be mentioned in a
fourteenth-century letter of Abdi-Hepa, king
of Jerusalem. He refers to a town called
Bet-Ninurta, which some have suggested
could be read as Bit-Lahama. There are meager
Iron Age (c. 1200-586 B.C.) remains found
at Bethlehem, primarily on the lower city.
16:5. sacrifices at local shrines. Before the construction
of the temple in Jerusalem, it was acceptable
for the Israelites to perform sacrifices
at local sanctuaries, which were quite numerous.
Though the term is not used here, this
may be one of the high places (Hebrew bamoth),
man-made installations in which cultic
acts were performed. Such installations often
included cultic furniture, such as a platform
or an altar. In later periods the high places
were condemned by the prophets.
16:7. deity searching the heart. It was a common
understanding that the gods were not
limited to what could be observed on the outside
but were capable of deeper insight. In an
intriguing Sumerian lament the moon god is
portrayed as one who searches the bowels and
the hearts of an anointed one who stands before
him in supplication. In a Neo-Babylonian
text, Shamash (the god of justice) is said to see
into the heart of man.
16:10-11. eighth son. The motif of the youngest,
eighth son as a hero is seen as early as the
Sumerian epic called Lugalbanda in Khurrumkhurra
(mid-third millennium), where
Lugalbanda is the eighth son who joins his
seven older brothers on an escapade to conquer
the city of Aratta. Through a series of adventures
he emerges the hero.
1 SAMUEL 16:4-14
16:13-23
David at the Palace
16:13-14. role of the Spirit of the Lord. In the
Judges period the Spirit of the Lord endowed
an individual with central authority that only
the Lord possessed (see comment on Judg
6:34-35). The Spirit of the Lord came on Saul
in very similar circumstances (see comment
on 11:6) and also associated him with prophetic
activity (see 10:6). The role of the king represented
a more permanent central authority
and likewise relied on empowerment by the
Lord. The king was an agent of deity and a
heavenly functionary just as judges and
prophets were. The Spirit did not empower
two individuals for the same task at the same
time. When David received the authorization
for the role as representative, it was taken
away from Saul. Just as the Spirit was able to
give the positive attributes of courage, charisma,
insight, wisdom and confidence, negative
results could also be produced by spiritual influence.
These would include fear, paranoia,
indecisiveness, suspicion and shortsightedness.
The term used to describe this spiritual
influence in verse 14 does not necessarily suggest
something morally evil but has a wide
range of negative manifestations (see for instance
Judg 9:23; Is 4:4; 37:7; 61:3). Just as God
can punish with physical illness, he can discipline
by means of psychological affliction. In
Mesopotamia the king was seen as being endowed
with the melammu of the gods (the visible
representation of the glory of deity). It
designated him as the divine representative
and indicated that his legitimacy was approved
by the gods. In Assyrian inscriptions it
is pictured hovering over the king. The melammu
could be revoked if the king proved unworthy
or incompetent. So in the epilogue to
Hammurabi’s Laws the king utters a curse on
anyone who does not heed the words of the
law. If it is a future king, Hammurabi says,
“May Anu revoke his melammu, break his
1 SAMUEL 16:16—17:4 306
scepter and curse his destiny.”
16:16-18. court musicians. Court musicians,
both male and female, are attested at many
royal courts throughout the ancient Near East.
They are attested in texts (including, for instance,
Uruk and Mari) in the Tigris-Euphrates
Valley, Hittite Anatolia and Egypt.
Additionally, musicians are frequently portrayed
in Egyptian tomb paintings. Musicians
were usually retained for the ruler’s entertainment
or for cultic ceremonies. They were included
among permanent palace personnel,
as ration lists demonstrate.
16:16. harp. The musical instrument here is
more precisely a lyre, a stringed instrument. It
usually had two arms rising up from the
sound box. The strings were attached to the
crossbar at the top of the instrument. Examples
of lyres have been found at Canaanite
Megiddo.
16:20. gifts sent with David. One can assume
that David’s father Jesse was honored by the
drafting of his son into royal service and thus
sent gifts. Bread and wine are occasionally
mentioned as gifts in the Old Testament. The
precise purpose for gifts in this passage is unknown.
However, without any formal taxation,
David’s family may have made a
donation to the royal kitchen, since David
himself was part of the king’s house. There are
many examples of subordinates in the
Neo-Assyrian period bringing gifts of food to
the Assyrian monarch.
17:1-58
David and Goliath
17:1. Philistines. The group of Philistines that
are known through the narratives of 1 and
2 Samuel came into the Palestine area with the
migration from the Aegean region of the Sea
Peoples about 1200 B.C. It is the Sea Peoples
that are generally thought to have been responsible
for the fall of the Hittite Empire and
the destruction of many cities along the coast
of Syria and Palestine, such as Ugarit, Tyre, Sidon,
Megiddo and Ashkelon, though the evidence
for their involvement in those areas is
circumstantial. Their battles with the Egyptian
pharaoh Rameses III are depicted on the famous
wall paintings at Medinet Habu. This
international upheaval is also reflected in the
Homeric epic of the siege of Troy. Coming
from Crete, Greece and Anatolia, the Sea Peoples
may have used Cyprus as a base from
which to launch their attacks. Following the
repulsion of the Sea Peoples from Egypt, the
tribe that came to be known as the Philistines
settled on the southern coast of Palestine,
where they established their five capital cities
of Ashkelon, Ashdod, Ekron (Tell Miqne),
Gath (Tell es-Safi) and Gaza. They had overrun
Israelite territory in the battle in which the
ark was taken 1 Sam 4 and again will do so
in the battle in which Saul and his sons are
killed (chap. 31). During the reign of Saul
there is continual conflict as Saul tries to rid
the land of their presence and prevent further
incursions.
1 SAMUEL 16:16—17:4 17:1. location of Philistine camp. Socoh
(modern Khirbet Abbad) was a town in the
Shephelah Valley about fourteen miles west of
Bethlehem near Philistine territory. The site
has been surveyed and has produced ceramic
remains dated to this time period. Azekah
(modern Tell ez-Zakariyeh) was a fortress
three miles northwest of Socoh, which controlled
the main road across the Elah Valley.
The site was excavated earlier this century,
uncovering a rectangular fortress with four
towers that was dated to this period. This area
was of strategic importance to both sides as
the main pass between the Philistine plain and
the Judean hills. The main road through the
Shephelah region heads north from Lachish to
Azekah, but about a mile south of Azekah a
road goes east following the Wadi es-Sant that
opens into the Elah Valley. Ephes-Dammim
has not been positively identified but would
logically be looked for in this area.
17:2. Israelite camp. The Valley of Elah (“Terebinth”)
was the broad north-south plain that
had an opening where the Wadi es-Sant started
its rise into the hill country of Judah, about
two miles east of Socoh.
17:4. Gath. Gath has been tentatively identified
as Tell es-Safi, five miles south of Tell
Miqne/Ekron. Of the five major cities of the
Philistines it was the closest to Judah. There
has been little excavation at the site, though it
has been confirmed that there are Iron Age remains.
The city was located about five miles
west of Azekah by the Wadi es-Sant that
opens up into the Elah Valley.
17:4. Goliath’s size. Goliath’s height is given
in the text as about nine and a half feet. It is
suspected that he is of the same stock as the
Anakim, the giant inhabitants of the land that
the Israelite armies were able to defeat in the
conquest. The descendants of Anak are generally
considered “giants,” though the description
“gigantic” may be a more appropriate
line of thinking. Champions of this size are
not simply a figment of Israelite imagination
or the result of embellished legends. The
Egyptian letter on Papyrus Anastasi I (thirteenth
century B.C.) describes fierce warriors
in Canaan who are seven to nine feet tall.
307 1 SAMUEL 17:5-25
17:5-7. Goliath’s armor. Goliath’s helmet was
likely the typical Philistine feathered headdress
known from Palestinian and Egyptian
art. His body armor (“plaited cuirass”) was
probably of a well-known Egyptian style of
bronze scale armor that covered the entire
body, weighing over 125 pounds. One of the
best descriptions of scale armor comes from
the Nuzi texts, where a mail coat was comprised
of anywhere from seven hundred to
over one thousand scales of varying sizes.
These scales were sewn onto a jerkin of leather
or cloth. The front and back were sewn together
at the shoulders (with a space for the
head) and probably reached to the knees. His
greaves were probably made of molded
bronze around the entire calf, padded inside
with leather, a type known from Mycenaean
Greece. His scimitar (NIV: bronze javelin)
was probably a heavy, curved, flat sword
with a cutting edge on the outer side of the
blade (see comment on Josh 8:18. His spear
was something like a javelin, with an iron
spear point that weighed over fifteen
pounds. It may have been equipped with a
ring for slinging, a type known both in contemporary
Greece and Egypt. Although most
of the weapons were made of bronze, the
spear point was made of iron. Goliath’s
shield was most likely a standing shield,
which would have been larger that a round
shield.
17:8-10. champion warfare. At times individual
combat was used, with the individuals
viewed as representatives of their
respective armies, so that the divine will
could be expressed. Examples of individual
combat are known in Egypt on the Beni
Hasan wall painting (early second millennium)
and in the Egyptian Tale of Sinuhe. It is
likewise depicted on a Canaanite vase from
the first half of the second millennium.
Nearer in time, parallels can be found in the
Iliad (Hector against Ajax, Paris against Menelaus)
and the Hittite Apology of Hattusilis
III. A relief from the tenth century found at
Tell Halaf depicts two combatants grabbing
at one another’s heads and thrusting with
short swords.
17:11. role of king. The text undoubtedly
wants to display Saul’s incompetence. The
people had sought a king to lead their armies
into battle. It was not odd, however, for a king
to send out a champion rather than going
himself. Even in the event that the king was a
great warrior, others would be given the opportunity
to prove their skills first. In some
senses it would resemble all of the preliminary
bouts that precede the “main event” in
boxing. As early as the Sumerian epic Gilgamesh
and Aka, the practice is seen of the
real champion holding back while he sends a
capable fighter under his command to engage
the enemy. This is also evident in the Iliad,
where Patroclus dons the armor of Achilles in
order to go out and challenge Hector. Nevertheless,
given the amount of time that had
gone by, Saul should by now have been willing
to take up the challenge himself.
1 SAMUEL 17:5-25 17:12. Ephrathite. The Ephrathites were probably
a tribal subdivision of the Calebites from
the Bethlehem region. Bethlehem was a village
within the larger Ephrathah clan, and later
the clan became synonymous with the
village itself.
17:12. Bethlehem. See comment on 16:4.
17:17-18. food supplies. David came to the
camp with about half a bushel of roasted
grain (either wheat or barley), loaves of
bread and cuts of cheese, all of which were
favorites for common people. The grain
would typically be fashioned into loaves for
consumption, and some would likely be
made into beer. In Egyptian texts ten loaves
of bread, a half a pound of barley and a jug of
beer represented a standard daily wage. The
Assyrian annals describe soldiers traveling
with grain and straw for their horses. Local
governors in Assyria were required to open
granaries for armies that were traveling
through the region. Since the army is in the
vicinity of the Judean hills, it is likely that the
people from the area were expected to provide
supplies.
17:18. what David is getting from them. David
was told to ask how his brothers were doing
and to “pick up their assurance.” This was
likely some sort of token returned with David
to confirm that the goods had been provided.
This would be proof that Jesse had met his obligations
to supply the army and would be the
brothers’ way of collecting their rations. An
Akkadian (a language from Mesopotamia related
to Hebrew) pledge was often a cased
clay tablet sent with a messenger.
17:19. distance between Bethlehem and Elah.
Bethlehem was about fifteen miles from the
Valley of Elah, which took most of the day for
David to walk.
17:25. reward for killing Goliath. Ancient
kings were often interested in procuring the
allegiance of those who had demonstrated
military prowess. Marriage agreements in the
ancient Near East would often function as political
or social alliances between families and
thus benefit both parties. Thus the champion’s
family would receive important recognition
from being connected to the crown, while the
1 SAMUEL 17:36-43 308
king would be allied to the renowned hero
who had killed Goliath. The Hebrew says
nothing about taxes, only that his father’s
house will be free in Israel. Some have compared
the Hebrew word to its Akkadian cognate,
which sometimes designates a social
class. This then would probably describe a
family that had become clients of the crown,
supported by allocations of plots of land and
supplies, which is implied in 1 Samuel 22:7.
This type of client class is well known from
Mari texts, the Code of Hammurabi and the
Laws of Eshnunna. In these texts, individuals
received land grants from the crown, likely
based upon service rendered to the king. Perhaps
more likely is the comparison to another
term in Ugaritic texts that refers to a reward
for an act of bravery. It exempts the recipient
from mandatory service to palace.
1 Samuel 17:36-43 17:36. lions and bears around Bethlehem. Recent
excavations in Palestine have uncovered
both the lion and the bear in Iron Age levels
(early first millennium B.C.). Bears were typically
found in the hilly wooded areas of the
central hill country, where caves and forests
provided their habitat. Similarly the lion
would have made its home in the central hills,
which were more heavily forested during this
period. Although evidence for the lion is lacking
in the modern era, the bear survived in the
region until early this century. In this region in
antiquity the lion was found in Greece, Turkey
(Anatolia), the Near East, Iran and India,
while there was a Syrian form of the widespread
brown bear.
17:37. expectation of divine intervention. The
idea that God fought as a partner in battle was
a common theme in the ancient Near East.
Victories were attributed to deities in both
Egypt and Mesopotamia. In fact the encounter
was initiated by the deity itself, who then
fought alongside the monarch (see comment
on 4:3-7). In Egypt regiments were named after
the god under whose standard they
fought. In Canaan the divine warrior was
identified as one who devastated nature.
However, it was recognized by these societies
that the gods also participated through the
use of individual agents who had been commissioned
to do the god’s bidding in battle.
This aspect is seen clearly in contemporary
Greek literature as the various gods aid and
protect their favorites in the Iliad.
17:38-39. Saul’s armor. The use of protective
armor (shields, helmets, coats and greaves) is
attested in Egypt and Mesopotamia by the
early third millennium B.C. Though rarely
found in archaeological contexts, even early
portrayal of soldiers depict them wearing
heavy armor (for example on reliefs from the
Sumerian city of Lagash and from murals
from Hierakonopolis in Pre-Dynastic Egypt).
The palace of the Assyrian king Sennacherib
(seventh century B.C.) exhibits numerous wall
reliefs portraying Assyrian military dress and
tactics. The king’s tunic and armor would
have been very distinctive. If David went out
dressed in them, many would have thought
that the king himself was going out. Perhaps
such a misidentification would have seemed
attractive to Saul, who had been sought out by
the Israelites to lead them forth in battle. In
the Iliad a similar switch occurred when Patroclus
went out in the armor of Achilles, hoping
to intimidate the Trojans. David’s refusal
would have reflected his recognition that
without being trained on how to use the armor
and weapons to his advantage, they
would become a detriment.
17:40. sling. Although described simply as a
shepherd’s weapon here, the sling was also
used in organized warfare, and Goliath would
have been well aware of its deadly potential.
Assyrian slingers are depicted on the walls of
Sennacherib’s palace at Nineveh. In the Babylonian
Wisdom composition entitled Ludlul
Bel Nemeqi the sufferer reports his deliverance
by a variety of metaphors, one of which
claims that Marduk took away his enemy’s
sling and turned aside his sling stone. Assyrian
sling balls were found at Lachish, an Iron
Age Judean fortress town. These were the size
of a human fist (two to three inches in diameter)
and had been used for the successful Assyrian
siege of Lachish in 701 B.C. (possibly
also by the Babylonians in their siege of Lachish
in 587 B.C.). The Benjaminites were known
to be deadly accurate with their slings (Judg
20:16), and it is estimated that a skilled slinger
could hurl the rocks at more than one hundred
miles per hour. The effective range
would probably not exceed one hundred
yards. The stone was held in a leather pouch
with cords attached at opposite ends. The
sling was whirled over the head until the person
let go of one of the ends.
17:43-47. prebattle insults. Goliath’s insults
and curses against David and his God reflect a
common rhetoric in these types of confrontations
that is found throughout the Near East
and eastern Mediterranean. Insulting bravado
was intended to demoralize and intimidate
the opponent. The curses that were included
were not merely empty words but were presumably
backed by the person’s deity. Sennacherib’s
representatives at the gates of
Jerusalem in 701 B.C. extolled the greatness of
the gods of Assyria and ridiculed the God of
309 1 SAMUEL 17:43—18:4
Judah as incapable of defending his city (2
Kings 18:17-36). In the Gilgamesh Epic the
guardian of the cedar forest, Huwawa, tells
Gilgamesh that he should have given his flesh
to be eaten by birds of prey and scavengers.
1 SAMUEL 17:43—18:4 17:43. names of Goliath’s gods. Although Goliath’s
gods are not named, one of the primary
deities of the Philistines mentioned in the Bible
is Dagon, the patron deity of many West
Semitic peoples from the Middle Euphrates
region to the Mediterranean coast. Temples to
Dagon have been found at the Philistine sites
of Gaza and Ashdod. They also worshiped
Baal-Zebub, whose temple has been found at
Ekron, and the goddess Ashtoreth, who had a
temple at Beth Shan 1 Sam 31:8-13. Archaeology,
however, has also shown that the Philistines
had cultic and architectural connections
with the Aegean. Schematic representations of
female deities similar to those found in the
Aegean have been found at Ashdod, Ekron
and Tell Qasile. Cultic vessels showing Aegean
influence have also been found.
17:45-47. foundation of David’s boast. David’s
claim would have been acknowledged
within the broad theological framework of the
ancient world. There are two concepts in tension
here. The first is that the stronger, betterequipped
warrior is a more effective agent for
the gods who are battling. This would be the
basis for Goliath’s presumed superiority. David
is simply following the logic to its inevitable
end to arrive at the second concept. If the
gods are, in actuality, doing battle with one
another through the human agents, then the
strength and weapons of the human combatants
are irrelevant. Thus Yahweh is described
as Yahweh of Hosts, paraphrased with a military
description, “the God of the battle ranks
of Israel” (author’s translation), and David’s
boast is based on Yahweh’s abilities, not his
own. This claim would perhaps be psychologically
sufficient to undermine Goliath’s confidence.
Similarly in the Iliad Hector acknowledges
the superiority of Achilles but suggests
that the gods may be on his side and allow
him to kill Achilles. In another example, when
Hector and Telamonian Aias have fought to a
draw, Hector suggests they desist until another
day, when the gods will have decided
which should win.
17:49. David’s shot. The text offers no information
concerning the range between David
and Goliath when David took his shot. A
stone from a slingshot is capable of delivering
a killing blow but only when striking a few
strategic areas of the head (which was protected).
David’s shot targeted one of the few vulnerable
areas that could render his opponent
unconscious. This allowed him to approach
and secure Goliath’s sword, which he then
used to kill his unconscious victim (despite
the NIV’s implication that the shot killed Goliath).
17:51. cutting off the enemy’s head. Killing
the enemy with his own weapon was not an
unprecedented feat. Similarly, Benaiah took
the Egyptian’s spear out of his hand and
killed him 2 Sam 23:30. In Egyptian literature,
Sinuhe killed a soldier from Retenu with
his own battle-axe. It can be assumed that Goliath’s
head was a trophy that was to be put
on display. Assyrian king Ashurbanibal was
reported to have dined with his queen in the
garden with the head of the king of Elam on
display in a nearby tree.
17:52. Gath, Ekron and Shaarim. Ekron, like
Gath, was one of the five major Philistine cities.
It was about five miles north of Gath.
Shaarim was a city (and also the name of a
highway) near Socoh and Azekah (see Josh
15:36). It is probably the modern site of Khirbit
esh-Sharia, which is about one mile northeast
of Azekah. Thus Shaarim was about six
miles east of Gath and seven miles southeast
of Ekron. The road from Shaarim went west
and could be taken to either Gath or Ekron.
17:58. extrabiblical information on David.
David as an individual is not mentioned by
any ancient Israelite inscription, by any source
outside of Israel or by evidence of any contemporary
material remains at Jerusalem.
However, a recent fragment of a ninth-century
B.C. Aramaic inscription from Tel Dan has the
phrase “House of David,” denoting the royal
house of the kingdom of Judah, the successor
state to the united kingdom of Israel. Thus
there is extrabiblical evidence from an enemy
state that the Judahites understood their dynastic
house to have been derived from a certain
David, who most certainly was the
famous David of the Bible.
18:1-30
David in Saul’s Family and Court
18:4. Jonathan’s gift to David. The word for
the robe that Jonathan gave to David often denotes
a royal robe. Ugaritic texts refer to a special
robe worn by the crown prince. If Israel
had the same custom, Jonathan would be renouncing
his claim to the throne by giving
David that robe. He also gave to him his daily
warrior’s garment and bow. The Israelite
sword was carried in a sheath that hung from
a belt. The bow was probably made of animal
horn and sinews bonded with strips of wood.
Jonathan’s gifts to David may very well repre-
1 SAMUEL 18:5—19:13 310
sent his willingness to give up and transfer his
particular position as heir apparent to the
throne of Israel. He thus was expressing loyalty
and possibly submission to David.
18:5. David’s office. The group of armed men
over which David is given control here is the
standing army made up of the professional
military men. It is possible that this is not a
field post but more of an administrative position
(“secretary of the army”). The position is
to be contrasted with the post given to David
in 1 Samuel 18:13, which suggests a field command
with active duty.
18:6-7. comparison between Saul and David.
The comparison of Saul slaying “his thousands”
and David “his tens of thousands” is a
standard way of expressing a very large number
in parallel lines of poetry. The same parallelism
can be found in Psalm 91:7, where God
protects an individual from a plague, and even
in poetry from Ugarit, where the craftsman
god, Kothar-wa-Hasis, is described as crafting
silver by the thousands and gold by the ten
thousands. The intention of these words is to
convey large numbers, not to offer a comparison
of one being greater than the other. In some
cases the greater honor was placed in the last
position, but Saul could have been angered
simply because David was mentioned in the
same breath as himself, thus placing him in the
same rank as the king.
18:10. harp. See comments on 10:5 and 16:16.
18:10. spear. Saul’s spear appears to have been
a sign of his kingship, somewhat like a scepter
(also see 22:6; 26:7). Saul stood with spear in
hand with his troops in 22:6, in much the same
way as the Egyptian monarch is artistically
depicted with a scepter. The Assyrian kings
were often depicted with weapons in their
hands, which were occasionally spears. The
spear was not designed to be thrown like the
shorter javelins but was usually a thrusting
weapon used by the infantry. Nonetheless the
Iliad portrays mighty warriors hurling heavy
spears effectively at their opponents.
18:13. David’s office. David is said to be given
rule over “one thousand,” but the term probably
refers to the military division supplied by
a clan, with the number varying dependent on
the size of the clan. Later in history these companies
were standardized as having a thousand,
but early on there may have been as few
as ten in a division. Apparently Israel’s army
was divided into these “clans” Num 31:5;
Josh 22:21, 30; Judg 5:8. The army was further
divided into “hundreds” 1 Sam 22:7 and
even fifties (see comment on 1 Sam 8:12. David
is now being put on active duty with a field
command.
18:17. marrying the daughter of a king. Marrying
the eldest daughter of the king would
give David the title of “king’s son-in-law,”
raising his status immensely. In some societies
this would have been a potential steppingstone
to the throne, but no such practice is evidenced
in Israel. David recognized that his
family did not have the same social status as
Saul. Saul would have been anxious to procure
the loyalty and support of such a noteworthy
warrior (see comment on 17:25). Thus David’s
lower social status was not considered a barrier
to his marrying into Saul’s family.
18:25. bride price. The bride price was a sum
of money paid by the fiancé to the girl’s parents
(see comments on Gen 29:21-24; Ex
22:16-17; Deut 22:23, 25; 22:29) and typically
provided for the wife ahead of time in case the
husband deserted her or died. Such provision
would not have been necessary for someone in
the royal household, but the amount of the
bride price would have reflected the status of
the bride. David would not have had the
means to enter into a royal marriage. However,
the price appears to have been set by the father
(see Gen 34:12, and thus Saul attached the
bride price to the military prowess of the husband-
to-be rather than to financial resources. It
was not unusual in the ancient Near East for
casualty counts to be kept by cutting off some
body part: usually hands (see comment on
Judg 8:6 or heads 2 Kings 10:6-8 and the practice
of making piles of heads by Assyrian king
Sargon II). The request for foreskins would
have proven that the victims were Philistines,
because many of the other neighbors of Israel
would have practiced circumcision.
1 SAMUEL 18:5—19:13
19:1-24
Saul’s Pursuit of David
19:13. teraphim. The term teraphim refers to a
household idol or idols that appear to have
had a role in divination Ezek 21:21; Zech 10:2
and were associated with luck and prosperity
of the family. They were explicitly condemned
by the biblical authors Ex 15:23; 2 Kings
23:24). The narrator in Genesis 31 referred to
Laban’s gods as teraphim. The fact that Rachel
was able to hide them under a saddle (Gen
31:19) suggests that some were quite small,
though from this passage, it appears that David
and Michal’s teraphim were of human size
and shape. Many of these small figurines have
been found in Mesopotamia and Syro-Palestine.
They were a part of the “popular” or local
religion, not associated with temples or
national cults for the major deities. One recent
study has suggested they were figurines of the
311 1 SAMUEL 19:18—21:1
ancestors, but others see them more generally
related to the family’s patron deity.
19:18. Ramah. In his desire for safety, David
moved only two miles east of Gibeah/Geba to
Ramah, which was Samuel’s hometown.
19:18-24. Naioth. The term Naioth is associated
with Ramah and is used only here in this
context. It is probably not a proper noun but a
generic word for camps. In the Mari texts the
Akkadian word related to this Hebrew term is
used to describe the encampments of mobile
shepherding communities on the outskirts of
town. It is possible that Israelite prophetic
groups may have occupied shepherd’s residences
or simply formed a similar type of
camp outside Ramah.
19:20. entranced prophesying. One could be
trained for the profession of prophet (or seer),
and there was a prophetic guild in this early
period of Israel’s history, usually identified as
the “sons of the prophets.” Typically these
prophets would use various procedures in order
to prepare themselves for receiving prophetic
oracles. Music played an important role
in inducing a trancelike state (ecstasy) that
was seen as making one receptive to a divine
message. In the Mari texts there is an entire
class of temple personnel who were ecstatics
and who often provided prophetic messages.
This ecstatic prophecy, or prophecy that appears
to proceed from someone in a “possessed”
or trancelike state, was conducted in
Mesopotamia through a functionary labeled a
muhhu. In Israel the phenomenon often resulted
in the prophets being thought of as madmen
(see for example 19:19-24; Jer 29:26. Here
it is not resulting in prophetic messages from
the Lord but serves as a sign of the power of
God on the messengers. In that sense it could
be compared to the tongues of fire in the upper
room in Acts 2.
19:22. well at Secu. Secu denotes a bare height
and is not to be taken as a proper noun, because
it has a definite article (not usual for
proper nouns). There are more than half a
dozen wells or springs along the two-mile
road from Gibeah to Ramah.
19:24. Saul’s “nakedness.” Even Saul was “infected”
by God’s Spirit and became possessed
(had an ecstatic experience) resulting in stripping
off his garments. This is yet another case
of Saul being overcome by the Spirit in various
ways (cf. 10:10; 11:6; 16:14). The term “nakedness”
can denote the removal of the outer
garment, not entire nakedness, and that is
probably what is involved here. He not only
shamed himself in front of Samuel but also
laid aside his kingly regalia, confirming his rejection
as king.
20:1-42
Jonathan Helps David
20:5. New Moon festival. Keyed to its use of a
lunar calendar, ancient Israel marked the first
day of the month, with its “new moon” phase,
as a festival day (every twenty-nine or thirty
days). As on the Sabbath all work was to cease
(see Amos 8:5, and there were sacrifices to be
made Num 28:11-15. In the monarchy period
the king became a prominent figure in these
celebrations (see Ezek 45:17, and this may explain
the political importance of Saul’s feast.
The festival continued to be observed in the
postexilic period as well Ezra 3:5; Neh 10:33.
New Moon festivals were also prominent in
Mesopotamia from late in the third millennium
down to the Neo-Babylonian period in the
middle of the first millennium B.C.
20:6. annual family sacrifice. The tradition of
an annual family sacrifice had also been reflected
in the family of Hannah and Elkanah
(see comment on 1:3). This was separate from
the agricultural festivals and pilgrimages (2
Chron 8:13). In David’s time this meant an ingathering
of the family at the clan site, Bethlehem.
Since it represented a higher level of
obligation and familial loyalty, the annual sacrifice
could easily serve as a valid excuse for
David to absent himself from Saul’s monthly
celebration of the new moon.
20:26. ceremonial uncleanness. Saul considers
David’s absence to be likely due to ritual
impurity. No one could participate in cultic
activity, like the New Moon festival, when in a
state of uncleanness. This could occur in a variety
of ways: contact with bodily discharges
such as semen or blood; contact with the dead
or the diseased; and contact with an object
that has come in contact with something that
is unclean (see the laws of impurity and the
methods for ritual cleansing in Lev 11—15).
Bathing, a waiting period, sacrifices and examination
by a priest were the principal
means of purification.
1 Samuel 19:18—21:1
21:1-9
David’s Flight Through Nob
21:1. Nob. Although its exact location is unknown,
Nob is generally believed to lie just
north of the city of Jerusalem. Possible locations
include Ras el-Mesharif on the slope of
Mount Scopus and Qu’meh (see Is 10:32. In
David’s time it served as the sanctuary site
and was served by Aaron’s descendants. Presumably
it had been moved from Shiloh after
the death of Eli and his sons (see 1 Sam
4:10-22).
1 SAMUEL 21:4-15 312
21:4-6. bread from the table. Twelve loaves of
freshly baked bread were placed on the table
of the Presence to symbolize the twelve tribes
of Israel (see Ex 25:23-30. They were replaced
by new loaves each Sabbath, and the old
loaves were to be consumed by the priests (see
Lev 24:5-9. In this case, due to the need for
supplies and David’s assurance that his men
were ritually clean, Ahimelech had the jurisdiction
to allow for a variance.
21:5. purity of men. Since the “consecrated
bread” was reserved for priestly consumption,
David had to swear that his men were
ritually pure before the priests would give
him the loaves. Sexual intercourse or contact
with women who were menstruating were
among the ways that a man could become
“unclean” Lev 15:32-33.
21:7. chief shepherd. Doeg the Edomite is
probably a mercenary in the employ of Saul.
Many translations allow a slight emendation,
rendering “runner” for this word. This would
fit well with his function as a royal messenger
or spy, whose job was to carry instructions
throughout the kingdom and report unusual
happenings like David’s visit to Nob. A similar
use for royal messengers is found in the
Mari texts. Nevertheless, chief of shepherds is
a common administrative designation, used,
for instance, in the titles of the scribe who copied
the Ugaritic Myth of Baal and Mot.
21:7. reason for Doeg’s presence. Doeg is said
to be detained “before the LORD” at Nob. It is
possible that he is awaiting a reply to a question
sent by the king or a personal oracle. If he
is a messenger, the former seems most likely.
If he is a herdsman, then he may have delivered
a consignment of animals for sacrifice or
be giving an account to the officials at Nob of
his activities.
21:9. behind the ephod. The ephod, as described
in Exodus 28:6-14, was a garment
worn by the high priest. In the ancient Near
East the ephod was one of the garments used
to clothe the image of the deity. Since no image
is mentioned here, another alternative is
that it hung on a stand of some sort (also a
possible explanation of Gideon’s ephod in
Judg 8:24-27. With the ark still out of the picture,
the ephod may have become the holiest
relic of the sanctuary. Captured articles of
power such as Goliath’s sword would therefore
be kept there (just as the ark had been put
in the temple of Dagon, see comment on 5:2).
1 SAMUEL 21:4-15
21:10-15
David and Achish
21:10. Achish. This King Achish is not referred
to in any extrabiblical sources, but the name
Achish is attested as a Philistine royal name at
a later date. Assyrian records of the seventh
century list Ikausu, son of Padi, as the king of
Ekron. Ikausu is the same as Achish, son of
Padi, named on an inscription from the same
period found at Ekron (Tell Miqne).
21:10. why would David go to Gath? Though
over twenty miles from Nob, Gath was the
closest of the major Philistine cities to Judah. It
was most likely David’s intention to offer his
services as a mercenary to the Philistines. It
could be anticipated that they would welcome
a proven military man of David’s reputation
and the opportunity to have this renowned
warrior fighting with them instead of against
them. Additionally, David’s allegiance might
eventually give them the chance to launch a
strike against Saul and depose him, putting
David on the throne of Israel as their puppet.
All of this would have argued for the Philistines
welcoming David with open arms, but
factors were at work for which he had not calculated.
21:11. song. David’s notoriety as a mighty
warrior and enemy of the Philistines is recalled
by Achish’s advisers. They quote the
chant first mentioned in 1 Samuel 18:7 to warn
their lord not to trust him. Its lauding of David
has taken on the status of national anthem
and neutralizes any positive potential David
might have hoped for the Philistines to imagine.
21:13-15. feigned insanity. David was sharp
enough to recognize that his negative status as
an enemy warrior was obscuring his potential
status as a mercenary, ally and potential puppet
ruler. Thus he shrewdly reclassified himself
by changing his behavior and acting
insane. Though David’s reputation was wellknown,
very few Philistines would have ever
got a close enough look at David to identify
him by appearance. The only evidence they
have that he is the famous David is his own
self-identification. By acting insane, he discredits
that identification. Now he is just a
madman claiming to be a famous person. In
the ancient Near East, insanity was often identified
with possession by a god. A sign of this
is that the Hebrew word used here for David’s
actions, shaga‘, appears in 2 Kings 9:11, Hosea
9:7 and Jeremiah 29:26 for ecstatic (i.e., “mad”)
behavior by prophets. These people, while accepted
as signs of the presence and sometimes
as the messengers of the gods, were not
sought after. They must be allowed to live,
which is what David was counting on here,
but they were also excluded, when possible,
from polite society.
313 1 SAMUEL 22:1-14
22:1-5
David Gathers a Band
22:1. cave of Adullam. This site in the Shephelah
(possibly Tell esh-Sheikh Madhkur, five
miles south of Beth Shemesh and ten miles
southeast of Gath) served as a rallying point
and stronghold for David and his men during
his period as an outlaw (see 2 Sam 23:13 for its
association with David’s exploits involving
his thirty “mighty men”). It seems to lie in a
sort of “no man’s land” between Philistine
and Israelite territory.
1 Samuel 22:1—22L14 22:1-2. David’s band. Like other political and
social dissidents before him (see Jephthah’s
band of adventurers in Judg 11:3, David assembled
a group of four hundred men during
his outlaw period. This included some family
members (since otherwise Saul would probably
have imprisoned or killed them because of
their association with David), but the majority
of his band was probably made up of social
outcasts (known in ancient Near Eastern literature
as habiru), mercenaries and men who
saw an opportunity to overthrow Saul. Their
bitterness and discontent made them rally to
David as their champion.
22:3. Mizpah in Moab. The exact location of
this Mizpah (“watchtower”) is unknown. Presumably
it was a royal Moabite city or at least
a fortress. Among the suggested sites are Kerak
and Rujm el-Meshrefeh in Jordan.
22:3-4. why protection in Moab. Perhaps because
of his Moabite ancestry through Ruth,
David felt he could claim kin ties and safely
place his parents in the protective custody of
the king of Moab (see Ruth 4:17-22. It is also
possible that David was counting on Moab’s
enmity toward Saul (see 1 Sam 14:47. An example
of revolutionary fugitives seeking refuge
in a mother’s country can be seen in
Idrimi, king of Alalakh (during the Judges
perid), who fled to his mother’s family at
Emar. Idrimi in exile became the leader of a
Habiru band that eventually helped him regain
his throne.
22:4. the stronghold. This most likely refers to
David’s base of operations near the cave of
Adullam (see 1 Sam 22:1. Some have suggested
that it is a reference to Masada.
22:5. Gad. This is the first appearance of this
Israelite prophet or seer. His advice to David
to return to Judah and thus face up to Saul
provided the type of divine backing David
needed to begin his pursuit of the throne. See
his involvement with David’s census in
2 Samuel 24:11-25.
22:5. forest of Hereth. The exact location of
this forested area is unknown, although it
must have been in Judah. Suggestions include
the site of Khirbet Khoreisa (approximately
six miles southeast of Hebron) and Kharas,
near Keilah (Khirbet Qila, about six miles
northwest of Hebron).
1 SAMUEL 22:1-14
22:6-23
Execution of the Priests
22:6. tamarisk tree at Gibeah. Once again a
ruler is depicted as holding court under a tree
(see Saul previously in 14:2 and the Ugaritic
king Danil in the Aqhat epic). A tamarisk is a
tree adapted to desert environments, with
many slender branches and scaly leaves. It
would be a rare site in the hill country near
Gibeah. In this case it may also have marked a
cultic site (see the sacred palm under which
Deborah served as judge in Judg 4:5.
22:7. prerogatives of officers. One of the ways
in which a king, chief or warlord maintained
the loyalty and support of his military commanders
was through the granting of land (a
fief) and the right to its harvests and other resources
(see 8:12-15). For instance, Hammurabi’s
laws and the Mari texts both describe the
rights of fief holders and the obligations to the
state. Thus Saul is reminding his officers here
that their claims to these lands are based on
his favor toward them. If they hoped to keep
them, they should not consider giving their allegiance
to David. Nor should they trust in
David’s ability to keep any promises of land
grants and military commissions to his followers.
22:10. inquiring of God. Among the tasks assigned
to the high priests in the ancient Near
East was to seek an oracle from deity when requested.
Babylonian and Assyrian religious
texts mention the examination of animal entrails,
the consulting of omen texts or the use
of an object associated with the god to divine
the future. This might have been done at Nob
using the Urim and Thummim (see Ex 28:30
or the ephod (see Abiathar’s use of the ephod
in 1 Sam 23:5, 9. The giving of an oracle is not
mentioned in 21:1-9, but Ahimelech admits
that he “inquired of God” for David in 22:15.
22:14. David’s office. Since kings seldom paid
state visits to each other’s capitals, messengers,
functioning as royal envoys, served as
royal surrogates. This role required them to
function as diplomatic couriers, negotiators
and occasionally as emissaries to the gods.
Embodying as they did the authority and
power of their state, kings’ messengers were
generally treated well by local officials. Their
persons were protected, as well as their personal
property. Ahimelech recites David’s
1 SAMUEL 22:16—23:24 314
marks of distinction as his defense for aiding
him, including his status as a member of the
royal family and commander of the king’s
bodyguard. Only the most trustworthy and
loyal men could be expected to rise to these
offices (see 18:27; 2 Sam 23:22-23. Thus as a
sign of courtesy, extended to couriers, David
was provided with food. Texts from Mari and
other Mesopotamian cities list food, garments
and other necessities given to royal emissaries
to meet their needs on the road and to please
their master.
1 Samuel 22:16—23:24 22:16-19. destruction of priesthood by angry
king. Saul’s order to kill Ahimelech and the
entire priestly community at Nob was so outrageous
a sacrilege that his own officers refused.
Only the Edomite mercenary Doeg was
willing to carry out the order and in so doing
also massacred the entire population of Nob.
Saul’s order gave a further sign of his instability
and, as he was to discover (28:6), effectively
cut him off from any contact with Yahweh.
Charges of offenses against deity were often
made against kings by their political enemies.
Thus the Assyrian king Tukulti-Ninurta
charged Kashtiliash with “crimes against Shamash,”
and the Persian king Cyrus claimed to
have been chosen by Marduk to punish Nabonidus
for failing to honor the god or his
priesthood. Akhenaten, the rogue Egyptian
pharaoh of the fourteenth century, had disenfranchised
the powerful priests of the god
Amun-Re and had scratched out the name
Amun in all inscriptions. Thus Saul’s action
would be seen as just as significant an act of
desecration.
22:20-23. Abiathar. Only a single priest escaped
the massacre at Nob. Abiathar, the son
of Ahimelech, fled to David’s camp, bringing
with him the sacred ephod (23:6). Once Abiathar
had told him what Saul had done, David
accepted responsibility and added the priest
to his company. This event is the crux of the
episode, since it placed in David’s camp a divine
representative, while Saul was left with
no further contact point with God. Subsequently
Abiathar was to consult the ephod for
David 1 Sam 23:9-12 and serve as the visible
symbol of God’s presence with the outlaw
band. Additionally this episode shows the fulfillment
of the prophecy concerning Eli’s family
1 Sam 2—3) in that this priestly clan was
the family of Eli.
23:1-29
David Pursued and Rescued
23:1. Keilah. Located in the eastern portion of
the Shephelah, near the border of Philistine
territory, Keilah (Khirbet Qila, six miles northwest
of Hebron) must have been a frequent
target of raiders. It was also mentioned in the
El Amarna tablets as a city contested between
the rulers of Jerusalem and Hebron.
23:1-5. Philistines. For the Philistines as a part
of the population of Canaan and as enemies of
Israel, see comment on 4:1.
23:9-12. oracular use of ephod. For a discussion
of the use of the ephod for purposes of
divination, see comment on Judges 8:24-27.
Abiathar’s ability to make oracular inquiries
for David stands in stark contrast to Saul’s
lack of divine guidance.
23:7. walled city. Keilah is identified as a
walled city with gates that could be barred. As
an important link on the roads north-south
through the Shephelah and east into Judah,
the city would have to be fortified against attack.
Note that it was the unprotected threshing
floors, which would have been outside the
city walls, that the Philistines attacked in 23:1.
Saul saw David as trapped within these walls,
assuming he would be easier to capture here
than in the open countryside. The site has not
been excavated, so archaeology has little light
to shed on the text.
23:14. strongholds in the wilderness of Ziph.
The site of Tell Ziph is located thirteen miles
southeast of Keilah and five miles southeast of
Hebron. Although in the tribal territory of
Judah, it is within a steppe area that would
have been sparsely inhabited and a place in
which fugitives could easily hide. The strongholds
were small outposts that served as signaling
stations and contact points for
herdsmen and villagers in the area.
23:15-18. Horesh. The term literally means
“wood” or “wooded height,” and it simply
adds a further qualifier to help locate the region
where David and his men were hiding in
the Judean wilderness and a setting for his
meeting with Jonathan. It is generally identified
with Khirbet Khoreisa, about two miles
south of Tell Ziph.
23:19. Hakilah/Jeshimon. The barren strip of
land running parallel to the Dead Sea on the
eastern edge of the Judean Wilderness was
known as Jeshimon. Despite its arid nature,
the ruggedness of the area provided many
hiding places, such as the hill of Hakilah, for
fugitives like David (see similar description in
26:1, 3).
23:24. wilderness of Maon in Arabah. David
moves further south into the Judean Wilderness
along the Dead Sea. The Arabah is simply
a term for the entire Jordan Rift Valley and
here is probably synonymous with the Judean
Wilderness. Maon is probably to be identified
315 1 SAMUEL 23:29—25:7
with Khirbet Ma’in, eight miles south of Hebron
and four and a half miles south of Tell
Ziph.
23:29. En Gedi. The oasis of En Gedi lies midway
down the Dead Sea and approximately
thirty-five miles southeast of Jerusalem. Fed
by a continuous spring, it is a splash of life
and color in the midst of an otherwise barren
landscape. It has served as a cultic site, military
outpost and commercial center during its
long history. David’s choice of this area was
probably based on the large number of nearby
caves and the water supply. There are a number
of fortresses from the period of the divided
monarchy (eighth and seventh centuries)
that have been discovered in this area. One is
at the spring, while another is at the top of the
cliff that offers a view of travelers for miles
around.
1 SAMUEL 23:29—25:7
24:1-22
Saul Spared by David
24:2. Crags of the Wild Goats. The name En
Gedi means “spring of the young goat,” and
thus these crags probably take their name
from the spring. Ibexes also live in these hills,
adding one more possibility for the place
name. However, it is a precarious region to
take three thousand men on a search mission.
24:3. Saul’s business in the cave. While the
sheepfolds outside the cave suggested the
presence of possible informants to question
about the location of David, Saul’s entering
alone implies he simply planned to use its privacy
to relieve his bowels.
24:4-5. significance of Saul’s hem. Like the
elaborately decorated hem on the high priest’s
garments Ex 28:33-34, Saul’s robe would also
have had a distinctive fringe or design marking
him as the king. It may have been specially
dyed or contained a special stitching
reserved only for the king’s use, and it symbolized
his power and authority. A hem impressed
on a clay tablet is used to identify a
prophet in the Mari texts. In Akkadian literature
it was a sign of divorce for a husband to
cut off the hem of his wife’s robe. In diplomatic
contexts it symbolized the breaking of an alliance.
24:6. the Lord’s anointed. David’s refusal to
kill Saul when he had the opportunity (see
also 26:8-11) is based on the king’s status as
the “Lord’s anointed.” He had been given his
position by God and only God could take it
from him. Political assassination is a very bad
precedent for a claimant to a throne to employ
(see the way in which it escalates in 1 Kings
15:25—16:27). Divine right to the throne could
serve as an extraordinary insurance policy for
the king as long as the mystique of being the
“Lord’s anointed” was maintained. Thus David’s
refusal to act demonstrates his loyalty to
God’s original designation of Saul as king and
also provides an argument against future attempts
on his own life when he became king.
The person of the king was typically seen as
being under the protection of deity in the ancient
Near East. This is reflected, for instance,
in a Hittite blessing on the king that affirms
that the storm god will destroy anyone threatening
the person of the king.
24:14. dead dog. In Akkadian literature humility
was often expressed by using terms of
self-deprecation. Comparing oneself to a dead
dog or a stray dog was one of the common options.
Similar dog metaphors are used in the
Amarna letters and the Lachish letters.
24:21. oath not to decimate descendants. It
was the common practice in the ancient Near
East that a king who did not come to the
throne by inheritance would summarily execute
the prior king’s descendants in order to
eliminate any potential competition or sedition.
This political expediency, however, by
wiping out the family line, was popularly
thought to jeopardize the afterlife of those
family members who had already died (for
further information see comments on Num
3:12-13 and Josh 8:29.
24:22. stronghold. See comment on 22:4.
25:1-44
David Encounters Nabal and
Abigail
25:1. wilderness of Maon. See the comment
on 23:24.
25:2. Carmel. This town lies within the Judean
Wilderness, about eight miles southeast of Hebron
and a mile north of Maon. It was taken
from the Amalekites by Saul in 15:12, and it is
therefore not surprising that the people are inclined
to be loyal to Saul (as suggested by Nabal’s
response to David in vv. 10-11).
25:3. Nabal. This personal name means “the
fool.” That is an unlikely name for a mother to
give her son at birth and is more likely to be a
name applied to the man by the biblical writers
to indicate his role in the story. His foolishness
is in stark contrast to the wisdom
displayed by his wife Abigail.
1 SAMUEL 24:4—25:18 25:7. protection of sheep. David implies in his
message to Nabal that his group had voluntarily
protected the owner’s sheep from attacks
by wild animals or raiders (see vv.
15-16). Now, at sheep shearing, a festival time
when a count would be taken of the sheep and
1 SAMUEL 25:18—27:2 316
rewards would be given to the shepherds,
David also asks for support for his men. Contracts
between herdsmen and sheep owners
during the early part of the second millennium
have been found in Mesopotamia at the
town of Larsa. Herdsmen would typically receive
a fee or commission on the sheep and
goats that were delivered safely at the shearing.
David’s men are claiming a portion of
that compensation. It would usually include
wool, dairy products or grain. Nabal spurned
this request and insulted David instead.
25:18. provisions in Abigail’s gift. Nabal had
listed bread, water and meat as rewards for
his servants (25:11), and now Abigail includes
two hundred loaves, two skins of wine and
five butchered sheep as part of her gift. This
acknowledges the service David and his men
had done in protecting Nabal’s herds. In addition,
as a sign of hospitality during a festival
period, she also brings a bushel (five seahs) of
roasted grain, one omer (two quarts) of raisins
(following the preferred Septuagint reading),
and two hundred pressed fig cakes. These latter
items were stored food items and would
serve David’s company well.
25:23-31. persuasive oration in the ancient
Near East. As is the case with Abigail’s
speech, persuasive oration generally appears
in wisdom contexts. She suggests David disregard
the words of fools (see Prov 26:2 in
much the same way that Ptah-Hotep (2450
B.C.) and Amenemope (seventh century B.C.)
do in Egyptian “instructions,” and the seventh-
century B.C. Assyrian sage Ahiqar does.
They, like Abigail, also extol the virtues of loyalty
and the obligations of rulers to their subjects.
This latter trait is an integral part of one
of the most famous pieces of persuasive oration
in the ancient Near East, the Protests of
the Eloquent Peasant from Middle Kingdom
Egypt.
25:39-44. king’s marriages as alliances. Diplomatic
texts from throughout the ancient Near
East contain marriage contracts that function
as political alliances between countries. Zimri-
Lim, the king of Mari during the eighteenth
century B.C., successfully placed his daughters
in the harems of nearby kingdoms and married
several foreign wives himself to increase
his power and the stability of his realm. In
David’s case, prior to becoming king of Israel,
he made a series of marriages that strengthened
his political and economic position. Thus
the marriage to Saul’s daughter Michal gave
him connection to the royal family. His marriage
to Abigail provided him with ties to the
area around Hebron, and his marriage to Ahinoam
of Jezreel established connections with
households in the vicinity of Megiddo and
Beth Shan. This kinship network insured that
David would have friendly voices in the council
of elders from all over the country.
26:1-25
David’s Second Chance to Kill Saul
26:1. locations. See the comments on 23:14
and 23:19.
26:8-11. the Lord’s anointed. See the comment
on 24:6.
26:11. spear and water jug. The spear was
generally used by the infantrymen in the front
ranks. This is hardly where one would expected
to find a king. The fact that Saul always
seems to have the spear near to hand (see for
instance 18:10; 19:9; 2 Sam 1:6 suggests it may
have been an insignia of his office. As a result,
this may have been a ceremonial spear. It may
also be significant that this is the same weapon
he tried to kill David with in their early encounters.
The jug or cruse may well have been
one of the small disk-shaped vessels known
from this period that featured two handles
flanking the mouth so that they could be attached
to a strap. Depriving a man of his water
and weapon in this region would have
constituted a threat to his life. David therefore
demonstrated how Saul’s life was in his
hands.
26:19. forced to worship foreign gods. When
exiled from their own country, fugitives were
denied the opportunity to worship their god
at familiar sacred sites. The only option for
worship open to them was to serve the gods
of other lands, adopting the ways of the people
with which they were forced to dwell.
Similar sentiments are expressed in the story
of the Middle Kingdom Egyptian exile Sinuhe.
26:20. partridge of the mountains. Hunting
partridges involved beating the bushes and
chasing the birds until they were exhausted.
This is an apt description of the manner in
which Saul has been pursuing David. There is
also a pun here based on the literal meaning of
the Hebrew word for partridge, which is the
“one who calls upon the mountain” (see Jer
17:11). David is doing this as he reproaches
King Saul.
1 SAMUEL 25:18—27:2
27:1-12
David as a Philistine Vassal
27:2-12. role as a Philistine mercenary. The
use of mercenary troops was quite common in
the ancient world (see Jer 46:20-21. Very often
these men were political fugitives, like David,
317 1 SAMUEL 27:2—28:3
and their loyalty to their employer was based
on their hatred of the ruler who had exiled
them (many of the fifth-century B.C. Greek tyrants
joined the Persian army after being expelled
from their positions and fought against
the Greeks at the Battle of Marathon). Thus
Achish of Gath’s misplaced trust of David is
based on the known enmity between David
and Saul, but it is reinforced by the amount of
booty which David brings him from his raiding
expeditions. David is using this opportunity
to (1) escape Saul, (2) obtain wealth
through raiding which he can use to ingratiate
himself with the elders of Judah (30:26), (3)
learn the military tactics and the iron technology
of the Philistines and (4) eliminate some
of Israel’s enemies in his raids. By leaving no
survivors, David eliminates any witnesses
and thus maintains Achish’s trust until the
time when he will return to rule in Judah.
27:2-3. Gath. Although its exact location has
not been firmly established, the current view
places Gath at Tell es-Safi, five miles south of
Tel Miqne-Ekron in the northern Shephelah.
Its pre-Philistine existence is attested in the El
Amarna letters and was traditionally tied to
the Canaanite Anakim (see Josh 11:22. As one
of the five principal Philistine city-states, Gath
was the home of the giant warrior Goliath and
one of the leaders in the campaign against Israel
(see Judg 3:3.
27:2. Achish. This King Achish is not referred
to in any extrabiblical sources, but the name
Achish is attested as a Philistine royal name at
a later date. Assyrian records of the seventh
century list Ikausu, son of Padi, as the king of
Ekron. Ikausu is the same as Achish, son of
Padi, named on an inscription from the same
time period found at Ekron (Tell Miqne).
27:6. Ziklag. The exact location of Ziklag is
still in dispute. A number of sites have been
suggested, but the two most likely are Tell
esh-Shari’a (in the northwestern section of the
Negev, about fifteen miles southeast of Gaza)
and Tell es-Seba’ (most often identified as the
site of ancient Beersheba and four miles from
the modern city; see comment on Gen 22:19.
The dispute arises over possible breaks in occupation
during the Iron Age (early monarchy)
period at Tell esh-Shari’a and the
likelihood that the original site of Beersheba
was further west of Tell es-Seba’. While the occupation
history of Tell es-Seba’ generally
matches the information we have on Ziklag,
this identification would put Ziklag over thirty
miles south of Gath. Both sites place David’s
stronghold in the Negev, where he could
easily stage raids south in the Sinai or east
into Edom and Midian. They would also be
far enough from Philistine territory to allow
him to operate without close scrutiny.
27:7. chronological note. This is the final period
before David comes to the throne. His accession
is usually dated about 1010 B.C.
27:8. Geshurites. These people lived in a region
to the southeast of Philistia in the northern
Sinai (see Josh 13:2. They are not to be
confused with the inhabitants of Geshur in the
southern Golan area of Bashan Josh 13:11.
That area would have been inaccessible to
David’s raiders. Presumably these southern
Geshurites were allied with the Philistines
and thus would have made appropriate targets
for David’s expeditions in the Negev.
27:8. Girzites. The Girzites only appear in this
passage and are not mentioned in any other
ancient source outside the Bible. Some variant
readings identify the people referred to here
as the Gezerites. The town of Gezer is ten to
twelve miles northeast of Gath. This would
seem to be an unlikely raiding area for David
if Ziklag is twenty-five to thirty miles south of
Gath.
27:8. Amalekites. See the comments on Deuteronomy
25:17-19.
27:8. Shur. The wilderness of Shur lay in the
northern Sinai between Canaan and the northeastern
border of Egypt (see comment on Ex
15:22). Pastoral nomadic tribes, such as the
Geshurites and Amalekites, traditionally inhabited
this region and used its arid environment
as a defense.
27:10. Jerahmeelites. David’s ambiguous response
to Achish regarding his raids suggested
he was looting villages in Judah. The
Jerahmeelites were a Judahite clan associated
with the area just to the south of Beersheba
(see 30:29).
27:10. Kenites. See the comments on Numbers
24:21-22.
1 SAMUEL 27:2—28:3
28:1-25
Saul and the Medium from Endor
28:2. David as personal bodyguard. As he
was in Saul’s service (22:14), David now is appointed
as the head of the personal bodyguard
of King Achish. This puts him in a
difficult situation, since it almost assures that
he will have to participate in the battle against
Saul.
28:3. mediums and spiritists. For more information
on divination as a whole, see the comments
on Deuteronomy 18. The practitioners
of spiritism and sorcery are condemned because
of their association with Canaanite religion
and because their “art” attempted to
circumvent Yahweh by seeking knowledge
1 SAMUEL 28:3-14 318
and power from spirits. They represented a
form of “popular religion.” In this case the
banned individuals participated in a form of
divination employing ritual pits from which
ancestral spirits could be raised to speak to
the living about the future.
28:3. banning them. Saul’s decision to ban
mediums and spiritists from his realm would
ordinarily be praised because of their close association
with Canaanite worship practices.
They functioned as conjurers of ancestral spirits
who could speak of the future. Superstitions
and the aura of the occult power made
these individuals feared and often undesirable.
Almost a millennium earlier King Gudea
of Lagash had also banned mediums from his
realm, so it is not an act connected solely to
monotheism. In this instance Saul’s ban is paralleled
with the death of Samuel to demonstrate
that he had no means at his disposal,
whether legitimate or illegitimate, to divine
God’s will.
28:4. location of Philistine and Israelite
camps. The eastern end of the Valley of Jezreel
is about ten miles wide from north to south.
The north end is blocked off by Mount Tabor,
while the south end is blocked off by Mount
Gilboa. The ten-mile stretch between the two
is broken into two passes by the smaller Hill
of Moreh. The town of Shunem where the Philistines
make camp is on the southwest side of
the Hill of Moreh just across the Harod Valley
(the southern pass from the Valley of Jezreel to
the city of Beth Shan) from Saul’s camp at
Mount Gilboa. The two camps are about five
miles apart. Endor is located in the middle of
the northern pass (between the Hill of Moreh
and Mount Tabor), about six or seven miles
north of the Israelite camp (about a two-hour
trek). Saul would have proceeded around the
eastern side of the Hill of Moreh and thus
have avoided the Philistine camp. Note that
Endor (Khirbet Safsafeh) is technically in the
tribal territory of Manasseh, outside of the territory
controlled by Saul Josh 17:11. The fact
that the battle takes place so far north of Philistia
suggests that they were trying to cut the
Galilee region off from Saul’s kingdom. Saul’s
position takes advantage of the mountainous
terrain and would favor his lightly armed
forces.
28:6. means Saul used to seek information.
Saul is rightly concerned about the upcoming
battle with the massed forces of the five Philistine
city-states. He first employs the usual divination
methods to consult God and see if the
Divine Warrior would give him a victory.
These methods included incubation rituals in
which the inquirer sleeps within a sanctuary
or near a sacred object in order to receive a
dream from a god (see comment on 3:3), the
use of Urim to cast lots (see comment on Ex
28:30) and the visions of prophets (see Saul’s
previous association with prophets in 1 Sam
10:10-11). None of these inquiries was answered,
and it is made clear that Saul is abandoned
by God.
1 SAMUEL 28:3-14 28:7. specialist Saul wanted to use. Since he
had no other recourse to seek God’s will about
the coming battle, Saul broke his own law
banning mediums and made a secret visit to
the medium of Endor. She has established a
reputation as one who could successfully consult
ghosts and ancestral spirits. This specialist
from Endor used a ritual pit to conjure up
the spirits of the dead. Although the process is
listed in Deuteronomy 18:10-11 as one of the
“detestable acts” associated with Canaanite
religion, the actual use of a pit is not mentioned
in the Old Testament outside of the Endor
episode. As in Hittite magic, the practitioner
here is an “old woman.” The pits were
believed to be magical portals through which
spirits could pass between the realms of the
living and the dead. The practitioner was one
who had special knowledge of the location of
such a pit and who was familiar with the procedures
necessary to summon the dead. There
is no indication in these rituals that the practitioner
was possessed by the spirit or that the
spirit spoke through her, and so she was not a
medium in the modern sense.
28:8-11. procedures for calling up spirits. Examples
from Greek (Homer’s Odyssey), Mesopotamian
and, especially, Hittite literature
provide the details: (1) done at night, (2) after
the spot is divined a pit is dug with a special
tool, (3) a food offering (bread, oil, honey) or
the blood of a sacrificial animal is placed in
the pit to attract spirits, (4) an invocation ritual,
including the spirit’s name, is chanted, and
(5) the pit is covered to prevent spirits from
escaping after the ritual is concluded. Both
practitioner and client had roles to play in the
procedure. The spirits who emerged were in
human form and generally were able to communicate
directly with the client. In Mesopotamian
necromancy incantations, only the
practitioner could see the spirit. This was accomplished
through ritual ointments smeared
on the face.
28:14. prophetic mantle. Since clothing is often
a status marker in the ancient world (see
Joseph’s various changes of clothing in Genesis
37, 39—41), it may be expected that prophets
were distinguished by a particular
garment. The spirit of Samuel is recognized
by his robe (see Elijah’s mantle in 1 Kings
319 1 SAMUEL 28:8—30:1
19:19 and 2 Kings 2:8, 13-14.
28:8-20. beliefs about afterlife. The spirits of
the dead were believed to descend to the underworld
known as Sheol. This was a nebulous
region of continued existence, but it is not
distinguished as a place of reward or punishment.
28:8-11. consulting dead in ancient Near East.
Because of a well-developed ancestor cult that
pervaded much of the ancient Near East (perhaps
reflected in the emphasis on the role of
the male heir to care for the father’s shrine in
Ugaritic documents), the dead were considered
to have some power to affect the living. It
was believed that if libations were poured out
on behalf of dead ancestors, their spirits
would offer protection and help to those still
living. In Babylon the disembodied spirit
(utukki) or the ghost (etemmu) could become
very dangerous if not cared for and often were
the objects of incantations. Proper care for the
dead would begin with proper burial and
would continue with ongoing gifts and honor
of the memory and name of the deceased. The
firstborn was responsible for maintaining this
ancestor worship and therefore inherited the
family gods (often images of deceased ancestors).
Such care would have been based on a
belief, as seen in Saul’s consultation of the medium
of Endor, that the spirits of the dead
could communicate and had information on
the future that could be of use to the living.
These spirits were consulted through the efforts
of priests, mediums and necromancers.
This could be a dangerous practice since some
spirits were considered demons and could
cause great harm. While it is difficult to totally
reconstruct Israelite beliefs about deceased ancestors
and the afterlife, it seems possible that
prior to the exile there existed a cult of the
dead or ancestral worship. This is suggested
by archaeological remains: (1) utensils, bowls
and implements for eating and drinking
found in Iron Age tombs in Israel, (2) references
to deposits of food and drink offerings for
the dead (see Deut 26:14; Ps 106:28 and (3) the
importance placed on family tombs (see the
ancestral tomb for Abraham and his descendants
at Hebron) and mourning rituals performed
at these tombs (see Is 57:7-8; Jer
16:5-7). The local and family ancestral cults
were condemned by the prophets and the law.
28:24. meal prepared for Saul. There are elements
of hospitality customs in the offering of
a meal to Saul by the woman of Endor. Like
Abraham, she provides a costly meal by
slaughtering a calf and making bread (see Gen
18:6-7). It is unlikely that the woman owned
more than this one animal, and so she is truly
doing Saul great honor. Saul’s reluctance to
accept her invitation may be tied to her profession
or her association with other gods. It
may also be a sign of his depression over Samuel’s
words of doom. His eventual acceptance
follows the pattern of indecisiveness and contradictory
behavior so often found in his career.
There is also a sense of resignation in
eating a “last meal.”
1 SAMUEL 28:8—30:1
29:1-11
David’s Help Rejected by
Philistines
29:1. Aphek/spring in Jezreel. There are a
number of different sites named Aphek in various
parts of Canaan. This one is qualified by
its identification with a spring in the Jezreel
Valley. Most likely this Aphek is in the southern
Sharon plain and specifically the site of
Ras el-’Ain at the source of the Yarkon River.
This then suggests that the Philistines first
mustered their troops at Aphek (as they did
prior to the Battle of Ebenezer in 4:1) and then
moved up thirty-five or forty miles into the
Jezreel to confront Saul. References in Josephus
connect this Aphek with Antipatris (see
Acts 23:31, twenty-six miles south of Caesarea
Maritima.
29:3. Hebrews. The Israelites are referred to
repeatedly by the Philistines as Hebrews (see
comment on Gen 14:13. This may have been a
generic term, as is the case with Habiru and
Apiru in Akkadian and Egyptian texts, or a
pejorative label applied to a people without
leadership or a defined political state. David’s
role as a mercenary fits well with the term Habiru
in the El Amarna texts.
29:5. David his tens of thousands. This is the
third time this chant has been quoted in the
text (see 1 Sam 18:7; 21:12). Originally it
served as a mark of distinction for David and
a source of Saul’s jealousy and hatred toward
him. In the episodes involving the Philistines,
the chant is used as a reminder and a warning
that David cannot be trusted to serve Achish
loyally. In this instance it provides David with
a plausible excuse not to participate in the final
battle against the “Lord’s anointed.”
1 SAMUEL 29:3—30:25
30:1-31
Disaster at Ziklag and Revenge on
the Amalekites
30:1. distance from Aphek to Ziklag. The distance
from the Sharon Plain to the southern
Shephelah where Ziklag was located is approximately
fifty miles. It would not be un-
1 SAMUEL 30:1—31:1 320
usual for an armed group and their auxiliaries
to take three days to travel this distance.
30:1. Amalekites. One of the curiosities of the
Amalekites is that they always seem to be
present to cause trouble no matter how many
times the Israelites defeat them (see Ex
17:8-16; 1 Sam 15:1-9. In this case the Amalekites
respond to David’s raiding of their villages
1 Sam 27:8, taking advantage of
David’s presence at Aphek. The raid is immediately
followed up by David’s devastating
defeat of the Amalekites and the rescue of his
family and property. In this way the narrative
demonstrates that David was nowhere nearby
when Saul was killed. He is acting the role of
hero, defeating Israel’s enemies and saving his
people from harm, while Saul is being defeated
by the Philistines at Gilboa.
30:7-8. oracular use of Ephod. David’s question
is typical of oracular events in which a
yes or no response is requested. For other examples
of using the ephod for this purpose,
see the comments on Judges 8:24-27 and
1 Samuel 23:9-12.
30:9. Besor Ravine. This was a deep wadi bed
(three to four hundred feet wide) whose steep
sides would have required a great deal of agility
and energy to traverse. It is located in the
western Negev and served, along with the
Wadi Gerar, as the southern border of Canaan.
30:11-13. Egyptian slave. In their effort to escape,
the Amalekite raiders had abandoned a
sick Egyptian slave. David’s hospitality to this
man, giving him food, water and raisin cakes,
is reminiscent of Abigail’s offering to David in
1 Samuel 25:18. It once again displays David’s
adherence to traditional values and also provides
him with the military intelligence his
small force of four hundred men will need to
defeat the much larger force of Amalekites.
30:14. Kerethites. These people were associated
with the Philistines and the Pelethites, and
their name suggests a Cretan origin. Their territory
in the Negev probably adjoined that of
Ziklag and Judah.
30:14. land of Caleb. The allotment given to
Caleb and his family was in the area around
Hebron and Debir (see Josh 14:6-15; 15:13-19)
in southern Canaan. In later periods this was
in fact within the territory of Judah (Josh
15:1-12).
30:17. fleeing on camels. For the Amalekites
living in the steppe areas of the Negev and
northern Sinai, the camel would have been a
perfect beast of burden and swift form of
transportation for raiding. In this case, they
also served to provide a quick getaway for the
remnant of the Amalekite band. For more information
see the comment on Judges 6:5.
30:18-25. division of spoil. See the comment
on Deuteronomy 20:10-15 for a discussion of
the protocol associated with the division of
spoils following a battle. David adhered to the
sacred code that auxiliary troops, left to guard
a fortress or the baggage train, should also
share equally in the spoil. The two hundred
men who were too exhausted after traveling
from Aphek to continue in pursuit of the
Amalekites still served as a rear guard in case
David was forced to flee and thus deserved
their share.
30:26. elders of Judah. David’s generosity in
sending a portion of the loot he had taken
from the Amalekites has real political implications.
Being able to distribute wealth is a sign
of power in the Near East. It marks these local
elders as David’s clients, and it will be expected
that they will support him in his bid for the
kingship (see 2 Sam 2:4.
30:27-31. towns. The towns in addition to Hebron
where David sent portions of his spoils
include Bethel (Khirbet el-Qaryatein), just
north of Arad Josh 19:4; Beth Zur (Khirbet
et-Tubeiqah), four miles north of Hebron and
associated with Caleb Josh 15:58; Ramoth
Negev (possibly Bir Rakhmeh; named Baalath
Beer in Josh 19:8, nineteen miles southeast of
Beersheba; Jattir (Khirbet ’Attir), a Levitical
city twelve miles southwest of Hebron (Josh
21:14); Aroer (modern ’Ar’arah), twelve miles
southeast of Beersheba Josh 15:22; Siphmoth,
an unknown site; Eshtemoa (es-Semu), ten
miles southwest of Hebron Josh 15:50; Carmel
(Tell el-Kirmil), seven miles south of Hebron
1 Sam 15:12; Hormah, possibly Khirbet
el-Meshash, seven miles east of Beersheba
Josh 15:30; Bor Ashan (Khirbet ’Asan), just
northwest of Beersheba and a Levitical city of
Judah Josh 19:7; and Ether (NIV: Athach;
Khirbet el-’Ater) in the Shephelah, about fifteen
miles northwest of Hebron. Most of these
sites are in the area known as the hill country
of Judah, though a few are further south in the
Negev.
1 SAMUEL 30:1—31:1
31:1-13
The Death of Saul
31:1. Mount Gilboa. See comment on 1 Samuel
28:4 for the position of the Philistine and
Israelite forces within the Valley of Jezreel (see
also 1 Chron 10:1-12. The fact that so many of
Saul’s men and three of his sons are slain on
the slopes of Mount Gilboa demonstrates that
his army was quickly forced to flee before superior
Philistine tactics. They may have been
seeking to restore order by regaining the high
ground in the battle, but without the leader-
321 1 SAMUEL 31:3-13
ship of Saul’s sons they were quickly cut
down and Saul was faced with capture.
31:3-5. Saul’s prospects if captured alive. In
this period it was common for captured kings
to be mutilated and subjected to a life of humiliation.
Putting out the eyes or cutting off
the thumbs and big toes were just a few of the
procedures used. As a sign of their ignominy,
they were doomed to spend miserable years
begging and fighting for scraps under the triumphant
king’s table (see comments on Judg
1:6-7), or displayed in public places for whatever
abuse passersby might invent. Torturous
practices were continued by the Babylonians,
Assyrians and Persians, and the literature is
full of the gruesome acts performed on captured
enemies. Other examples of a king requesting
his armor-bearer to kill him exist in
Assyrian records. The Elamite king and his armor-
bearer stab each other simultaneously.
31:9. cutting off the head. A king’s head was a
treasured prize used as a means of boasting of
one’s conquests. Assyrian king Ashurbanipal
was reported to have dined with his queen in
the garden with the head of the king of Elam
on display in a nearby tree. He describes the
cutting off of the head as “making him more
dead than before.”
1 Samuel 31:3-13 31:10. armor placed in temple. In addition to
stripping the bodies of the slain for loot, Saul’s
armor (symbol of his position as king and well
known to the enemy—see 1 Sam 17:38 was
taken as a trophy in much the same way that
Goliath’s sword 1 Sam 17:54 and the ark of
the covenant 1 Sam 5:2 were taken and displayed
in a temple. In this way the gods of the
Philistines were honored, and Saul and his
God were graphically demonstrated to be defeated.
See the comment on Judges 2:13 for the
name Ashtoreths.
31:10. exposing the corpse. To dismember the
body of Saul and leave it unburied was the
height of disgrace and shame for the victim
and the family/nation. Improper burial was
popularly thought to jeopardize an individual’s
afterlife (for further information see comment
on 1 Kings 16:4. The practice of
impaling the bodies of their defeated enemies
was commonly used by armies in the ancient
Near East. For instance, the Assyrians considered
it a psychological ploy and a terror tactic
(as depicted on the walls of their royal palaces).
31:10-12. Beth Shan. In this period Beth Shan
(Tell el-Husn) was either controlled by the
Philistines or allied with them. Since it lies in a
commanding position in the Jezreel Valley
and is a very tall mound, it would be a perfect
place to display Saul’s dismembered body.
The ten-acre mound stands at the eastern end
of the Jezreel Valley and guards that important
trade route’s entrance into the Jordan Valley.
It continues as an independent Canaanite
enclave into the monarchy period (1 Sam
31:10-12) but was incorporated into Solomon’s
administrative districts 1 Kings 4:12. This is
a double site, with a Roman-Byzantine city
(Scythopolis) built at the base of the tell. Archaeological
investigations have shown almost
continuous occupation of the site since
Chalcolithic times (4500-3300 B.C.). The water
supply (Wadi Jalud), arable land and strategic
location have insured that its population prospered,
generally under Egyptian rule (starting
with Thutmose III in the sixteenth century)
and later under the Sea Peoples and Israelites.
From this period archaeologists found remains
of twin temples that some identify as
the temples of Astarte mentioned here and the
temple of Dagon (see 1 Chron 10:10.
31:11-12. Jabesh Gilead. See the comment on
11:1 for the discussion of Saul’s original connection
with this Transjordanian city. Their
rescue of Saul’s body from Beth Shan reflects
the obligation they felt because of his efforts to
save their city from the besieging Ammonites
1 Samuel 11.
31:12. journey from Jabesh Gilead to Beth
Shan. Although the exact location of Jabesh
Gilead is unknown, it must have been along
the Wadi el-Yabis in the northern Gileadite hill
country. Tell Maqlub, thirteen miles from Beth
Shan, is a likely candidate.
31:12. cremation. Cremation is not sanctioned
as a burial rite elsewhere in the Bible (see Lev
20:14; Josh 7:25 for the use of burning as capital
punishment). It is possible that the advanced
state of deterioration and decay
required extreme measure to purify the body.
No embalming techniques would have been
effective. The burning of the bodies of heroes
in the Iliad might suggest a similar ritual honoring
Saul. The only other peoples in the ancient
Near East known to practice cremation
were the Hurrians of Mitanni and the Hittites
(both mid-second millennium).
31:13. tamarisk tree at Jabesh. A final ironic
note in the Saul narrative has him buried beneath
a tamarisk tree. He is portrayed as assembling
his troops and exercising his power
as king under or near a tamarisk tree in 1 Samuel
22:6. His grave is marked by this simple
desert growth rather than a palace, capital city
or kingdom. The tamarisk grows in sandy soil.
It is deciduous and may reach over twenty feet
in height, with small leaves that excrete salt. Its
bark is used for tanning and its wood for building
and making charcoal. Bedouin commonly
1 SAMUEL 31:11—2 SAMUEL 1:2 322
plant this hearty tree for its shade and the
branches which provide grazing for animals. In
Mesopotamian incantations, the tamarisk was
a holy tree with purifying qualities. Images
were made from its wood and it was at times
connected with cosmic stability.
1 SAMUEL 31:11—2 SAMUEL 1:2
2 S A M U E L
1:1-16
News of Saul’s Death
1:1. chronology. The year is approximately
1010 B.C. This date can be arrived at by calculating
back from more certain points in time
later in the monarchy period.
1:1. Ziklag. Ziklag has not been identified
with any certainty. For discussion of the possibilities
see comment on 1 Samuel 27:6.
1:2. dust on head. The practice of putting dirt,
dust or ashes on one’s head was a typical sign
of mourning throughout the Old Testament
and into the New Testament period. It is a
practice also known from Mesopotamia and
Canaan. Many mourning rites function as a
means for the living to identify with the dead.
It is easy to see how dust on the head would
be a symbolic representation of burial.
1:2. reverential prostration. The standard
method of demonstrating obeisance in the ancient
Near East was to bow to the ground.
Egyptian tomb art is filled with examples of
servants and royal officials prostrating themselves
before the pharaoh. In the El Amarna
tablets (fourteenth century B.C.) the format of
each letter contains a greeting, followed by a
set formula of honoring the pharaoh by bowing
seven times forward and backwards.
1:2. news dissemination. The normal official
means of spreading news was through the use
of couriers. Nevertheless couriers would have
only been dispatched to certain key locations.
Since the administration had been nearly
wiped out and the rest were in flight or in hiding,
there were likely few if any official couriers
to bring word of the results of the battle at
Gilboa, especially as far away as Ziklag, some
seventy-five or eighty miles south of the scene
of battle. Other news carriers would be soldiers
returning from battle or merchants traveling
from city to city. In this case, however, it
is evident that the Amalekite sought David
out, expecting to gain favor.
1:6. leaning on his spear. The spear has been
an important symbol of Saul, from use as a
weapon against David 1 Sam 18:10-11 to an
identifying emblem 1 Sam 26:11 to a crutch
as he faces death.
1:8. Amalekite. See comment on Deuteronomy
25:17-19. Since it was the Amalekites who
had just recently been responsible for the raid
on David’s town, Ziklag (see comment on 1
Sam 30:1), this man is already in jeopardy, and
his message is not likely to be given any credibility.
1 Samuel 31:13—2 Samuel 1:12 1:9. Saul’s request. Death is imminent and
preferable to the alternative (see comment on
1 Sam 31:3-5. Saul’s request reflects a desire
to end his life with as little pain as possible.
1:10. crown and armband. The headwear
mentioned here would more accurately be
rendered “diadem,” referring to an object
hung at the forehead or on the front of a headpiece.
It often is a symbol of authority. As early
as the Sumerian period the diadem is one of
the insignias of royal power bestowed on the
king by the god Anu. Perhaps the best-known
example of this in the ancient world is the serpent
(uraeus) on the front of a pharaoh’s
crown, which was believed to be a protective
device. In the descriptions of Israel’s high
priest’s garments the diadem is generally associated
with a “golden plate” (NIV; see comment
on Lev 8:9. The armband is not referred
to in any other Old Testament passages. Armbands
were a frequent adornment in the first
millennium. The earliest examples found by
archaeologists in Israel date to the eleventh
century. Armbands and a diadem are mentioned
in a list of jewelry that the Assyrian
king Sennacherib gave to his son (and successor)
Esarhaddon.
1:11. tearing clothes as sign of mourning.
Along with placing ashes in the hair, the tearing
of clothing was a common form of mourning
in the ancient Near East. One example
outside the Bible is found in the Ugaritic Epic
of Aqhat (c. 1600 B.C.), in which the sister of
the hero tears her father’s garment as she foretells
a coming drought. Such an act often implied
grief over the death of a relative, friend
or prominent individual.
1:12. mourning rituals. Many mourning rituals
find their origin in (1) identifying with the
dead, (2) providing something for the dead or
323 2 SAMUEL 1:15—2:4
(3) protecting the living from the dead. Yet it is
not always possible to trace back and discover
how these values may have been reflected in
any particular ritual. Weeping, wailing and lamenting
were important in the funeral rites of
most peoples of the ancient Near East. Fasting,
tearing clothes and setting aside regular
clothes were all ways of expressing grief.
1:15. David’s order. The execution of the
Amalekite has many complex elements linked
to it. As already mentioned, the fact that he
was an Amalekite put him in grave jeopardy.
Second, David had on two other occasions refused
to take Saul’s life because of his respect
for Saul’s status as being the anointed by God,
and he would expect no less from others.
Third, if he received the actions of the Amalekite
as having been done in his service, he
would be subject to the accusation that he had
commissioned an agent to execute Saul. It was
important for him to distance himself from the
actual killing of Saul, even if it could be justified
as a mercy killing.
2 SAMUEL 1:15—2:4
1:17-27
David’s Elegy for Saul and
Jonathan
1:17. elegies. Examples of funeral laments
have been found in the ancient Near Eastern
literatures. Perhaps best known is Gilgamesh’s
lament for his deceased friend Enkidu
in tablet eight of the Gilgamesh Epic.
This calls on others to share in the mourning
and eulogizes the good qualities and heroic
deeds of the deceased.
1:18. Book of Jashar. It is inferred that the
Book of Jashar contained ancient poetic accounts
of heroic deeds (the only other reference
to it is in Josh 10:13. It has not been
preserved. The title Jashar could be the adjective
“upright” or a form of the Hebrew verb
“sing.”
1:20. Gath, Ashkelon. Gath and Ashkelon
were two of the five principal cities of the Philistines.
For more information about them see
comments on 1 Samuel 5:8 and Judges 14:19
respectively.
1:20. uncircumcised. Circumcision was practiced
by many different peoples in the ancient
Near East (see comment on Gen 17:9-14 but
not by the Philistines. The comment here has
little to do with physical attributes or sociological
practices, but is an ethnic designation
that for the Israelites is a sign of the covenant.
1:21. curse on Gilboa. The curse focuses on
the fertility of the area. It is similar to curses
such as that found in the Atrahasis Epic that
are intended to result in famine. By becoming
a place of death (dry, unproductive fields), it
would serve as a memorial to the deaths that
had occurred there.
1:21. shield rubbed with oil. Israelite shields
of this period were made of wood with leather
stretched over the surface. They were either
round or rectangular with rounded top. Oil
was used to wipe the blood off after a battle
and to treat the leather so it remained pliable.
1:24. fine clothing. The clothing provided for
the women of Israel simply reflects an improvement
in the standard of living during
the reign of Saul. Successful policing of the
trade routes could increase merchant activity,
which in turn made imports more accessible
and provided outlets for exporting local
goods.
2:1-7
David Made King
2:1. oracular inquiry. From chapter 23
through the end of 1 Samuel, David is making
oracular inquiries of the Lord by means of the
ephod under the guidance of Abiathar the
priest. It is likely that is also what is happening
here. In an oracular inquiry a yes-no question
was posed to the deity, and a binary
mechanism was used to determine what the
answer was. The normative means laid out for
this process in Exodus was the Urim and
Thummim (which were kept in a pouch in the
ephod).
2:1. Hebron. Hebron was centrally located in
the hill country of Judah and was one of the
most important towns in the region. It is located
about twenty miles south of Jerusalem.
This twelve-acre site, occupied about 1200
B.C., was very attractive because there are
more than two dozen springs in the area.
About the time of David the fortifications of
the city were improved and expanded. It
served as David’s capital for seven years and
enjoyed its greatest prominence during this
period.
2:4. tribal king. In a previous attempt at kingship
the process was initiated on the tribal level
(see Judg 9. Since the Philistines had most
likely overrun the central part of the land as a
result of the battle at Gilboa 1 Sam 31, only a
few of the tribes may have had the freedom to
participate in designating a new king. It must
also be remembered that tribal autonomy had
a long history among the Israelites, and a citystate
form of government had characterized
the previous Canaanite residents of the region.
Finally, with three of Saul’s sons having
been killed along with him, there was no clear
information concerning succession to the
2 SAMUEL 2:5-16 324
throne, even if the tribal leaders were content
with Saul’s line and the Philistines would
have allowed it. All of this makes the procedure
of a tribe designating a king very logical.
2:5-7. procuring support. The town of Jabesh
Gilead in Transjordan would have still been
free of Philistine control. It represented one of
the strategic constituencies of Saul because of
the deliverance that he had provided them (1
Sam 11). If the leaders of this pro-Saul enclave
could be persuaded to acknowledge David,
they would serve as bellwether for many of
the other Transjordan cities and perhaps others
from the northern regions. David suggests
to them that they have repaid Saul in providing
him proper burial—he is gone and there is
no loyalty still due him or his family. David is
just as willing to provide for their defense as
Saul had been.
2 SAMUEL 2:5-16
2:8—3:5
Conflict Between the Houses of
David and Saul
2:8. Mahanaim. Besides serving as an administrative
center for the government of Saul’s
son, this is where David sets up headquarters
when he has to flee from Absalom (17:27). The
town is also mentioned as one destroyed by
Pharaoh Shishak’s invasion during the time of
Solomon’s son. While it is clear that Mahanaim
is in the Transjordan region, the precise
location is unknown. The most common identification
today is with Tell edh-Dhahab
el-Gharbi on the northern bank of the Jabbok.
There have been no excavations at the site, but
surface surveys confirm that it was occupied
during this period.
2 SAMUEL 2:8-16 2:9. political control of Saul’s house. Abner
had been Saul’s commander in chief and was
his cousin. Rather than take the throne for
himself, he procured it for one of Saul’s surviving
sons, Ish-Bosheth. He appears to have
retained the support of a number of the northern
tribes. Though Ish-Bosheth was king, the
text gives the impression that Abner was in
control. It was not that unusual for a military
strongman to sponsor a weak heir to the
throne. In earlier Egyptian history at the end
of the Eighteenth Dynasty, Ay, a military commander
(and perhaps father-in-law) of
Akhenaten is the principal sponsor and advisor
of young Tutankhamun son-in-law of
Akhenaten.
2:12. Gibeon. The city of Gibeon is usually
identified with the modern el-Jib, located six
miles northwest of Jerusalem and seven miles
southwest of Ai. The excavations there have
discovered a double water system constructed
as early as the Judges period. The earlier of
the two systems involved cutting straight
down through the limestone some thirty-five
feet (descended by a stairway spiraling down
the wall) to a tunnel, allowing the inhabitants
of the city to have access to spring waters at
the base if the mound was besieged. A second,
later system provided a stepped tunnel leading
to another (more reliable) spring. This water
system is strong evidence that the site is
Gibeon because of the well-known “pool of
Gibeon” mentioned here. The identification is
further confirmed by jar handles found at the
site with the city’s name inscribed on them
(although it should be noted that jar handles
with other cities’ names stamped on them
were found as well, explained by the city’s
major industry: wine export).
2:12-13. reason for the battle. Gibeon was a
principal city in the region that had been overrun
by the Philistines and presumably was
still under Philistine control. It is therefore difficult
to imagine that either army would be
free to initiate military action against the other
in Philistine territory. More likely is the possibility
that Abner is on his way down to make
preliminary arrangements to transfer his support
to David. Natural caution would lead
David to dispatch a military escort since Abner
was not foolish enough to come without
his own military entourage. Joab intercepts
Abner at Gibeon, and they decide to be entertained
by a gladiatorial contest between some
of the trainees or mercenaries. Though bloodshed
was probably expected in these “games,”
tempers flare and a full-blown skirmish explodes.
2:13. pool of Gibeon. The pool of Gibeon was
a well-known water system—a model of modern
engineering. The builders tunneled down
through the limestone about thirty-five feet,
making the hole almost forty feet wide. Steps
were carved into the side spiraling down to
the bottom of this pool where a straight set of
stone steps descended another forty-five feet
through a tunnel to reach the water table (seventy-
nine steps in all). This had been built to
provide the inhabitants of the city with a secure
water supply inside the walls during
time of siege. It has been estimated that about
three thousand tons of rock would have been
removed to accomplish this engineering feat.
Only later was a tunnel cut to the spring outside
the city.
2:14-16. individual bouts. At times individual
combat was used, viewing the individuals as
representatives of their respective armies so
that the divine will could be expressed (as in
the fight between David and Goliath). It is un-
325 2 SAMUEL 2:16—3:14
likely that this is the case here because there
are twelve pairs (not just one) and because the
intent is cited as entertainment. It must be noted,
however, that battle is at times portrayed
as a festival (as early as Sargon and, closer to
this time, in the Tukulti-Ninurta Epic). The
NIV translation “fight hand to hand” obscures
the fact that this is merely an exhibition. Examples
of individual combat are known in
Egypt on the Beni Hasan wall painting (early
second millennium) and in the Story of Sinuhe.
It is likewise depicted on a Canaanite vase
from the first half of the second millennium.
Nearer in time, examples are known from
Mycenaean Greece and from Hittite literature.
A relief from the tenth century found at Tell
Halaf depicts two combatants grabbing at one
another’s heads and thrusting with short
swords.
2:16. daggers. The weapons used by the combatants
are described by the Hebrew word
that is typically translated “sword.” It can be
used for shorter two-edged swords (usually
less than sixteen inches) or longer one-edged
swords. The context here would demand the
former since the combatants are in close quarters
and are stabbing one another.
2:21. stripping of weapons. The plunder from
personal combat was the possessions of the
slain. The rank or status of a warrior would be
reflected in clothing, armor or the quality of
the weapons. These would become trophies
and status symbols for the victor. Asahel is
unwilling to settle for any soldier’s gear—he
wants the commander’s.
2:23. butt of the spear. Spears often were
made with a metal casing on the butt end that
was not honed to a point but was tapered
down to a sharp edge. This could be used as a
goad or to stick the spear in the ground. Many
of these metal ends have been found in excavations
and are portrayed on wall paintings.
2:24. geography. The place names mentioned
in verse 24 cannot be identified with any confidence.
It is likely that the “way to the wasteland
of Gibeon” runs northeast toward the
Jordan valley. Ammah and Giah are unknown.
There is a hill rising out of the fertile
valley around Gibeon on the way toward
Geba that may be identified as Ammah.
2:29. Abner’s itinerary. The Arabah refers to
the Jordan rift valley. Abner would have descended
into it through the Micmash pass (see
comment on 1 Sam 10:5 toward the ford at
Adam (see comment on Josh 2:7. Bithron may
not even be a place name, and if it is, it remains
unidentified.
2:31. buried in father’s tomb. Iron Age burial
practices featured multiple burials in cave
tombs. The body was laid out on its back with
personal objects arranged around it.
2 SAMUEL 2:16—3:14
3:6-39
Abner’s Defection and Execution
3:7. sleeping with concubine. Concubines are
women without dowry who include among
their duties providing children to the family.
In the royal household they may represent minor
political alliances. Since a concubine has
been a sexual partner, a son who used his father’s
concubine was not only viewed as incestuous
but was seen as attempting to usurp
the authority of the family patriarch. In a similar
way a successor to the throne at times
sought to expropriate the authority of his predecessor
by taking over his concubines. Israel
was a tribal society in transition to a monarchy.
The network of support for a king would
have been found in the powerful clans and
families. Acquiring concubines and wives
would therefore be the mechanism for building
up the backing of each local area. Support
might also be found in wealthy merchants,
military leaders or even in priestly families.
3:8. dog’s head. This expression is not used
anywhere else in the Old Testament. See comment
on 1 Samuel 24:14 for information concerning
self-deprecation using dog metaphors.
3:9. curse formula. This formula is common in
curses in Samuel and Kings and is usually
found in the mouth of royal figures. An exception
is Ruth’s use of this same formula in Ruth
1:17. The formula is also known from Alalakh
and Mari. Abner has not specified what it is
that God will do. Since this oath is sometimes
associated with rituals in which animals are
mutilated, it is assumed that the speaker calls
down similar mutilation on himself.
3:10. transfer of kingdom by Abner. As mentioned
in the comment on 2:9, Abner most
likely held the reins of power in the provisional
government for which Ish-Bosheth was the
figurehead. If the military was loyal to Abner,
his defection would leave Ish-Bosheth virtually
unprotected. Abner would probably likewise
succeed in bringing with him the
allegiance of most of the northern tribes that
had remained faithful to Saul’s family.
3:13-14. Michal’s status. As indicated in the
comment on 3:7 above, royal harems were the
accepted means of establishing a support base
both nationally and internationally. Michal,
the daughter of Saul, would have represented
a certain amount of legitimation for David as
he was attempting to lay hold of Saul’s kingdom.
Ancient law (evidenced in Hammurabi,
2 SAMUEL 3:14—4:12 326
Eshnunna and the Middle Assyrian Laws)
provides that a man who has been driven
from his home by force may lay claim to his
wife when he returns. He would retain this
right even if she has remarried (often necessary
for support) and had children.
3:14. one hundred foreskins. This was the
bride price paid by David for Michal (see
comment on 1 Sam 18:25. The accomplishment
of killing one hundred Philistines would
have identified David as a significant military
ally meriting marriage into the royal family.
3:17-19. Abner’s diplomacy. Abner is now
functioning as an agent for David’s kingdom.
He is not only planning his own defection but
intends to bring the northern tribes with him.
Tribal decisions were made by the elders who
are called together. It is strategic for him to
speak to the Benjaminites personally and individually,
both because he is a prominent leader
in the tribe of Benjamin, and, even more
importantly, because Saul was from the tribe
of Benjamin, so they would be the most loyal
to Saul’s descendants.
3:20-21. agreement between Abner and David.
It was typical of important transactions
that they be sealed with a feast shared between
the parties to celebrate the legal arrangements
that have been concluded. The
twenty men with Abner may be important
representatives of the powerful factions in Israel
as well as a small military entourage of
high ranking officers.
3:22. raid with plunder. Most armies, whether
made up of mercenaries, conscripts or professional
members of a standing army, considered
plunder to be part of the pay of being a
soldier (much like a waitress would consider
tips). Some raids were carried out with military
objectives in mind (expansion, control of
trade routes, etc.), but others would be intended
to pester an enemy and, at the same time,
provide extra pay for the soldiers. Since David
had little means to finance an administration
or military, plunder was probably the sole
source of compensation for the army.
3:26. well of Sirah. This oasis is generally and
traditionally located about two miles north of
Hebron.
3:29. curse on Joab’s house. The curse pronounced
by David is wide-ranging. The first
category refers to the most serious and humiliating
forms of physical disease (for more details
on these see comments on Lev 13. The
second is the most obscure. The word the NIV
translates “crutch” has been now identified
from Ugaritic and Akkadian as the word for
“spindle” or “distaff.” The phrase used here
was the common description of a woman involved
in menial tasks. A Hittite oath of a soldier,
if broken, would result in the loss of
manhood. The oath describes this penalty in
terms of the violator holding the spindle and
mirror. This second curse then threatens Joab’s
house with decreased virility. The third
curse speaks of violent death and the fourth of
suffering want or famine.
3:31. mourning rites. See comment on 1:12.
2 SAMUEL 3:14—4:12
4:1-12
Assassination of Ish-Bosheth
4:3. Beeroth and Gittaim. Beeroth is generally
looked for north of Kephireh toward the Bethel/
Ai area, perhaps at el-Bireh or Nebi Samwil.
It was one of the Hivite cities of Gibeon
that deceived Joshua (see Josh 9. This verse
tells us that the Hivite population fled to Gittaim
(specific location unknown), apparently
leaving Benjaminites as the sole population in
Beeroth.
4:4. Mephibosheth’s injury. Although the biblical
text does not clarify the details, it is generally
believed that the battle at Mount Gilboa
in which Saul was killed led to Philistine control
of the entire central region. If that is true,
it is likely that the Philistines would have
sacked Saul’s capital at Gibeah. Such circumstances
would explain the frantic flight of
Saul’s household and the subsequent injury of
Mephibosheth. A neck or spine injury could
have made Mephibosheth a paraplegic, but it
need not have been so extensive as that. Broken
legs or ankles improperly set or poorly
treated could likewise lame him. Splinting to
set bones was a practice known in the ancient
world, but compound fractures were often
considered hopeless.
4:5. noonday rest. In the semiarid climate of
the Near East it is common for the hottest
hours of the day (after lunch) to be set aside
for rest or napping.
4:6. wheat in the king’s house. Though it
would not be difficult to document the presence
of storehouses in proximity to royal
quarters, there is a persuasive textual variant
at this point in the text that makes reference to
a guard (female) who has fallen asleep because
she had tired herself out gathering
wheat.
4:12. mutilation and exposure. To dismember
the bodies of the assassins and leave them unburied
is the height of disgrace and shame for
the victim and the family. Improper burial
was popularly thought to jeopardize an individual’s
afterlife (for further information see
comments on Num 3:12-13 and Josh 8:29.
Public display of enemies’ corpses can be seen
327 2 SAMUEL 5:1-7
in the practice of impaling the bodies on a
pike, which the Assyrians used as a psychological
ploy and a terror tactic (as depicted on
the walls of their royal palaces). The cutting
off of the hands and feet was probably understood
to extend their pain and suffering into
the afterlife, but there is not enough attestation
of the practice or the thought behind it to
recover the reason with confidence.
2 SAMUEL 5:1-7
5:1-25
David’s Victories
5:1. flesh and blood. The actual Hebrew idiom
is “bone and flesh,” but it expressed the same
concept as our “flesh and blood” does. Affirmation
of their kinship is offered as a basis for
political alliance. Compare the similar context
in Judges 9:2.
5:3. role of the elders. The elders here are the
clan leaders of Israel. In the absence of a king
or other dominant leader, the tribes relied on
the collective assembly of the tribal elders.
They administered justice in the village culture
and served as representatives for the people
at major gatherings. The people would
look for the endorsement of David by the elders
before they would accept his leadership.
5:3. compact with elders. As in 2:4 where an
agreement was reached with the leaders of
Judah, here all the tribes subscribe to a formal
declaration of David’s kingship. This would
likely have included a written ratification document
such as that drawn up with Saul in
1 Samuel 10:25.
5:3. anointed. David had been anointed by the
leaders of Judah in 2:4. Anointing designated
a change in status and was symbolic of their
affirmation of his kingship. For more information
on the practice of anointing see comment
on 1 Samuel 16:1.
5:4-5. chronology. David’s reign is generally
believed to take up the first third of the tenth
century B.C. (about 1010-970). Forty can often
be a round number, but the breakdown in
verse five suggests that it should be taken as a
precise reckoning.
5:6. Jerusalem. The city is strategically located
along an east-west road that runs from the
fords of the Jordan near Jericho to the coastal
highway. It is also by the most significant
north-south road that runs through the hill
country from Beersheba to Beth Shan. Its location
is also strategic because of its position by
the border between Judah and Benjamin. The
deep valleys on the east and west of the ridge
and the reliable water supply found at the Gihon
spring combined to make the location defensible
and desirable. The earliest reference
to Jerusalem is in the Egyptian execration
texts from early in the second millennium B.C.,
where its kings are named Yaqirammu and
Shayzanu. The next reference is found in six
letters in the Amarna texts from Abdi-Heba,
king of Jerusalem, to the pharaoh requesting
military support. Jerusalem was one of the
key cities in the region and in the Amarna period
was competing with Shechem for control
of the hill country. Jerusalem was defeated by
the Israelite armies at the time of the conquest,
but the inhabitants had not been driven out
and it had not been occupied by the Israelites
Judg 1:21. The city of Jerusalem in this period
occupied only the north-south ridge covering
about ten acres that runs south of the
modern city walls. The top of the ridge is only
about four hundred feet wide and about fifteen
hundred feet long. The population would
not have exceeded one thousand. The
Canaanite city was built on an artificial platform
that was supported by a series of terraces.
Archaeologists have uncovered a stepped
stone structure over fifty feet tall at the northeast
corner of this ridge. This was most likely
the platform for the Jebusite citadel referred to
in verse 7, and was enhanced by David for use
as the foundation of his palace built in verse
11. The city was surrounded by a ten-footthick
wall that had first been built over eight
hundred years earlier. There is little else that
archaeologists have found in the city that is attributable
to the time of David.
2 SAMUEL 4:12—5:6 5:6. Jebusites. First mentioned as descendants
of Canaan Gen 10:16, the Jebusites were
probably non-Semitic peoples, related to the
Hittites or Hurrians, who moved into this region
during the early second millennium.
They inhabited the hill country along the
southern border with Benjamin Josh 15:8
and the city of Jebus Josh 15:63; 2 Sam 5:6.
After David captured Jerusalem, the Jebusites
apparently were either assimilated or were
enslaved and eventually lost their ethnic identity
2 Sam 5:6-9.
5:6. lame and blind. There has been some suggestion
that this was a magical tactic involving
a hex. By positioning lame and blind
people on the walls the threat was posed that
any who entered the city would become lame
and blind. Most, however, have preferred the
understanding that this is simply a taunting
hyperbole: “Even the lame and blind could
hold off your armies!”
2 SAMUEL 5:6-9 5:7. Zion. The etymology of Zion cannot at
present be traced, but here (its first occurrence)
it appears to refer to the acropolis of the
Jebusite city. It later came to represent David’s
city and was used to refer to the entire city of
2 SAMUEL 5:8-11 328
Jerusalem through much of the poetic and
prophetic literature of the Old Testament.
5:8. water shaft. For over a century many interpreters
have identified David’s means of
entry into the city with Warren’s Shaft, a rockcut
tunnel that gave the residents access to the
water of the Gihon Spring. More recent archaeological
work in the tunnel system by Reich
and Shukron, however, has determined
that the Warren Shaft was never used as a water
tunnel and was not connected to the underground
system in the time of David. The
following comments explore the various elements
involved in this interpretation.
2 Samuel 5:8-11 The Gihon spring lies in the Kidron valley
on the southeast side of the city. Three or four
times a day it gushes water for about forty
minutes. It can provide up to forty-five thousand
cubic feet per day (enough to fill a pool
that is seventy-five feet square and eight feet
deep).
The strategic importance of water systems. In
time of siege it was imperative for the inhabitants
of the city to have access to a secure water
supply, but the city walls were on the crest of
the hill, while the spring was in the valley. For
this reason much engineering creativity was
directed toward the use of tunnels and shafts
cut through the bedrock that could provide
water for the city. Other water tunnels are
known from Hazor, Megiddo, Gezer and
Gibeon (see comment on 2:13). The earliest
rock-cut water systems known from the
ancient Near East are from thirteenth-century
Mycenaea.
Jerusalem’s water system. From inside the
city one would enter a passageway that
descended gradually by slopes and steps. A
sharp right turn would enter a horizontal tunnel
that ended in a steep stairway into a natural
cave. The distance from the entrance to the
cave is about 130 feet. A sharp turn from the
cave led one into a fortified tower, where the
water from the Gihon Spring collected in a
large pool.
David’s penetration of the city. The only
entryway into the water system from the outside
would have been through a channel that
forked off from the tunnel that took water
from the spring to the pool in the tower. This
channel ran the length of the city. It was not a
tunnel, but it was covered over by huge rocks.
At this stage it is not possible to offer any clear
idea of how Joab made his way into the city.
5:9. king’s personal ownership of the capital.
The title “City of David” may reflect the ancient
practice that the capital city became not
only the royal residence but the personal estate
of the reigning king and his successors.
From Tukulti-Ninurta of the thirteenth century
to Sargon II of the eighth century, Assyrian
kings were known to name capital cities after
themselves. Sargon purchased the site of
Dur-Sharrukin and built his capital there
(Khorsabad) in much the same way that Omri
bought the site for his new capital, Samaria (1
Kings 16:24). Such royal estate cities typically
housed the administration (composed largely
of relatives of the king) and enjoyed certain
privileges, including exemption from taxation,
corvee labor, military duty and imprisonment,
as well as being beneficiaries of the
most beautiful and elaborate building
projects. Such privileges (kidinnutu) were enjoyed,
for instance, by Babylonian cities such
as Nippur, Sippar and Borsippa, based on
their status as religious centers rather than as
political capitals. Political capitals such as
Nineveh and Babylon also were endowed
with similar status.
5:9. supporting terraces (millo). It is now accepted
by most that this important defensive
structure should be identified with what archaeologists
have called the “stepped stone
structure” (see comment on 5:6). This structure
is made of rock and earth, and allowed
for the building area to be expanded by about
two thousand square feet.
5:11. Tyre. Tyre was one of the major Phoenician
seaports of the ancient world. It was located
on a small island (about 150 acres) in the
Mediterranean just off the coast about one
hundred miles directly north of Jerusalem.
The city and its mainland fortress are well
represented in ancient sources from as early as
Ebla and including Egyptian execration texts,
Amarna letters, the Epic of Keret (Ugaritic),
the Tale of Wenamon (Egypt) and down into
Greek and Roman sources. Besides its significant
role in the sea trade of the day, the textile
and dye industry (see comment on Num 4:6
and the export of cedar were among the pillars
of its economy.
5:11. Hiram. The dates of Hiram I of Tyre
(Phoenician Ahiram; Assyrian Hirummu) are
commonly cited as 969-936 B.C., based on the
chronological reckoning of the Jewish historian,
Josephus (first century A.D.). He claims to
have extensive records of the history of Tyre
and offers much information about Hiram’s
reign. This dating gives little if any overlap
between David and Hiram and is suspect due
to the methods of calculation available to Josephus.
Contemporary Near Eastern sources offer
no information about this Hiram but
mention prominently his later namesake,
Hiram II. The name is also well known from
the sarcophagus of Ahiram, king of nearby
329 2 SAMUEL 5:11-21
Byblos, around this same time period.
5:11. cedar wood. Cedar trees are slow growing
and can live up to three thousand years
and attain heights of 120 feet. Beautiful grain,
sweet-smelling aroma and durability combined
to make cedar the wood of choice for
most temples and palaces of the ancient
world. High resin content inhibited the
growth of fungus. The forests of Lebanon on
the west slope of the Lebanon range (at elevation
levels of about five thousand feet) were
one of the few places where it grew. Both Mesopotamia
and Egypt were importing it beginning
as early as the fourth millennium B.C. By
the year 1000, there was little that remained of
the legendary forests, making the rare wood
all the more valuable.
5:11. David’s palace. Though no remains of
David’s palace have been discovered by archaeologists,
the assistance of Hiram of Tyre
suggests that it would have been of Phoenician
architectural design. Contemporary Phoenician
examples excavated in Syria are identified
by the Akkadian description bit-hilani,
which refers to the characteristic porch with
columns that are prominently featured. A palace
of bit-hilani style has been excavated in Israel
at Megiddo and has been identified as
Solomon’s palace. This most likely offers the
closest example of what David’s palace in
Jerusalem would have looked like. The palace
at Megiddo is about seventy feet square. Inside,
a number of large halls, an audience
chamber, an interior courtyard and about a
dozen smaller rooms for residential or administrative
use filled out the first floor. It was at
least two stories tall and featured a guard
tower.
2 SAMUEL 5:11-21 5:13. royal marriages as political strategy. Marriage
was a tool of diplomacy throughout the
ancient Near East. Towns, city-states, tribes or
nations who wished to ally themselves with a
ruler or come under his protection sealed the
treaty with a marriage of a daughter of their
chief family to the suzerain or his son. This was
an act of loyalty on the part of the vassal, who
would then have a personal stake in preserving
the dynasty. For instance, Zimri-Lim, the king
of Mari during the eighteenth century B.C., successfully
placed his daughters in the harems of
nearby kingdoms and married several foreign
wives himself to increase his power and the
stability of his realm. Similarly Pharaoh Thutmose
IV (1425-1412 B.C.) arranged a marriage
with a daughter of the Mitannian king to demonstrate
good relations and end a series of wars
with that middle Euphrates kingdom. In David’s
case, prior to becoming king of Israel he
made a series of marriages that strengthened
his political and economic position (see comment
on 1 Sam 25:39-44. The marriages in this
verse likely assured the support of some of the
leading families of Jerusalem.
5:17. stronghold. The stronghold referred to
here is not the same as that referred to in
1 Samuel 22:4 and 24:22, but is likely the Jebusite
citadel in Jerusalem. The platform for
this citadel and a few remnants of the wall
have been found by archaeologists at the
northern end of the Jebusite city in the area
south of the modern walls of the Old City.
5:18. Valley of Rephaim. As the Sorek Valley
moves eastward out of the Shephelah near
Beth Shemesh, it breaks into several passes
into the hills around Jerusalem. The Sorek Valley
at one point turns northeast toward
Gibeon, while the Valley of Rephaim turns
east-southeast toward the area between Bethlehem
and Jerusalem. It joins the north-south
road from Jerusalem to Bethlehem and then
heads northeast into Jerusalem. This would be
a strategic location for the Philistines to cut
David off from potential reinforcements from
Judah.
5:19. oracular inquiry. From chapter 23
through the end of 1 Samuel, David is making
oracular inquiries of the Lord by means of the
ephod under the guidance of Abiathar the
priest. It is likely that is also what is happening
here. In an oracular inquiry a yes-no question
was posed to the deity, and a binary
mechanism was used to determine what the
answer was. The normative means laid out for
this process in Exodus was the Urim and
Thummim (which were kept in a pouch in the
ephod).
5:20. Baal Perazim. The “baal” element in this
name (as a title for deity) is thought to identify
the site as a sacred site and may have derived
its name from Perez the son of Judah and progenitor
of the line of David. Some identify the
site as the ridge between Giloh and Beit Jala
about two miles northwest of Bethlehem.
5:21. abandoned idols. Nearly every army in
the ancient Near East included priests and diviners
(as seen in the Mari texts), prophets (2
Kings 3) and portable sacred objects (Assyrian
Annals of Shalmaneser III [858-824 B.C.]). In
this way, the god(s) could be consulted on the
battlefield or invoked to lead the soldiers to
victory. In the divine warrior motif, the deity
is fighting the battles and defeating the deities
of the enemy. In most situations prayers
would be made and omens asked to assure
the god’s presence. The idols would only be
abandoned under the most critical circumstances.
There are several cases in the ancient
world of statues of a god being carried off as
2 SAMUEL 5:24—6:5 330
trophies of war. For examples see comment on
1 Samuel 5:2.
5:24. marching in the balsam trees. If balsam
trees are mentioned here, they would be identified
as bushlike shrubs called mastic terebinths,
common in the hill country. While
there are many reasons to be suspicious of
that translation, no other suggestion has been
persuasive either. There is agreement, however,
that some sort of tree is referred to. It has
been suggested that David is using a tree oracle
in which observations of the trees are taken
as divine guidance, but it is difficult to confirm
this as a regular oracular procedure.
5:24. divine vanguard. In the divine warrior
motif the deity goes out as the vanguard to
vanquish the enemy. This is common throughout
the ancient Near East. In Hittite accounts,
Hattusilis III claims that Ishtar went out before
him. In Egypt, Amun-Re is said to have
gone out before the armies of Thutmose III.
The deity terrifies and confuses the enemy,
and at times sends thunder (see comment on
1 Sam 7:10 or earthquakes (see comment on
1 Sam 14:15.
2 SAMUEL 5:24—6:5 5:25. Gibeon to Gezer. The Valley of Rephaim
(where the Philistines were camped in verse
22) is southwest of Jerusalem. The Gibeon-
Gezer corridor follows the Aijalon Valley,
which is northwest of Jerusalem. Verse 23 suggests
that David positioned his army to the
west of the Philistines to block their retreat.
This would have driven the Philistines toward
Jerusalem (about two miles), which they
would have passed to the west. Just north of
the city they would have veered northwest to
make for Gibeon (six miles). There may have
been additional Philistine garrisons in this area,
or they may simply be heading for the next
corridor to the plain. Since the text mentions
Gezer, they must have headed northwest out
of Gibeon to the Beth Horon pass (about three
miles; see comment on Josh 10:10 and down
into the Valley of Aijalon (five miles). It is
about seven more miles to Gezer, which
means that David drove the Philistines completely
out of the hill country.
6:1-23
The Installation of the Ark in
Jerusalem
6:1. thirty thousand chosen men. David’s
standing army is now thirty divisions (see
comment on Josh 8:3. The importance of the
ark as well as its military significance is indicated
by the size of the escort. Processions to
showcase military might were common in the
ancient world and continue in popularity today.
The Assyrian army likewise accompanied
the statue of Marduk as it was restored to
Babylon from Asshur in the seventh century.
6:2. Baalah. In 1 Chronicles 13:6 Baalah is
identified as another name for Kiriath Jearim.
The ark has been housed in Kiriath Jearim
ever since its return from Philistia. The site is
commonly (but tentatively) identified with
Tell el-Azhar, nine miles west northwest of
Jerusalem.
6:2. enthroned between the cherubim. The
ark was a wooden box, open at the top, approximately
three to four feet in length and
two and a quarter feet in both width and
height, based on eighteen inches a cubit. It
was overlaid inside and out with sheets of the
finest gold and had four rings (also gold covered)
attached to the sides for the insertion of
two gold-encrusted poles, which were used to
carry the ark and to protect it from the touch
of all but the high priest. A golden cover, decorated
with two winged cherubim, sealed the
ark. Its primary function was to store the tablets
and to serve as a “footstool” for God’s
throne, thereby providing an earthly link between
God and the Israelites. In Egyptian festivals
the images of the gods were often carried
in procession on portable barques. Paintings
portray these as boxes about the size of
the ark carried on poles and decorated with or
flanked by guardian creatures. Biblical descriptions
as well as archaeological discoveries
(including some fine ivory pieces from
Nimrud in Mesopotamia, Arslan Tash in Syria
and Samaria in Israel) suggest the cherubim
are composite creatures (having features of a
number of different creatures, like the Egyptian
sphinx), often four-legged animal bodies
with wings. The cherubim appear in ancient
art with some regularity, flanking the thrones
of kings and deities. The combination of cherubim
as throne guardians, chests as footstools
and statements in the Old Testament concerning
Yahweh being enthroned on the cherubim
supports the concept of the ark as representing
the invisible throne of Yahweh. The use of
empty thrones was widespread in the ancient
world. They were provided for use by deities
or royal personages when they were present.
6:3. new cart. The use of a new cart would assure
that there was no ritual impurity connected
to the cart from previous usage (for
instance, if it had been used to transport dung
or dead animals). However, instructions for
the transport of the ark always involved
priests using poles to carry it rather than using
a cart. The cart precedent was set by the
Philistines 1 Sam 6:7.
2 SAMUEL 6:1-7 6:5. worship music. These are all typical musi-
331 2 SAMUEL 6:6-17
cal instruments of the time and are attested in
ancient Near Eastern texts, reliefs and paintings
as early as the third millennium B.C.
There is still some disagreement among authorities
as to which of the Hebrew words in
this passage ought to be translated “harp” and
which one as “lyre.” The one the NIV translates
“lyre” is a ten-stringed instrument, while
the one translated “harp” is thought to have
had fewer strings. Both are hand-held with
frames made of wood. The tambourine has
been identified in archaeological reliefs as the
tambour, a small drum (leather stretched over
a hoop) that would not have the tinny rattle
sound of modern tambourines. The fourth instrument
(NIV “sistrum”) is the most difficult
because it only occurs here. It is most commonly
considered a shaker or rattle of some
sort. The last, cymbals, are made of bronze
and are in the percussion group, so the only
remaining question concerns their size.
6:6. threshing floor of Nacon. The location of
this threshing floor is unknown. The text puts
it in the vicinity of Obed-Edom’s house,
which in turn is not far from Jerusalem, but it
is impossible to be more precise.
6:7. Uzzah’s irreverence. The ark is viewed as
an object requiring respect and caution. Its
very nature made it dangerous (compare electricity).
The word translated “irreverence” occurs
only here in the Old Testament, but the
same root in related languages means “disdain”
(Akkadian) or “negligence” (Aramaic).
6:10. house of Obed-Edom. The name
Obed-Edom means “servant of Edom” (perhaps
a deity’s name; compare Obadiah =
Obed-Yah[weh]). Additionally he is identified
as a Gittite, that is, from Gath. A company of
soldiers (mercenaries?) from Gath made up
David’s personal bodyguard (see 15:18), and it
is possible that this individual is one of them.
The house is generally considered to be in
close proximity to Jerusalem, but evidence is
lacking.
6:13. sacrifice every six steps. When the Assyrian
king Ashurbanipal was restoring the
image of Marduk to Babylon (seventh century),
fatted bulls were offered every two miles
along the way (Assur to Babylon is about 250
miles). David would have made about the
same number of sacrifices as Ashurbanipal in
about a half mile. The text does not specify
what was used for an altar or how long the
procession took. The word translated “bull” is
a general term for cattle that can be male or female.
The category of fatted calf is not used in
the ritual instructions in the Pentateuch. It is
presumed to be an animal that has been specially
fed and pampered so the meat will be
tender. The text does not specify what type of
sacrifice this is intended to be.
6:14. linen ephod. Though the ephod is a
priestly garment, David is not necessarily portrayed
as actually officiating in the role of the
priest. Alternatively he may be taking the role
of supplicant before the Lord and thus “offers”
the sacrifices, not as priest but as any
worshiper would (see comment below on
verse 17).
6:14. dancing in the ancient world. Much of
the dancing that is attested in the ancient
world takes place in cultic contexts, though
both Mesopotamian and Egyptian sources frequently
depict dancers involved in entertainment.
The dancing connected to festivals
would probably resemble folk dancing of today,
featuring the coordinated movements of
a group of dancers. At other times the dances
could more resemble ballet, where a scene or a
drama is acted out. Single dancers usually
performed either whirling, squatting, leaping,
hopping-type dances or acrobatics approximating
a modern gymnast’s routine. Dancers
sometimes performed either scantily clad or
in the nude. In cultic contexts the participating
officials (i.e., priests and administration) at
times danced, not just the professionals. In
one Hittite ritual this specifically included the
queen. There are no known examples of dancing
kings.
6:14-21. David’s activity. The verb translated
“danced” in verses 14 and 16 is used only in
this passage. The use of the word in the related
language of Ugaritic shows it to be something
one does with fingers, thus suggesting
snapping or waving fingers. The verb translated
“leaping” in verse 16 is used only here and
in a slightly different form in Genesis 49:24,
where it is a description of the agility of the
arms. In the parallel passage, 1 Chronicles
15:29, the verb translated “dancing” is only
used of human activity twice (once parallel to
singing and rejoicing, Job 21:11; and once opposite
to mourning, Ecc 3:4. It generally conveys
swaying, trembling or vibrating movements.
It is possible, then, that David is not involved
in dance at all but is swaying his arms
and snapping or waving his fingers.
6:15. trumpets. The trumpet referred to here is
the ram’s horn (shofar). The shofar is capable
of a variety of tones but cannot play a tune so
is used primarily for signals either in worship
or in warfare. The ram’s horn was softened in
hot water, then bent and flattened to produce
its distinctive shape.
2 SAMUEL 6:6-17 6:17. tent pitched for the ark. The text does
not refer to this tent as the tent of meeting or
the tabernacle, the two technical descriptions
2 SAMUEL 6:17—7:2 332
that typically identify the sanctuary that had
been ordained at Sinai. Canaanite religious
texts also speak of pavilions used for the
dwelling of the gods. Archaeologists have
found the remains of a Midianite tent shrine at
Timnah that dates to the twelfth century B.C. It
too was made of curtains draped over poles.
Portable structures of similar design (curtains
hung over gold-gilded beams or poles) are
found in Egypt as early as the mid-third millennium
both in sacred and secular use.
6:17. burnt offerings and fellowship offerings.
Burnt offerings were totally consumed
on the altar and usually were connected to petitions
(see comment on Lev 1:3-4. Fellowship
offerings provided a basis for a communal
meal, and typical use of this offering was for
ratification of treaties or covenant agreements.
For more information see comments on
1 Samuel 10:8; Exodus 24:5; and Leviticus
3:1-5. The fellowship offerings are seen in contexts
of coronation 1 Sam 11 and temple dedication
1 Kings 8. It is possible that the
installation of the ark was combined with an
enthronement celebration; see next comment.
6:17. enthronement celebration. Assyrian enthronement
festivals from the time of Tukulti-
Ninurta I (twelfth century) describe the
king taking off his royal robes and praying
humbly before the deity. Then the king is
re-crowned and blessed. There follows a procession
to the throne, concluding in gifts of allegiance
being offered by high officials. The
similarities in David’s festivities can easily be
seen. Here it is Yahweh whose enthronement
is being celebrated. David sets aside his royal
garments and leads the procession as a simple
supplicant to the throne room (the tent). Then
the sacrifices of petition and allegiance are offered.
From verse 21 it might be inferred that
on this occasion there was also a reaffirmation
of David’s election and kingship. Assyrian
records also preserve several accounts of the
founding of a new royal city (Ashurnasirpal,
Sargon, Sennacherib, Esarhaddon). These feature
the god being brought into the city accompanied
by sacrifices and a banquet
(including music), with food and drink being
distributed liberally to the people.
6:18. blessings for the people. In the ancient
world, blessings (as well as curses) were believed
to have a power all their own that
would result in their fulfillment. They were
often given by the priests to someone leaving
the sanctuary after participating in some ritual.
In ancient Near Eastern practice a phrase
invoking the gods to grant watch care and
well-being is used regularly in Ugaritic and
Akkadian salutations. Finally, the phrase “the
Lord bless you and keep you” is also found in
the words (Hebrew) painted on a large storage
jar from the ninth century B.C. found at
Kuntillet Ajrud in the northern Sinai.
6:19. gifts for the people. The loaf of bread
here is a braided ring bread that is perforated
in the baking process. “Date cake” is a traditional
translation—the word occurs only in
this account, and the meaning is uncertain.
The treat rendered “raisin cake” could be
made out of any dried fruit. Hosea 3:1 specifies
that raisins are used to make this morsel,
but the context here does not give that information.
This would be a block or ball of compressed
dried fruit.
6:20. Michal’s complaint. In verse 16 the text
says that when Michal saw David performing
whatever he was doing (see comment on
6:14-21) that she despised him. It is not until
this verse that detail is given concerning what
offended her. Michal’s complaint did not focus
on undignified behavior but on David’s
attire. There are two reasons already mentioned
why David may have set aside his royal
robes in favor of a simple linen ephod. If he
is dancing as part of the procession (see 6:14
above), he may have adopted the attire of
those who dance, which was often very little.
If this resembles an enthronement festival (see
6:17 above), it was customary for the king to
adopt the role of supplicant. Since Michal
compares him to a “vulgar fellow,” it is likely
that the former represents her understanding.
2 SAMUEL 6:17—7:2
7:1-29
A Covenant and a Dynasty for
David
7:1, 11. rest. Here it is indicated that God has
given David rest from his enemies, and
throughout the Old Testament the Lord
speaks of giving rest to his people. This is especially
significant in this context where David
wants to build a temple, because in the
ancient Near East the temple of the deity was
supposed to offer rest to the deity. Some of the
temple names even suggest that as a primary
function of the temple. This divine rest then
often results in rest for the people in their
land. In contrast the Bible says little about divine
rest, and it is never the prerequisite for
human rest except for the sabbath.
7:2-3. prophet as advisor. Prior to the time of
Samuel, prophets had exercised political leadership
by virtue of their prophetic office. With
the initiation of kingship the role of the prophet
had become an advisory role. Rather than
leading the people as the recipient of divine
messages, the prophet offered guidance to the
333 2 SAMUEL 7:2-22
king, who would retain the freedom to accept
or reject it. For more information see comments
on Deuteronomy 18:14-22.
7:2. cedar dwelling versus tent dwelling. It
was a common occurrence in the ancient Near
East for a victorious king to show his gratitude
to the patron deity by building a temple.
Examples go back into the mid-third millennium
among the Sumerians and continue down
into Assyrian, Babylonian and even Persian
times. The temple (home of the god) was expected
to bring the protection of the deity to
the king and his land. A permanent and luxurious
dwelling (cedar) would be intended to
insure the Lord’s presence and favor. In
Ugaritic literature the father god, El, was believed
to inhabit a tent shrine (as were many
of the Canaanite deities). Baal, in contrast,
built for himself a beautiful palace.
7:5. divine permission to build. In the ancient
world it was important to procure divine permission
to build a temple. If the king proceeded
on his own without direction as to the
location, orientation, size and materials, he
could expect only failure. In the Neo-Babylonian
period Nabonidus tells of a king who undertook
such a project without the consent of
the gods, with the result that the temple collapsed.
In the Sumerian Curse of Akkad, Naram-
Sin seeks an omen that will permit him to build
a temple. Though he does not receive one, he
proceeds anyway. His action is consequently
blamed for the fall of the dynasty of Akkad.
7:8-11. deity as king’s sponsor. It is common
rhetoric in the ancient Near East for a king to
claim the sponsorship of the national deity.
Hittite and Mesopotamian documents are especially
clear. The deity is acknowledged as
having brought the king to the throne, given
him the land and established his kingship.
The god is relied upon to protect the king,
give him victory over his enemies and establish
his dynastic line, thereby determining the
destiny of the king.
7:13. son to build temple. An inscription survives
in which Adad-Guppi, the famous
queen mother of the Neo-Babylonian empire
(sixth century), reports a dream given by the
god Sin. The god told her that it was her son
who would construct the temple for him in
the city of Harran. This was different to David’s
situation in that it was a work of restoring
a sanctuary that had fallen into ruins.
7:14. father/son relationship between God
and king. Egyptian kingship is particularly
strong on this point, since the kingship of the
pharaoh was seen as derived from the divine
realm. More particularly he was conceived as
the son of Re, the sun god. In Ugaritic literature,
Keret, king of Khubur, is identified as the
son of El, the chief god of the Canaanites.
Among the Aramean kings the designation
was even included in their throne names
(Ben-Hadad means son of Hadad). In Mesopotamia,
from Gilgamesh in the mid-third
millennium through kings such as Gudea,
Hammurabi, Tukulti-Ninurta and Ashurbanipal,
just to name a few, it was part of the royal
prerogative to claim divine heritage.
7:14-15. security despite discipline. In one
Hittite treaty of the second millennium the
Hittite king, Hattusilis III, guarantees his vassal,
Ulmi-Teshup of Tarhuntassa, that his son
and grandson will inherit the land after him.
The text goes on to say that if Ulmi-Teshup’s
descendants commit offenses, they will be
punished (even with death), but that the land
will not be taken away from Ulmi-Teshup’s
family as long as there is a male heir.
2 SAMUEL 7:2-22 7:15. covenant love. Hittite, Akkadian,
Ugaritic and Aramaic examples all show that
the positive action of the suzerain toward the
vassal is expressed as love, kindness and graciousness,
and in return the vassal is expected
to respond with obedience and loyalty. In
the Amarna letters (from vassal kings of
Canaan to their Egyptian overlord) “love” is
used as a characterization of friendly and loyal
international relationships. It expresses the
vassal’s intentions to be loyal and to honor
the terms of the treaty agreement between the
parties. The biblical text shows a clear example
of this usage in 1 Kings 5:1. There are rare
instances in Mesopotamian literature where
an individual is admonished to love a deity,
but in general the gods of the ancient Near
East did not seek love from their worshipers,
nor did gods enter into covenant relationships
with them.
7:18-29. observations about David’s prayer.
In a prayer of Ashurnasirpal I (an Assyrian
king a generation earlier than David) to Ishtar
he thanks Ishtar for her sponsorship. The benevolent
acts he recognizes include raising
him up from obscurity, appointing him as a
shepherd to the people, making him a name
and allowing him to establish justice for his
people. These are also some of the same divine
services that Nathan has identified to
David (verses 8-11).
7:22. monotheism. The statement here that
there is no God except Yahweh goes beyond
previous statements. Though there were several
attempts in the ancient world to magnify
one god to the near exclusion of others, these
do not come close to the ideal of monotheism
represented in ancient Israel (see comments
on Ex 20:3 and Deut 6:4.
2 SAMUEL 8:1-8 334
8:1-18
David’s Kingdom
8:1. Metheg Ammah. Many doubt that this is
a place name, and a number of creative alternatives
have been proposed. If it is a place
name, the location has not been identified.
8:2-3. selective, proportional execution. The
described means of choosing those who
would be executed is unparalleled in both the
Bible and the ancient Near Eastern records
available to us.
8:2. tribute. When one state or other political
entity conquered another or extended hegemony
over its affairs, the result was the exaction
of tribute payments from the subject
people. This could take the form of precious
metals (by weight or as jewelry or implements),
farm produce (a significant portion of
the harvest) or labor service. Not surprisingly,
this draining of the economy was unpopular
and was generally the reason for revolt or warfare.
Extrabiblical documentation for this practice
is widespread. For instance, the annals of
the Assyrian kings often include lists of items
received as tribute: the Black Obelisk inscription
of Shalmaneser III (859-824 B.C.) contains
Jehu’s tribute to Assyria of silver, gold, lead
and hard woods; Tiglath-Pileser III (744-727
B.C.) received elephant hide, ivory, linen garments
and other luxury items from his vassals
in Damascus, Samaria, Tyre and elsewhere.
8:3. Hadadezer. Hadadezer is identified as the
son of Rehob, which may indicate his association
with the important town of Beth Rehob
(see 10:6). The Assyrian king who was contemporary
to David, Ashurrabi II, reports significant
trouble from an Aramean king who is
seeking to expand into Assyrian territory.
There is no mention of this king’s name, but
Hadadezer is the most likely candidate. The
name itself is familiar since it is also the name
of the Aramean king who opposed the Assyrians
in the ninth century (Adad-Idri is the Assyrian
form).
8:3. Zobah. This important Aramean kingdom
was situated in the vicinity of the Anti-Lebanon
range and the northern section of the
Beqa Valley (southern section of the Orontes)
and extended east to the plain of Homs. It is
mentioned in Neo-Assyrian records of the
eighth and seventh centuries.
8:3. Euphrates River. The bend of the Euphrates
at Emar is most likely the area intended
here. According to 1 Chronicles 18 this battle
took place at Hamath on the Orontes river.
NIV’s “control” is the Hebrew word for
“hand,” which elsewhere refers to a stele or
monument with a royal inscription (1 Sam
15:12; 2 Sam 18:18 being set up here by David.
Verse 13 speaks of a “name” David makes
(NIV “became famous”), which is another way
that Hebrew speaks of a monument. Egyptian
Pharaoh Thutmose III (fifteenth century)
boasted of the steles they erected on the banks
of the Euphrates.
2 SAMUEL 8:1-8 8:4. chariots. The chariots of Syria during this
period are similar to the Assyrian models depicted
in reliefs of the ninth century. They featured
two yoked horses with one or two
others harnessed beside. Two spoked wooden
wheels on a rear axle supported a small platform
occupied by a driver and rider equipped
with bow and spear. The sides only went up
to mid-thigh on the standing occupants.
8:4. hamstringing. Horses could not be mercifully
shot as they are today, and the Israelites
had no use for them and no means to care for
them; they certainly did not want their enemies
to have continued use of them. Hamstringing
involves cutting through the rear
tarsal tendon in the hock joint (equivalent of
human Achilles tendon), leaving the horses
unable to walk.
8:5. Arameans of Damascus. The movement
of Arameans into the Levant took place in the
eleventh century. Based on other examples
from cuneiform literature, the name Aram
may in fact have originally been that of a region
(cf., Sippar-Amnantum of the Old Babylonian
period) that was later applied to people
living there. Current evidence suggests that
the Arameans inhabited the upper Euphrates
throughout the second millennium, first as
villagers and pastoralists, then as a political,
national coalition. In this text there is no mention
of a king of Damascus, suggesting that
Damascus has not yet emerged as a major
power in the region.
8:5. Damascus. Damascus is located in an oasis
watered by the Barada River in the shadow
of the Anti-Lebanon range to the west and
with the Syrian desert stretching out to its
east. It is first mentioned in the lists of Thutmose
III in the fifteenth century and is named,
though not in a major role, in the Amarna
texts. Its major prominence comes in the conflicts
with Assyria in the ninth and eighth centuries.
The continuing occupation of the site
has offered few opportunities for excavation,
resulting in no information to illuminate the
biblical period.
2 SAMUEL 8:5-18 8:7. gold “shields.” The Hebrew term here
was long obscure but is now recognized as a
technical term borrowed from Aramaic referring
to a bow case. Ceremonial bow cases are
pictured in later Persian reliefs.
8:8. Tebah and Berothai. Tubikhu is men-
335 2 SAMUEL 8:9-18
tioned in the Amarna texts as a city south of
Homs and may be the Tebah mentioned here.
It is also known from Egyptian itineraries.
Berothai is Bereitan in the Beqa Valley south of
Baalbek. 1 Chronicles 18:8 adds Cun (Kunu) to
the list, which was the ancient name of Baalbek
(almost fifty miles north of Damascus).
8:9. Tou of Hamath. Tou of Hamath controlled
the region north of Zobah and was apparently
pleased to see the influence of the kingdom of
Zobah checked by the Israelites. While
Hamath (modern Hama, about 130 miles
north of Damascus) is the name of a city on
the Orontes, it also identifies a nation in
Neo-Assyrian records. Tou is unknown outside
the Bible, but the name is common in the
Hurrian language. This suggests that Hamath
was not at this time an Aramean state.
2 Samuel 8:9-18 8:10-11. dedicating precious metals to the
Lord. Dedication of the precious metals to the
Lord means that they were donated to the
sanctuary’s treasury and became part of the
assets administered by the priests rather than
going into the royal treasuries. Specially selected
objects such as ceremonial weapons or
important cultic objects would have been
kept, while many of the smaller items would
be melted down.
8:12. extent of David’s control. David’s kingdom
included Transjordan at least as far south
as the Arnon. Territory of Edom focused on
the region southwest of the Dead Sea. David’s
conquests targeted the two major trade routes
through the region.
8:13. Valley of Salt. Wadi el-Milh is one possibility,
halfway between Beersheba and the
Dead Sea, though only the name supports the
identification.
8:14. building garrisons. Placing garrisons in
annexed territories or in vassal countries allowed
a country to extend its supply line and
to monitor activities and maintain control.
Food supplies and arms could be stored there,
and the military personnel could be ready to
deal with any deviation from treaty stipulations
or to put down any uprisings. Likewise
tribute could be collected and merchant activity
controlled.
8:16-18. administrative officers and organization.
Joab is listed first, reflecting the reality
that the military commander was second in
command in the administration. This was normal
in the Levant. The recorder would have
charge of the records and documents of state
and could be viewed as a herald or even as the
equivalent to the modern press secretary. He
also had control of who was admitted to see
the king and would have been the protocol officer.
The secretary would have been in charge
of diplomatic correspondence and would
have been comparable in some ways to the
Secretary of State. There has been some suggestion
that these offices are tailored to Egyptian
models of administration, but Canaanite
models are equally defensible.
8:17. two high priests. Abiathar descends
from the line of Eli (see comment on 1 Sam
1:3), which held the high priestly office at the
beginning of this period. Zadok is later identified
as representing the line of Aaron through
his firstborn, Eleazar 1 Chron 6:8. There is no
information concerning how the transfer of
power had occurred during the Judges period.
It is not impossible that the Zadok line had retained
priestly prerogatives in Judah, but one
can only speculate. Competing priesthoods
are not unusual in the ancient Near East, but
typically would represent priesthoods for different
gods.
8:18. Kerethites and Pelethites. These were
groups of mercenaries who served David as
vassals rather than as members of the standing
army. The Kerethites are identified as immigrants
from Crete and are closely associated
with the Philistines, who were believed to
come from the same area of the Aegean. The
Pelethites are known only from passages such
as this, where they are associated with the
Kerethites.
8:18. sons as “advisers.” The Hebrew text
uses the word “priests,” but this is not the
problem it has been portrayed as. Although
the tribe of Levi had been exclusively assigned
all of the duties related to the sanctuary
(see comments on Lev 10:10 and Num
18:1-7), there is no text that prohibits non-
Levites from performing other priestly tasks
(see comments on Ex 28:1. It is just that as
time went on, priestly tasks not related to the
sanctuary were gradually eliminated (see
2 Kings 23:8. The existence of priestly duties
carried out within the family context are indicated
in post-Sinai contexts Judg 6:24-26;
13:19; 1 Sam 20:29, and in the general culture
of the ancient Near East the oldest son frequently
had priestly duties in the veneration
of ancestors (see comment on Num 3:1. Saul
had been reprimanded for his involvement in
a priestly function, but that may have been because
it violated the charter 1 Sam 10:25 that
delineated his role with respect to Samuel’s
(see comment on 1 Sam 13:8-13. David’s
priestly prerogatives may have been attached
to the traditional roles in Jerusalem. The existence
of such a royal priestly tradition is recognized
in places like Psalm 110:4 and perhaps
in David’s participation in the ceremony of installing
the ark (above, 6:14).
2 SAMUEL 9:1—10:6 336
9:1-13
David’s Care for Mephibosheth
9:3. lame in both feet. See the comment on Mephibosheth
and his disability in 2 Samuel 4:4.
9:4. Lo Debar. This was an area north of the
Yarmuk River in Transjordan that was allied
with Saul and later transformed into a vassal
state by David. The site of Tell Dober, which
has evidence of occupation in the Iron I and II
periods, may well be the city that controlled
this region. It lies at the southwestern tip of
the Golan and is north of the Yarmuk.
9:7. David’s action contrasted to normal. Mephibosheth
had good cause to be afraid of
David. There is wide precedent in Mesopotamian
texts for the elimination of all rival
claimants to the throne when a king comes to
power (compare Baasha’s murder of Jeroboam’s
family in 1 Kings 15:29. Such purges
also occurred years later as a form of revenge
for political opposition or rebellion attempted
against previous rulers. For example, Ashurbanipal
mutilated, executed and fed the bodies
of his grandfather’s rivals to dogs as part
of his first official acts as king of Assyria. David,
however, treats Mephibosheth, the only
surviving male member of the royal family, as
the rightful heir to Saul’s estates. His generosity
is coupled with the command to eat at
David’s table. In this way Mephibosheth is
treated with honor, though some have noted it
also keeps him under observation should he
be inclined to subversion.
9:7. eating at the king’s table. Political prisoners
were seldom kept in prison cells. It was
more advantageous for the king to hold them
in confinement within his palace or royal city,
treating them to the pleasures of the “king’s table”
but always keeping a close eye on their
activities. Reports in ration lists from the Babylonian
and Assyrian periods provide evidence
of food, clothing and oil provided to “guests”
of the king. Persian courts contained political
detainees as well as “allies” who were kept in
the king’s presence to insure a continual flow
of taxes and soldiers for the army. Thus Mephibosheth,
like Jehoiachin many years later (2
Kings 25:27-30), enjoyed the largesse of the
king’s court but was not truly free.
2 SAMUEL 9:1—10:6
10:1-19
War with the Ammonites
10:2. David’s intended treatment of Hanun.
During David’s outlaw period he not only
spent time as a Philistine mercenary but also
sought out help from Saul’s enemy Nahash of
Ammon. This would have involved a pact of
mutual nonaggression and support, and
would have been of benefit to both David and
Nahash. Most treaties found in ancient Near
Eastern documents are suzerain treaties in
which a stronger state imposes tribute and
other obligations on vassal states (see the vassal
treaties of Esarhaddon). Some, like the
treaty ending the war between Egypt and Hittites
in the thirteenth century B.C., recognize
“brotherhood” or parity between the two sovereigns
(Rameses II and Hattusilis III). Since
treaties were considered to be “eternal,” it is
not unusual that David would have sent a delegation
to Hanun to renew the elements of
this agreement. The hostile reaction the diplomats
received suggests Ammon’s fear that
David wished to transform the treaty from a
parity agreement to a suzerain treaty.
10:3. Hanun’s treatment of David’s men.
David’s messengers have half their beards
shaved (symbolically emasculating them and
by extension David) and “their garments
[were cut] in the middle at their hips,” leaving
them naked like slaves or captives (see Is
20:4). These men were ambassadors and as
such were entitled to both respect and diplomatic
immunity. What may seem like a
“prank” was in fact a direct challenge to David’s
power and authority, and precipitated a
war between the two nations. David could not
allow such an obvious “rape” or symbolic castration
of his representatives to go unavenged.
A review of Assyrian royal annals (Sargon II,
Sennacherib and Ashurbanipal) contains justifications
for a declaration of war based on a
violation of a sworn agreement or the physical
challenging of Assyrian authority. Although
the annals are not as graphic as this example,
they also serve as a “dropping of the gauntlet”
in political terms.
10:5. till beards grow back. Beards were a
symbol of virility (compare the Assyrian king
Shamshi Adad’s taunting of his son Yasmah-
Addu, saying “Are you not a man—have
you no beard?” in the Mari letters). The physical
message conveyed by Hanun’s act is that
Israel would be deprived of its strength and
thrown into mourning, with garments torn
and heads and beards shaved (see Is 15:2. As
representatives of the king, these ambassadors
were personally embarrassed by their treatment.
However, by extension, David was also
shamed, and thus he kept them from public
view until the “damage” was no longer visible.
10:6. coalition. Very often small states or kingdoms
would ally together against a common
enemy. In this case, Ammon, feeling the need
to strengthen its position against David, en-
337 2 SAMUEL 10:7—11:2
listed the help of the Arameans. Twenty divisions
of troops came from Beth Rehob on the
border between Syria and Israel (in the vicinity
of the Huleh Valley near Tel Dan—see Judg
18:28), and from Zobah in the northern Beqa
Valley. The former city is also mentioned in
Egyptian records from the time of Thutmose
III. See the comment on 2 Samuel 8:3 for other
conflicts between Israel and the Aramean king
Hadadezer. Maacah also lies southeast of Beth
Rehob, south of Mount Hermon and east of
the Jordan. The last group of soldiers (twelve
divisions) come from Tob (et-Tayibeh, twelve
miles southeast of the Sea of Galilee in
Gilead). The list of allies thus names the regions
from north to south, covering the territory
from the Orontes to the territory of
Ammon.
10:7-12. battle situation. The presence of two
separate forces (Ammonites defending the
gates of their city [probably Rabbah] and
Arameans deployed in the adjoining area) required
Joab to divide his own army and make
contingency plans with his co-commander,
Abishai, in case of a collapse by either Israelite
group (compare the account in 1 Chron
19:9-13). This strategy suggests he was surprised
by the enemy position and did not
have sufficient forces to effectively fight a sustained
two-front battle. Although he was in a
dangerously untenable position, with enemy
troops on two sides, his strategy appears to
have worked, at least to the extent of a draw.
This may explain why he was not able to follow
up his efforts but withdrew to Jerusalem.
10:16. Helam. Although its exact location is
uncertain, the city or district of Helam was
probably in northern Transjordan, perhaps between
Damascus and Hamath (supported by
a variant reading in Ezek 47:16—a site that
could serve as a staging area for Hadadezer’s
Aramean troops from across the Euphrates
and an area close enough to be a threat to
David’s control of the region. The site is mentioned
almost a millennium earlier in an
Egyptian execration text, but that does not
help locate it.
10:17. battle lines. Military formations were
designed to take advantage of terrain and the
weaponry employed by the army. The text indicates
that Shobach, the Aramean commander,
had both chariots and infantry. The ranks
of infantry, deployed in mass formations led
by “commanders of fifty,” included spearmen
with shields in the front rank and bowmen
and slingers placed immediately behind them.
When the armies came together, handto-
hand combat would have employed
flat-bladed axes and daggers. The chariots
were often placed on the flanks for easier maneuverability.
10:19. subjects of Israel. It was not uncommon
in the ancient Near East for the fortunes
of war to lead to political shifts of allegiance.
With the defeat of the Aramean army, many of
the villages and towns that had formerly
sworn allegiance to Hadadezer now offered
their support and tribute to David. Parallels to
this practice can be found in the Vassal Treaties
of Esarhaddon as well as in the campaign
lists of most of the Assyrian monarchs. It
should not be assumed, however, that David
was able to take total, structural command of
this region of northern Transjordan. Coerced
support, won one day in battle, may disappear
at the first sign of weakness.
2 SAMUEL 10:7—11:2
11:1-27
David and Bathsheba
11:1. the time when kings go off to war. Military
campaigns, while seldom officially declared,
came predictably in the ancient Near
East with the end of the winter rains. A period
of several months was then available during
the spring season, prior to the harvest, when
every able-bodied man was needed to work in
the fields. Many of the Assyrian and Babylonian
royal annals include the notation that a
military campaign began in either the first
month (Nisannu) or the second month (Aiaru)
of the year (the period from March-May).
11:1. king remained behind. Kings, because
of the duties of state or physical reasons,
could not always accompany the army in every
campaign. For instance, the Assyrian king
Sennacherib employs an official known as the
Rabshekah to besiege Jerusalem in 2 Kings
18:17-35. David’s decision to remain behind
may reflect his confidence in Joab’s military
skill, a pressing diplomatic matter or his concern
with domestic affairs.
11:1. Rabbah. Rabbah was the capital city of
the ancient Ammonites. It was located at the
same site as modern Amman in Jordan on the
north bank of the Zerqa at the sources of the
Jabbok River, about forty miles east of Jerusalem.
Because of continued occupation of the
area, archaeological excavations have been
limited. The ancient acropolis, however, has
been investigated but has yielded little about
the city at the time of David (perhaps a wall
constructed by him).
11:2. roof of the palace. Because of the cool
breeze that refreshes Jerusalem in the early
evening, many people come out to socialize or
to enjoy the air from the privacy of their roof
tops. The palace’s architecture was most likely
2 SAMUEL 11:2—12:2 338
similar to that of more common dwellings,
with a large living or sleeping area on the roof
1 Sam 9:25.
11:2. bathing. Bathsheba’s bathing is probably
an act of purification following her menstrual
cycle (see 2 Sam 11:4. This would be based on
the laws of ritual purity as described in Leviticus
15:19-24. It is uncertain whether her intent
in bathing on the roof was simply to use the
air to help dry herself or whether she used the
opportunity to bring herself to the attention of
the king.
2 Samuel 11:2—12:2 11:3. family of Bathsheba. The father of Bathsheba
is Eliam, a member of David’s special cadre
of “mighty men” 2 Sam 23:34 and therefore
the head of an influential household. This
Eliam is the son of Ahithophel, one of David’s
most respected advisors 2 Sam 15:12; 16:23).
This information, along with the fact that her
husband, Uriah the Hittite, is also one of the
“mighty men” 2 Sam 23:39, suggests that
David knew exactly whose house he was looking
at and was well acquainted with Bathsheba
(an alternative translation suggests that it was
David who said “Is this not Bathsheba?”).
11:4. purification from uncleanness. The reference
to Bathsheba’s bathing refers to a ritual
of cleansing after the completion of the seven
days of impurity following her menstrual cycle
(see Lev 15:19-24. It also establishes that
she was within the most likely time for conception
when she had sexual intercourse with
David (10-14 days after commencement of
menstruation). This also meant that it was impossible
for Uriah to be the father of her child.
11:6-7. Hittite in army. As one of the seven
major peoples of Canaan Deut 7:1, the Hittites
could easily have been hired as mercenaries,
served on labor gangs or intermarried
with Israelites during the period of the judges
and the monarchy. They may represent descendants
of immigrants from the Anatolian
empire or the more recent, northern Syrian
Neo-Hittite states.
11:9-11. Uriah’s behavior. The presence of the
ark of the covenant (v. 11) with the army suggests
that they were engaged in a form of “holy
war” and therefore special restrictions may
have been imposed on the military (see the
mass circumcision of the men prior to the beginning
of the conquest in Josh 5:4-8 and the
purity rites required of encamped soldiers in
Deut 23:9-11 and 1 Sam 21:5. If Uriah had taken
advantage of the opportunity David gave
him to have intercourse with Bathsheba, it
would have been possible to claim he was responsible
for her pregnancy. However, Uriah’s
insistence on maintaining his ritual
purity by sleeping in the guard barracks
forced David to take more drastic measures.
11:14-15. letter of doom. Since Uriah was originally
sent to David to bring a first-hand report
of the military situation, it is not unusual that
David would have sent him back to Joab with
official dispatches and orders. As a story element,
having a victim deliver his own death
warrant is found in folklore from many cultures
(see the Iliad, where the story is reported
of Bellerophon, who, falsely accused, carried
his own death warrant to the king of Lycia),
but this is the only occurrence in the Bible.
11:15-16. deployment of Uriah. As one of
David’s “mighty men,” Uriah would have
regularly been placed at the head of a contingent
of soldiers and may have been expected
to hold a strategic position in the battle plan
(see the description of these “mighty men” in
2 Sam 23:8-39. In this case, however, he was
intentionally placed opposite an elite force of
Ammonite troops and badly outmatched. Uriah’s
portrayal as the immaculate soldier suggests
that he would accept this assignment
without question, but he must have wondered
at the tactics.
11:16-24. battle tactics. The tactics on each
side seem to involve feints and traps. With the
city under siege, it would have been unnecessary
to launch offensives. It may be that Uriah’s
troops were sent on a mission to attempt
a breach of the walls. Israelite casualties occurred
when Uriah’s division was met by a
foray coming out to engage the would-be
breachers and because they were drawn too
close to the walls, where they were within
range of missiles thrown or fired from above.
Joab’s anticipation of David’s recitation of the
well-known incident of Abimelech’s death
Judg 9:50-53 shows that this may have either
been a calculated risk or a tactical mistake, if
the Israelites were simply fooled into a murderous
crossfire. However, it also provided a
plausible explanation for Uriah’s death and
probably did not cost the lives of too many
other Israelite soldiers.
11:26-27. time of mourning. The standard period
of mourning was seven days Gen 50:10.
Only exceptional persons merited a longer
time (thirty days for Moses and Aaron in Deut
34:8 and Num 20:29. In the case of a grieving
widow, this would allow her the usual
amount of time associated with other forms of
impurity before she could consider remarriage
(see Lev 12:2; 15:19).
12:1-13
Nathan’s Rebuke
12:2-4. purpose of the parable. Nathan’s para-
339 2 SAMUEL 12:2-26
ble of the ewe lamb provides a juridical setting
for the indictment of David for his
adultery with Bathsheba. As chief advocate
for the rights of his people (see 2 Sam 15:4;
1 Kings 3:4-28, the king was expected to render
judgment and to demonstrate his wisdom.
While David does judge the actions of the
“rich man,” he is not wise enough to discern
that he is judging himself.
12:2-12. nature of the indictment. The case
presented by Nathan for David’s decision
may appear to the reader to have nothing to
do with David’s crimes, since it deals with
neither adultery nor murder. What this case
demonstrates is that adultery and murder
were only the end results of a more serious
crime: abuse of power. David is formally indicted
by the divine tribunal (God speaking
through the prophet) not only for taking another
man’s wife but for believing that he
could take whatever he wanted and being dissatisfied
with what God had given him. It is
thus made clear that the king is not above the
law and will be called to judgment by God, if
not by the civil authorities.
12:5-6. deserves death/quadruple compensation.
In his outrage, David would like to be
able to sentence the offender to death because
of his pitiless attitude, but the law was clear
enough. The fourfold compensation is consistent
with the law in Exodus 22:1 for the theft
of a sheep (Hammurabi’s Code requires a
fine ten times the value of the stolen livestock).
12:8. master’s house and wives. Since royal
marriages were a reflection of the power of a
monarch and represented political and economic
alliances made in the name of the state,
it would have been necessary, at the succession,
for the harem of the former king to become
the responsibility of the new monarch.
In this way there was continuity of treaty obligations.
After the death of Ishbosheth (2 Sam
4:5-7) and David’s rise to kingship, it would
have been expected that he would extend his
protection to Saul’s family, including his harem.
Thus it is possible that the brief reference
to David’s marriage to Ahinoam in 1 Samuel
25:43 is a reference to his taking Saul’s wife
Ahinoam 1 Sam 14:50.
2 Samuel 12:2-26 12:11. curse. This punishment follows the crime
by suggesting that David’s power will be
usurped and his wives will be taken from him
(see Absalom’s taking of David’s wives in
2 Sam 16:21-22. This even hints at the possibility
that the throne would be taken from him.
His violence and sexual misconduct will be
matched by the violence and sexual misconduct
of his household.
12:15-25
The Death of David and
Bathsheba’s Child
12:16. David’s plea. In the Old Testament the
religious use of fasting is often in connection
with making a request before God. The principle
is that the importance of the request causes
an individual to be so concerned about his
or her spiritual condition that physical necessities
fade into the background. In this sense
the act of fasting is designed as a process leading
to purification and humbling oneself before
God Ps 69:10. Babylonian prayers
include similar expressions of supplication
and a sense of dependence on the power of
the gods to remove evil and restore health.
12:20-23. David’s conduct. David’s servants
did not know the judgment that had been uttered
against the child by God. As a result,
David’s actions were misinterpreted by them.
Fasting can be a response to mourning (as
David’s servants assumed in this case). But
David strove to change God’s mind, and his
fasting was part of the procedure to enhance
David’s petition. Once he sees that the petition
has been denied, he ceases his fast.
12:23. I will go to him, he will not return to
me. This is simply David’s acknowledgment
that his efforts to save his son have failed. He
does not expect any petition to bring his son
back to life but recognizes that they will only
be together in death. It is therefore a poignant
expression of the ultimate fate of all humanity,
similar to Jacob’s mournful reply in Genesis
37:35. Gilgamesh’s mourning for his dead
companion Enkidu includes the statement
that he “has now gone to the fate of mankind,”
and the hero is reminded by Siduri in
the same epic that “when the gods created
mankind, they ordained death for him.” For
more information on afterlife, see the comment
on Job 3:13-19.
2 SAMUEL 12:8-27
12:26-31
The Fall of Rabbah
12:26. royal citadel. This verse refers to a citadel,
while the next refers to the water supply.
It is generally assumed that the water supply
for ancient Rabbah was the powerful spring
by the city. Whether there were separate fortifications
to guard the acropolis and the water
supply or whether they were both guarded by
a single fortification is unknown. One way to
capture a walled city is to cut off its access to
water. It may be that the citadel was captured
because the Israelite army gained control of
the water supply. This was the tactic used by
2 SAMUEL 12:27—13:19 340
Antiochus III in Hellenistic times when he
captured the same city.
12:27. water supply. Due to the often meager
rainfall and the fact that it only comes during
the winter months, cities and towns were dependent
on wells, springs and cisterns during
much of the year. The kings of Mesopotamia
often boasted in their annals about their efforts
to build canals, aqueducts and water-lifting
devices (see also 2 Kings 20:20. Thus the
capture of a city’s water supply generally
meant a quick end to a siege. Nothing is
known of the means by which the water supply
of Rabbah was protected.
12:28. king accomplishing last phase. The
royal annals of ancient kings and pharaohs
seldom mention their generals by name and
always ascribe victories that the gods have
granted to the crown. Kings did not always
go on campaigns with the army. Assyrian
records speak of the king remaining at home
while a high-ranking general or the crown
prince was entrusted with accompanying the
army. This often happened when there were
matters at home that were too pressing for
the king to be absent. David’s absence from
the battlefield might therefore lead his subjects
(or detractors) to infer that he is incapacitated,
threatened or in some way unable
to conduct the duties of king. Even when the
king led the campaign, he would often not be
the one leading the charge in battle but
would be back at camp headquarters planning
strategy. It would still be normal procedure,
however, when possible, for the king to
lead the march into the conquered city. David
had himself seen the divided loyalties that
resulted when his own victories won him a
popular following among the people. These
eventually contributed to bringing him to the
throne. Joab’s pointed statement regarding
whose name would be invoked as Rabbah’s
conqueror might therefore be expected to get
David’s attention and send him quickly into
the field.
12:30. king’s crown. The word used here
usually refers to a ceremonial headdress.
Conical caps or turbans were common
among the kings and deities of the ancient
world. Those worn by kings were often made
of embroidered cloth brocaded with gold and
gems. At times an additional gold diadem
was worn encircling the turban. The weight
of this particular crown suggests that it was
made entirely of gold and not worn by the
Ammonite king but perhaps sat upon the
brow of a statue of the god Milcom (an attractive
variant reading in the text). Many of
the statues of Canaanite gods feature a conical
headdress, so it would not be unlikely for
the Ammonite god to be so adorned. It is
grammatically possible that it was the jewel
in the crown that was taken as plunder and
worn by David, rather than the seventy-fivepound
crown, which would have been difficult
to wear for even a short ceremony.
12:31. labor of captives. One of the sources of
heavy labor in Mesopotamia and Syro-Palestine
was war captives. While royal annals and
inscriptions (such as the Mesha stele from Moab)
describe large numbers of captives, these
may be exaggerations. More reliable, however,
are administrative documents listing rations,
clothing and the deaths of slaves. It is
likely that these persons were put to immediate
use restoring the damage caused by wars
but eventually settled and became citizens,
tilling farms or serving in the military.
13:1-22
Amnon and Tamar 2 SAMUEL 12:27—13:19
13:8-9. bread making. The use of a special pan
(mentioned in later Jewish literature) in which
the kneaded dough is boiled to make a sort of
dumpling suggests more than just bread making.
Amnon’s feigned illness, coupled with
the suggestion that he needs someone he can
trust to prepare nourishing food, calls for an
easily digestible item and evident precautions
against suspected poisoning.
13:12-13. Tamar’s plea. There are four elements
to Tamar’s plea. The first is that such
behavior is not the custom among the Israelites.
Obviously taking brides by force is not
unknown (see Shechem’s rape of Dinah in
Gen 34:2 and the abduction of the female
dancers of Shiloh in Judg 21:19-23, but apparently
it was considered an unacceptable
“non-Israelite” custom. When Tamar describes
this act of rape, she uses a “shock”
word that is designed to bring someone to
their senses. The second and third elements
of her plea concern personal honor, hers and
Amnon’s respectively. She realizes that without
witnesses there can be no case made
against him, and therefore her only hope is to
play upon his better judgment and his character
as a prince of Israel. She tells him that
he will be counted among the fools, a term
that applies to men without principle or personal
honor who come to a bad end. In Tamar’s
final attempt (v. 13) she suggests her
willingness to join Amnon’s household as his
wife.
13:18-19. Tamar’s garment. The costly, embroidered
robe (the term only appears elsewhere
in the Joseph narrative Gen 37:3) worn by
341 2 SAMUEL 13:19—14:4
Tamar marked her as one of the virgins of the
household of David. It implied that she was
pure and not yet spoken for, and therefore still
under the care and protection of the royal
house. Now, by tearing her robe, Tamar demonstrates
her grief and the fact that her honor
has been compromised. Her right to wear this
special garment has ended, and her future
prospects have been dramatically changed.
13:19. ashes on head. Like tearing one’s garment
and wearing sackcloth, placing ashes on
the head is a sign of mourning Esther 4:3; Jer
6:26). The gesture of placing her hand on her
head has perhaps been illustrated by the
mourning female figures on the Phoenician
sarcophagus of Ahiram, thirteenth-century
king of Byblos, but there the mourning women
are putting both hands on their head. The
Egyptian Tale of Two Brothers also describes
this gesture as an indication of mourning.
13:20. Tamar’s fate. Because she was no longer
a virgin, her worth to her household was diminished,
and it is quite possible that no marriage
was contracted for her. This is suggested
by the comment that she came under the care
of Absalom’s household rather than David’s.
She would have lived an unfulfilled existence.
The El Amarna texts equate a woman without
a husband with an unplowed field.
13:23-39
Absalom’s Execution of Amnon
and His Exile
13:23. Baal Hazor. This site is usually identified
with Jebel el-’Asur, five miles northeast of
Bethel, in a rugged part of the Central Hill
Country.
13:23. sheepshearing. The wool industry was
extremely important in the ancient Near East.
For instance, a large percentage of the administrative
tablets from the Sumerian city of
Nippur deal with the wool industry and the
wool trade. Sheep were sheared in the early
summer, generally near sites associated with
dyeing and weaving (for instance, a large
quantity of loom weights was discovered at
Timnah). Since this labor required large numbers
of laborers, like the grain harvest, the
burden was lightened by associating it with a
holiday time as well (see 1 Sam 25:7-8.
13:34. geography. The flight of David’s sons
from Baal Hazor cannot be reconstructed with
any confidence. Undoubtedly it was circuitous,
but the text of this verse is too uncertain
to provide details. It is possible that the location
Horonaim included from the Septuagint
in NIV may represent Upper and Lower Beth
Horon, where there was a major pass from the
Northwest. These sites are identified with Beit
‘Ur el-Foqa’ and Beit ’Ur et-Tahta, both about
ten miles northwest of Jerusalem. Neither city
can be seen from Jerusalem, but it can be expected
that sentries would have been stationed
westward to guard this important
approach. The text merely indicates this approach
as the road that the travelers were using.
13:37-38. Absalom’s flight. After Amnon’s
murder, Absalom fled back to his grandfather’s
kingdom in Geshur, in the southern
portion of the Golan Heights in Bashan. This
independent kingdom and its cities just east
of the Sea of Galilee are known from the El
Amarna and Egyptian execration texts. David’s
marriage to Talmai’s daughter is just one
of several diplomatic alliances created by such
unions 2 Sam 3:3.
2 SAMUEL 13:19—14:4
14:1-20
The Wise Woman of Tekoa
14:2. wise woman. The context of the story
and of the political situation requires a person
skilled in speaking (see also the wise woman
of Abel in 2 Sam 20:16-19. However, for a
woman to have an authoritative voice, as each
of these women do, a special status is also required.
Educated women as well as women in
positions of authority (priest, scribe and
prophet) occasionally occur in the ancient
Near Eastern material, but the category of
“wise woman” has not yet been isolated.
14:2. Tekoa. Located about ten miles south of
Jerusalem, Khirbet Tequ’a lies in the hill country
of Judah and borders on the wilderness.
The small size and relative remoteness of this
village allowed the wise woman to present a
case which might not be known to persons in
Jerusalem.
14:2. strategy of the wise woman. The strategy
used by the wise woman follows a
well-known motif of disguise and legal fiction.
For instance, in an Egyptian myth
(twelfth-century text) the gods Horus and
Seth are each trying to seize the throne left
empty by Osiris. Horus’s mother, Isis, disguises
herself as a herdsman’s widow and brings a
fabricated case before Seth in which strangers
are trying to confiscate her son’s property and
evict him. Seth becomes indignant on her behalf
and by his verdict condemns himself.
14:4-11. king as court of last resort. One of the
prime responsibilities of the kings of the ancient
Near East was to establish justice and
righteousness for the people (prologue to
Hammurabi’s Code; 2 Sam 8:15; 1 Kings 10:9.
To deal with the load of cases that arose, kings
2 SAMUEL 14:7-26 342
delegated authority to elders and judges who
heard most disputes 2 Sam 15:4. Still there
are a number of texts (Mari letters and the
Code of Ur-Nammu), many of them dealing
with the plight of widows and orphans, which
identify the king as the court of last resort.
14:7. clan responsible for capital punishment.
According to Exodus 21:12 murder is a
capital crime (also evidenced in the Ur-Nammu
code). It would ordinarily be within the
rights and jurisdiction of the clan to carry out
this sentence (as in the Middle Assyrian
Laws). However, it is possible that the
“avenger of blood” 2 Sam 14:11 is not a
member of the clan and has been hired to carry
out the sentence. This case is further complicated
by the lack of witnesses Num 35:30.
Even more serious is the elimination of the
heir. This would leave the widow without a
caregiver, and the family’s land would revert
to the clan and nearest male kin.
14:7. advantage to clan of extinguishing line.
If a man’s last descendant was executed or
died, his property would remain within the
clan and would be redeemed by the nearest
male kin (see Jer 32:6-16. There are economic
advantages to be gained from this, since it
would strengthen the holdings of a prominent
member of the clan (compare Ahab’s acquisition
of Naboth’s vineyard in 1 Kings 21 and
2 Kings 9:25-26 and would ensure the land
would remain under cultivation.
14:11. avenger of blood. The legal role of the
avenger of blood is described in Numbers
35:16-28 and Deuteronomy 19:6-12. There is
some disagreement about whether this person
is hired by the clan to carry out sentence or is
a member of the clan involved. Blood feuds,
even internal ones, were so disruptive that the
cities of refuge were established to provide a
“cooling down” period and a reexamination
of the circumstances of the case (see comments
on Num 35.
14:13-17. analogy to Absalom’s case. The wise
woman skillfully ties her hypothetical case to
Absalom’s situation. In the analogy the woman
stands for the nation (or the people), and
David himself has become the avenger of
blood who is portrayed as threatening the future
of the kingdom and of the inheritance of
the covenant by his actions against Absalom.
There is also a veiled reference to plotters who
stand to gain from Absalom’s exile or death as
eventual inheritors of David’s authority and
power. Now, using a wisdom plea, the woman
calls on David to be a “just king” who provides
a righteous solution to her “case.”
14:20. king knows everything. Egyptians also
considered their kings to be endowed with all
knowledge and capable of discerning what
anyone’s thoughts were. This was believed to
be the basis on which the king was able to rule
justly and pronounce righteous judgments.
14:19-20. Joab as Absalom’s sponsor.
Throughout David’s career Joab served as
commander of the army and chief political advisor
to the king. At times, when it was apparent
that David was incapable of making a
decision (as with Absalom) or was in danger
of harming the authority of the monarchy (see
2 Sam 19:1-8, he used independent judgment.
Such autonomy both benefited David and
made him wary of Joab’s power. In this instance,
Joab may have perceived the growing
popular support Absalom had with the people
and felt it would be better to have him
where he could be watched, at court, than
working to undermine David’s authority in
exile. As a “company man,” Joab is also interested
in securing a smooth and legitimate succession
to the throne when the time comes.
Thus it is not wise to leave this loose end unattended.
2 SAMUEL 14:7-26
14:21-33
Absalom Restored to Favor
14:24. Absalom’s partial restoration. It was
not uncommon for persons to be exiled for political
reasons. For instance, the Middle Kingdom
Egyptian courtier Sinuhe spent over
twenty years in forced exile, and Ahiqar, the
advisor to the Assyrian king Sennacherib,
lived for a time in exile in Egypt. On their return,
however, they expected honorable treatment
and a restoration of former status. But
even though David agreed to Joab’s request to
return Absalom to the royal court, he was not
yet prepared to restore his status (as crown
prince?). This suggests that though the death
sentence had been lifted, David had no intention
of offering a full pardon and was simply
keeping Absalom where he could be carefully
monitored.
14:26. Absalom’s hair. Absalom’s virile handsomeness
is epitomized by his long hair. Its
thickness and weight (between two and four
pounds) were considered remarkable. There is
a Phoenician inscription from the ninth century
reporting the dedication of shaven hair in
fulfillment of a vow made to the goddess Astarte.
In ancient thinking, hair (along with
blood) was one of the main representatives of
a person’s life essence. As such it was often an
ingredient in sympathetic magic. This is evident,
for instance, in the practice of sending
along a lock of the presumed prophet’s hair
when prophecies were sent to the king of
343 2 SAMUEL 14:26—15:10
Mari. The hair would be used in divination to
determine whether the prophet’s message
would be accepted as valid. Absalom’s hair is
not connected to any such functions in this
text. Instead the reference to the hair simply
serves as a foreshadowing of his unusual
death 2 Sam 18:9-15, a concept that may be
strengthened by an omen text that says that if
a man has beautiful hair, the end of his days is
near.
14:26. shekels by the royal standard. The
standardization of measures in Judah is most
likely based on shekel weights first established
in Ugarit, Babylonia or Egypt (approximately
3.5 ounces to 1 shekel). There is some
variation in these standards, with as much as
4.5 ounces to a shekel occurring.
14:33. Absalom’s full restoration. Full parental
acceptance is seen in Absalom’s long-delayed
audience with the king and David’s kiss
(see Gen 33:4 and Ex 18:7 for the kiss as an affectionate
greeting and sign of kinship). A
public display such as this demonstrated full
reconciliation, but it did not promise Absalom
the position of heir to the throne.
2 SAMUEL 14:26—15:10
15:1—19:43
Absalom’s Revolt
15:1. chariot and horses. It is possible that
having a chariot and horses and an entourage
of fifty runners could be construed as official
language for status as either a king or the heir
to the throne. The chariots featured two yoked
horses with one or two others harnessed beside.
Two spoked, wooden wheels on a rear
axle supported a small platform occupied by a
driver and rider equipped with bow and
spear. The sides only went up to midthigh on
the standing occupants. The word used here
suggests an ornamental chariot of the sort
used both in Egypt and Mesopotamia. The
luxury transportation of the day, these were
typically gilded with all variety of gold, lapis
lazuli and precious stones.
15:1. fifty runners. Those who run before
chariots proclaim the presence of the king or
prince and protect his person. In Hittite texts
the gods are said to run before the king’s chariot
leading to victory. The men who run before
the king’s chariot function as heralds. Fifty
was a regular unit within the military. Having
such an entourage gave Absalom a bodyguard
as well as the rank of captain. Wherever he
went, his fifty runners would have raised attention
and given credence to his claim to his
status as heir apparent.
15:2-6. Absalom’s currying favor with the
people. When a prince wishes to displace his
father the king, it is inevitable that he will attempt
to undermine the king’s authority with
public statements about corruption or governmental
malpractice. For example, the Ugaritic
king Keret is denounced by his son for not
hearing the cases of widows, the poor or the
oppressed. Absalom employs this same strategy,
taking advantage of a lack of leadership on
David’s part (failure to appoint judges) and of
growing discontent among the northern
tribes. In addition to offering them a model of
efficient administration of justice, Absalom
also plays the “common man,” not allowing
supplicants to bow to him but kissing them as
an equal or friend.
15:7-10. Hebron. It is shrewd political maneuver
on Absalom’s part to be crowned in Hebron
(nineteen miles southeast of Jerusalem).
In addition to being the site of the ancestral
burial cave at Machpelah, it was also David’s
capital city when he was king of Judah. Absalom
thereby associates himself with the covenant
and the roots of David’s original power
center. He also puts enough space between
himself and Jerusalem to prevent interference
and set the stage for his march on the capital.
15:8-9. fulfilling vow. Information concerning
vows can be found in most of the cultures of
the ancient Near East, including the Hittite,
Ugaritic, Mesopotamian and, less often, Egyptian.
Vows are voluntary agreements made
with deity. Vows would typically be conditional
and accompany a petition made to deity.
Since this is a religious act, drawing the
deity into compact with the worshiper, it may
not be broken under penalty of God’s displeasure.
This may explain why David would accept
Absalom’s request, even though six years
had passed since the vow was spoken.
15:10. sound of the trumpets. The blowing of
trumpets or the ram’s horn (shofar) was used
as a signaling device in battle, for celebration
and as preparatory to a major announcement,
as in the coronation of a king. The shofar is capable
of a variety of tones but cannot play a
tune so is used primarily for signals. The
ram’s horn was softened in hot water and
then bent and flattened to produce its distinctive
shape. Trumpet signals are attested in
Egypt in the Late Bronze Age (this time period)
in both military and religious contexts. A
preset code would include some combination
of long and short blasts.
15:10. king in Hebron. David had been king
in Hebron for seven years before moving his
capital to Jerusalem. Drawing on this dynastic
tradition, Absalom has himself declared king
in Hebron. This gives his rebellion greater legitimacy
and provides ample indication that
2 SAMUEL 15:12-26 344
he was drawing support from Judah as well as
the northern tribes. Hebron was centrally located
in the hill country of Judah and was one
of the most important towns in the region. It is
located about twenty miles south of Jerusalem.
For more information see comment on
2:1.
15:12. offering sacrifices. As in 1 Samuel 10:8
it is likely that the sacrifices were burnt offerings
and fellowship offerings, two of the most
general types of sacrifices. The former often
accompanied a petition, while the latter
served as an opportunity for festive celebration
and a communal meal before the Lord.
These sacrifices would have been directed to
the initiation of kingship and perhaps toward
military activity against David. The sacrifices
were being offered to make petition for God’s
blessing and in preparation for a feast that
would create an alliance between Absalom
and those in attendance.
15:12. Ahithophel. This is the first introduction
to Ahithophel, one of David’s chief advisors.
As suggested in the comment on 11:3, he
is likely the grandfather of Bathsheba. In nations
where kingship is either inherited or
won on the battlefield, advisors were essential
for providing educated, wise and diplomatic
strategies and counsel. Often adorned with titles
such as vizier, prime minister or royal
steward, these individuals were entrusted
with many of the responsibilities for operating
the kingdom. During this period the Israelite
kings did not designate such an office, and
Ahithophel is never listed among the officials
of the administration, but his status as royal
counselor suggests that he may have enjoyed
some of that function.
15:12. Giloh. Although sometimes identified
with Khirbet Jala, five miles northwest of Hebron,
this hometown of Ahithophel is more
likely to be found further south and west, near
Debir. It was assigned to the tribal territory of
Judah Josh 15:51.
15:16. concubines caring for palace. Since
royal marriages were a reflection of the power
of a monarch and represented political and
economic alliances made in the name of the
state, it would have been necessary, at the succession,
for the harem of the former king to
become the responsibility of the new monarch.
In this way, there was continuity of treaty
obligations. It is possible that the concubines
left behind were those that David had
taken into his harem from the leading Jebusite
families of Jerusalem (see 5:13) or from some
of the families that were supporting Absalom
in Hebron.
2 SAMUEL 15:12-26 15:18. Kerethites, Pelethites, Gittites. These
were groups of mercenaries who served David
as vassals rather than as members of the
standing army. The Kerethites are identified
as immigrants from Crete and are closely associated
with the Philistines who were believed
to come from the same area of the
Aegean. The Pelethites are known only from
passages such as this where they are associated
with the Kerethites. The Gittites may be a
brigade of troops formed during David’s service
with Achish of Gath 1 Sam 27:1-12 or
simply a group formed as his personal bodyguard
after becoming king. All of these troops
seem to be of Philistine or Cretan origin. It is
unclear from the text whether these special
units of mercenary troops (see 2 Sam 8:18
represented the sum total of the army which
David was able to command in his retreat
from Jerusalem or simply additional contingents.
15:19-22. mercenaries’ loyalty. It became common
practice in the ancient Near East to employ
mercenary troops to augment native
forces (for instance, Egyptian use of Nubians
starting with the New Kingdom). However, as
David suggests, the loyalty of mercenary
troops is generally based on regular payment
and, when possible, choosing to fight on the
winning side. The remarkable statement by Ittai
the Gittite expressing personal loyalty to
David implies a long-standing relationship
and a fealty that transcends monetary gain.
15:23. geography. David leaves Jerusalem
traveling east across the Kidron Valley toward
the Mount of Olives, the hill across the valley
from Jerusalem. He then continues northeast
to Bahurim following the Jerusalem to Jericho
road to the Jordan Valley across the region the
text refers to as the wilderness. He eventually
would have crossed the Jordan at the fords of
Jericho and then proceeded north to Mahanaim.
15:24-25. role of the ark. It would be logical to
bring the ark along because the ark represents
the presence of Yahweh and as such is a powerful
talisman (for the significance of the ark
in battle see comment on 1 Sam 4:3-7. However,
David is discerning enough to recognize
that if he is out of favor with God, the ark will
do him no good and may even pose a threat.
There is also a potential advantage to be
gained by leaving the ark in Jerusalem, as he
shrewdly uses its continued presence as a cover
for the spying efforts of Zadok, Abiathar
and the priesthood 2 Sam 15:35-36; 17:15-16).
15:25-26. testing the Lord’s favor. Israelites
believed that God’s favor or disfavor was evidenced
in the good or evil that came into a
person’s life. David’s expulsion from Jerusa-
345 2 SAMUEL 15:28—17:1
lem is therefore described almost as a trial by
ordeal. The king’s speech suggests that he is
resigned to leave the course of events in God’s
hands. Remembering the pronouncement of
judgment by Nathan, recorded in 12:10-12,
David cannot be certain that these tragic
events are not punishment for his crimes.
David is relying on Zadok’s ability as a seer to
obtain a word from Yahweh on the king’s ultimate
fate (compare Saul’s use of the witch of
Endor in 1 Sam 28:3-8. One Mari prophetic
text provides a warning of a revolt and the
need to surround the king with trustworthy
officials; this might be the type of message
David was hoping to receive.
15:28. fords in the desert. The “fords in the
desert” is a reference to the fords near Jericho,
about a day’s journey from Jerusalem. Rather
than taking the symbolic step of leaving his
kingdom entirely, David plans to encamp on
the west bank of the Jordan River, about four
miles from the mouth of the river as it empties
into the Dead Sea. He would rest here and
await news of the developments in Jerusalem
(see 2 Sam 17:16.
2 SAMUEL 15:28—17:1 15:30. Mount of Olives. When dealing with
ancient geographic names, it is always possible
that the reference is to a landmark or trail
that is no longer in existence. In this case, the
place name may refer to the Mount of Olives
(see Zech 14:4 or perhaps to a specific path up
the middle slope of one of the three ridges of
the Mount of Olives leading to the northeast.
This is less than a mile from the city walls.
15:32. summit where people used to worship.
This place of worship is not previously mentioned
in the text but probably represents a
traditional open-air altar or an abandoned
shrine. Some suggest this is to be identified
with Nob 1 Sam 21:1, 19, but that is uncertain,
and Nob is generally thought to be further
north.
16:1-2. food supplies. Any army in the field
needed provisions and a supply line. Local
governors in Assyria were required to open
granaries for armies that were traveling
through the region. It is common that the people
from the area were expected to provide
supplies. In this case, the food also functions
as tribute to a sovereign and recognition of
David’s right to rule. Ziba’s gift is less generous
than Abigail’s in 1 Samuel 25 but is not of
inappropriate size.
16:3-4. Mephibosheth’s absence. While David’s
immediate concern is the rebellion within
his own household, this chapter reminds us
that there is a deposed dynastic house (Saul’s)
lurking in the background and willing to capitalize
on David’s weakness to its own advantage.
Ziba categorizes Mephibosheth with the
disgruntled in a ostensibly successful attempt
to curry favor with David. Ziba’s accusation is
sufficiently believable that David confiscated
Mephibosheth’s lands. The Sumerian code
calls for an adopted son to forfeit land in cases
where he has repudiated his legal obligations
to the family that adopted him. David had always
had the option to confiscate the lands
belonging to his predecessor. Here he exercises
that option but does not take them for the
crown, instead giving them as a grant to a loyal
servant.
16:5. Bahurim. Located north of the Mount of
Olives, Bahurim was a Benjaminite village
(probably Ras et-Tmim or Khirbet Ibqe’dan).
Saul had been from the tribe of Benjamin, so it
would be expected that here among his kin
one would find an enclave of loyalists. This is
still practically on the doorstep of Jerusalem,
which itself is in the territory of Benjamin.
16:11. the Lord has told him. David is not
claiming to have been privy to a discussion
between the Lord and Shimei, nor is he suggesting
that Shimei has been the recipient of a
prophetic oracle of some sort. The way that
the Lord had “told” Shimei to curse David
was through the events that had transpired.
With David’s own son driving him from the
throne, it would be very easy to infer that
David was suffering judgment at God’s
hands. All that is left to deduce is what the offense
might have been that led to the punishment.
David is simply acknowledging that
Shimei is absolutely justified in thinking that
God had cursed him and therefore cannot be
blamed for wanting to jump on the bandwagon.
Only a future vindication would free David
to consider Shimei’s acts to be in the
category of treason rather than simply a voice
recognizing the circumstances through which
God is carrying out retribution.
16:21. Absalom and David’s concubines. It
can be shown in a number of instances that
the royal harem is considered the exclusive
property of the reigning king. Any attempts to
obtain women from the harem are seen as a
sign of rebellion or usurpation of power (see
Ishbaal’s reaction to Abner in 2 Sam 3:6-11 and
Adonijah’s request for Abishag in 1 Kings
2:20-21). The loss of the harem to another
monarch, as described in the Assyrian annals
of Sennacherib, was a sign of submission or
being deposed. For more information see the
comment on 3:7.
17:1. twelve thousand men. This number may
actually refer to a levy from all twelve tribes
rather than an exact figure. Some scholars
suggest that the word translated as “thou-
2 SAMUEL 17:1—18:6 346
sand” was simply a military unit. For more information
see comment on Joshua 8:3.
17:1-3. Ahithophel’s strategy. By eliminating
David, Ahithophel believed that any opposition
to Absalom’s rule would collapse. A
quick attack on the disorganized, exhausted
“army” of David might well be successful in
killing the king and routing his already demoralized
forces in a place of their choosing.
This was not to be a pitched battle but a surgical
strike with a fixed purpose.
2 SAMUEL 17:1—18:6 17:5-13. Hushai’s strategy. Carrying out the
role of double agent assigned him by David (2
Sam 15:32-36), Hushai argues against Ahithophel’s
immediate strike against David. He
suggests a militarily sound strategy of consolidating
Absalom’s control over the capital and
the nation before moving in great force
against the deposed king. He also raises the
specter of a possible defeat early in Absalom’s
rule that could raise questions about his fitness
and restore David’s chances of return. He
skillfully manipulates Absalom’s pride as he
paints the grand picture of the new king
riding at the head of an endless sea of soldiers
ready to overwhelm any meager opposition.
Procrastination and additional time for strategic
planning are accepted as wisdom here despite
the advantages inherent to Ahithophel’s
strategy (see Amasa’s fate when he failed to
respond to Sheba’s revolt with dispatch in
2 Sam 20:4-13.
17:13. drag the city down with ropes. One of
the strategies employed in siege warfare was
the use of scaling ladders. It is possible that
grappling hooks, attached to ropes, may also
have been used for this purpose. These could
be climbed as attackers swarmed over the
walls or used to dislodge stones from the
walls and make them more vulnerable to battering
rams. Depictions of sieges in Assyrian
palaces include the demolition of walls using
picks, but hooks and ropes may also have
been used by attackers.
17:17. En Rogel. A spring half a mile south of
the Gihon Spring, near the junction of the Hinnom
and Kidron Valleys, En Rogel most likely
shared the same water source as Gihon (associated
with Bir Ayyub, “Job’s Well”). It served
the needs of the people immediately outside
the walls of Jerusalem. Since it was frequented
by many people, it would be a place to hear
the gossip and it would not be suspicious for
Jonathan and Ahimaaz to be stationed here,
waiting for word from the city.
17:18. Bahurim. Located north of the Mount
of Olives, Bahurim was a Benjaminite village
(probably Ras et-Tmim or Khirbet Ibqe’dan).
It is a bit ironic that David’s spies would be
aided and hidden in a well by an inhabitant of
Bahurim, since it was also the home of Shimei
ben Gera, who had cursed the king (2 Sam
16:5).
17:23. Ahithophel’s actions. Suicide is not
condemned in the Hebrew Bible. The six examples
(Abimelech, Samson, Saul, his armorbearer,
Ahithophel and Zimri) that appear in
the text even suggest a measure of honor and
courage is attached to the act, in much the
same way as it is described in Seneca (70th
Epistle). The Roman philosopher says, “The
wise man will live as long as he ought, not as
long as he can.” Thus Ahithophel’s departure
is a reasoned journey. He clears up his affairs
at home, presumably writing a will and insuring
orderly transference of property to his
heirs, and then hangs himself. He also cheats
the executioner, since his support of Absalom
would be interpreted as treason against the
Lord’s anointed.
17:24. geography. It may be presumed that
Absalom did not cross the Jordan until some
time after David had left the fords and traveled
to Mahanaim, about thirty-five miles
from the fords at Jericho. Mahanaim is identified
with Telul ed-Dhabab el-Garbi on the
north bank of the Jabbok. Its importance as an
administrative center is attested to by its use
by Ishbaal 2 Sam 2:9 as his capital and its
mention in the records of Pharaoh Shishak.
There have been no excavations at the site, but
surface surveys confirm that it was occupied
during this period.
17:28-29. provisions. Once again David receives
provisions for himself and his men (see
Abigail’s supplies in 1 Sam 25:18 and Ziba’s
proffered provisions in 2 Sam 16:2. In each of
these cases, these foodstuffs could be construed
as tribute or as the duty expected of a
vassal. The Ammonites had been subdued by
Saul 1 Sam 11 and later by David 2 Sam 10.
Thus the king is acknowledged by his allies
with hospitality and respect despite his forced
departure from Jerusalem.
18:1-2. military organization. This division of
the military into three fighting units made up
of sections of one hundred and one thousand
is typical of Israelite military structure (see
Num 31:48; Judg 9:43; 1 Sam 11:11. Mesopotamian
sources, such as the Mari texts, speak of
a variety of military groups commanded by
officers of differing rank and status. In addition
to these regular contingents of troops,
special lightly armed forces used in ambushes
and reconnoitering, and troops assigned to
protect commanders or the king are also mentioned.
18:6. forest of Ephraim. The most likely area
347 2 SAMUEL 18:8-23
for this battle site is in Transjordan near Mahanaim
(see 2 Sam 17:27. This would fit the
scene of Absalom bringing the conflict to David
rather than David invading Israel by crossing
the Jordan. The density of this “forest” is
somewhat in dispute, since deforestation and
erosion have drastically changed the area
south of the Jabbok. The word used here
could refer to rugged country with isolated
groves as well as a true forest. It is unusual to
see the forest attributed to Ephraim, since
Ephraim’s assigned territory was all west of
the Jordan. But the tribe may have made some
claims to that territory or had settlers there
(see Judg 12.
2 SAMUEL 18:8-23 18:8. forest claimed more lives than the
sword. When the Old Testament speaks of
land devouring people (as the forest does
here), it is indicating a hostile, inhospitable
environment that threatens survival. Since
this was a battlefield chosen by David and not
Absalom, it may be expected that the king’s
forces utilized the rough terrain and forested
areas to their advantage. Ambushes, feints
drawing troops into ravines or wadis, and
other guerilla tactics may have been employed.
Divisions can get disoriented, lost or
isolated and become easy targets.
18:9. Absalom’s predicament. The text says
that it was Absalom’s head that got caught,
not his hair as commonly assumed. The situation
is pregnant with symbolism as the royal
mule (the designated mount of kings) deserts
the would-be king and leaves him hanging in
a tree, a condition for one cursed of God (Deut
21:23).
18:11. ten shekels and a warrior’s belt. A bonus
of one year’s worth of pay and a distinctive
article of clothing constituted a significant
reward and indicates how strategic Absalom’s
death was to Joab. Gilgamesh’s military attire
included both a belt for his dirk and a sash or
girdle of some sort, but the word used here
(feminine form) is never used elsewhere as a
piece of military gear (despite the NIV’s addition
of “warrior”), usually conveyed by the
masculine form. It is used for a woman’s sash
in Isaiah 3:24 and may refer to a fancy sash or
belt worn on special occasions (see comment
on 1 Kings 2:5.
18:14. javelins. The “javelin” used by Joab everywhere
else refers to a blunt rod used to
beat someone. The verb is one that usually
means to strike (exception, Judg 3:21. The
heart is not always internal, but can refer to
the chest or the midsection. If Joab’s intention
was to stab Absalom, a sword or spear would
have been the more likely choice. It seems instead
that Joab intends to dislodge Absalom
from the tree by whacking him in the midsection.
A single rod might have broken under
such rigorous use (see Is 14:29, so he uses
three. Once the (probably unconscious) victim
was brought to the ground, Joab’s ten assistants
collectively finished the job.
18:14. armor-bearers. Commanders and officers
within the army were accompanied by armor-
bearers (see examples in the Iliad). These
trusted individuals formed a bodyguard during
battle (see 1 Sam 31:4-6, provided substitute
weapons should the commander break or
lose one, and apparently even functioned as
“friends” and advisers (see David as Saul’s armor-
bearer in 1 Sam 16:21 and Jonathan’s armor-
bearer in 1 Sam 14:12-17.
18:16. sounded the trumpet. As part of the
preparations for battle, ancient armies
throughout the Near East broadcast to their
troops a set of designated signals that would
call for advance or retreat. The use of trumpets
(shofar) and runners might be the only
means to control troop movements. They
were also used as a rallying sound to assemble
troops for battle or, like the fire signals of the
Mari texts, as a signal of approaching danger.
18:17. burial practice. Assyrian texts indicate
that punishment of rebels regularly included
impalement, leaving the bodies unburied. Israelite
leaders also engaged in these forms of
“display” (see the execution of the five enemy
kings in Josh 10:27, but the bodies were not to
be left hanging indefinitely Deut 21:23. Thus
even accursed individuals would be buried
under a pile of stone (see comment on Josh
8:29)—not to be confused with the honorable
funerary mounds of Mesopotamian kings.
18:18. pillar as monument. The Ugaritic Epic
of Aqhat (c. 1600 B.C.) mentions that one of the
duties that a son owes to his father is to erect a
stele or pillar in honor of the ancestor gods.
Since Absalom has no [living?] son to do this
for him, he does the job himself. This is rather
ironic considering that he was not buried in
the family tomb. His personal monument becomes
a sad marker of a failed life. The tomb
in the village of Silwan (across the Kidron valley
from Jerusalem) today called Absalom’s
tomb is from a much later period (Herodian).
18:18. King’s Valley. The exact location of this
site is unknown. It is often identified with the
Kidron Valley, east of Jerusalem, or the confluence
of the Hinnom, Tyropoeon and Kidron
Valleys. It is also referred to as the Valley of
Shaveh in Genesis 14:17.
18:19-23. messengers bringing news. Runners
were used by armies and government officials
in the ancient Near East. The Mari texts describe
battlefield movements being partially
2 SAMUEL 18:24—19:29 348
directed by messengers as well as diplomatic
dispatches and news of the approach of delegations
and caravans. It seems apparent from
these texts as well as the biblical narrative that
messengers had different ranks. Some, like the
suh
6
arum of Mari, were young men employed
for their stamina and speed. However, there
were also messengers in the lower levels of
the diplomatic corps (perhaps comparable to
the priestly status of Ahimaaz) who were
trusted with more important missions.
18:24. between inner and outer gate. Starting
with the Middle Bronze period, city fortifications
included both massive wall systems and
elaborate, multichambered city gates. The patterns
in the Iron Age varied from site to site
(both casemate and solid wall construction),
but generally a stepped approach and narrow
entrance restricted the types of vehicles and
the amount of traffic through the gateway.
Additionally there was often a right-angle
turn inside the outer gate before entrance was
gained to an inner gate. Within this area between
the gates were guardhouses and meeting
places used by legal and business officials.
Excavations at the city of Dan have revealed
an elevated platform between the two gates
where it is thought that the ruler of the city sat
when public court was in session.
18:24. roof of the gateway. Whether rectangular
or circular in construction, gates were
guarded by multistoried towers that could be
used as lookout posts. Evidence from Megiddo,
Timnah, Hazor and Lachish demonstrates
the use of tower fortifications for defense and
as platforms for sentries.
18:33. room over the gateway. Since the gates
and their attendant towers were multistoried,
there would be ample room within their walls
for guardhouses and chambers used for quartering
troops and as meeting places. David’s
retreat after the news of Absalom’s death into
one of these rooms places him in a position to
see the disposition of his army while still having
privacy. The fact that he did not go back
into the city suggests his awareness of the delicate
political situation, while at the same time
indicates he is not ready to resume his regular
schedule.
19:8. king’s seat in the gateway. Recent excavations
at Tel Dan have revealed what appears
to be a stone platform set inside the gate
area, which once was canopied and may have
held a throne. It could have been used for ceremonial
or diplomatic occasions or legal proceedings
(see 1 Kings 22:10. The Ugaritic Epic
of Aqhat describes King Danil sitting in the
gate area judging the cases of widows and orphans.
Thus a king enthroned is a king carrying
out the duties of the position—an image
David now wanted to portray.
19:11-15. process for reinstallation of David.
Because Absalom had been anointed king,
and because the tribal elders of both Judah
and Israel were divided on whether to take
David back as king, certain compromises and
assurances had to be made. For instance, Absalom’s
chief general, Amasa, is now given
charge of David’s army (although not the elite
and mercenary troops, which remained under
Joab’s command). David also has to cajole his
own tribe, reminding them of blood ties and
previous oaths of loyalty. David’s exile and
eventual return to kingship could be compared
to the similar experiences of Idrimi, the
fifteenth-century B.C. king of Alalakh, who
was forced from his throne for seven years before
regaining the loyalty of his vassals.
19:15. Gilgal. During much of the early monarchy,
Gilgal apparently served as a cultic center.
Perhaps because of its previous association
with the installation of Saul as king and
its proximity to the Jordan River (possibly
identified with sites near Khirbet Mefjir, about
a mile northeast of Jericho), this was an appropriate
place for the tribal elders to welcome
David back as king. See comments on 1 Samuel
7:16; 11:14-15.
19:24. caring for feet and mustache. The NIV
translation suggests a neglect of personal appearance
that frequently accompanied mourning.
This would also serve as evidence that
Mephibosheth had entertained no thought of
promoting himself for the throne, for otherwise
he would have taken special care to appear
kingly. Alternatively, Ezekiel 24:17
identifies bared feet and covered mustache as
signs of mourning. The actions attributed to
Mephibosheth allow this possibility, because
the text simply says he had not “done” his feet
or mustache.
2 SAMUEL 18:24—19:29 19:22, 29. pardon granted on special occasions.
The king serves as “head of household”
to his nobles and royal court. As such he may
operate as a paterfamilias, granting life or sentencing
them to death for political crimes or
disloyalty (see 1 Kings 2:19-46. Shimei and
Mephibosheth have both committed crimes
against David that could justify the death penalty.
However, David chooses on the day of
his accession to pardon them as a sign of his
magnanimity and willingness to forgive his
political enemies (see Saul’s similar statements
in 1 Sam 11:12-13. It was typical in Mesopotamia
for the king to declare anduraru—a
release of prisoners and debt slaves—connected
to his accession to the throne. Similar release
could also extend to those guilty of
349 2 SAMUEL 19:42—20:8
political crimes as seen in the reform document
of the Sumerian king Uruinimgina
(twenty-fourth century B.C.), in which even
thieves and murderers are freed. In Egypt the
coronation of a new pharaoh was often accompanied
by proclamations of amnesty.
19:42. eating the king’s provisions. Those
who eat from the king’s table or storehouse
are his dependents and must therefore demonstrate
their loyalty based on this payment
(evidenced in the listing of provisions provided
to nobles and members of the bureaucracy
in Mari and Babylonian administrative texts).
This is the basis of Mephibosheth’s crime,
since he is one who had accepted David’s provisioning
2 Sam 9:6-7. The leaders of Judah
disclaim any such ties, insisting that their welcome
of David is based on his ability to rule,
not bribes or favors granted to them.
19:41-43. basis of intertribal argument. The
presence of favoritism and discrimination is
bound to end up being reflected in policies
and privileges. At the heart of this dispute is
whether the monarchy is built around the person
and family of David (a position the elders
of Judah take, referring to their kin ties) or
whether the kingship is an institution deserving
loyalty no matter who reigns (Israel’s position).
This argument foreshadows Sheba’s
revolt and the eventual secession of the northern
tribes under Jeroboam’s leadership. The
dispute also is reminiscent of the arguments
between tribes so common in the Judges period.
Both examples indicate that the idea of
centralized government under a monarchy
has not yet taken firm root among the Israelites.
It is easy to think of Israel as having a natural
unity reflected in the united monarchy,
while the divided monarchy is considered an
aberration. In fact, however, until the postexilic
period it was tribal loyalties more than unified
national loyalties that tended to govern
political decisions.
2 SAMUEL 19:42—20:8
20:1-25
Sheba’s Revolt
20:1. Sheba’s declaration. The troops of all the
tribes but Israel, feeling like outcasts in the reinstallation
process, do not initiate military action
against Judah or David but simply
abandon David under the leadership of Sheba
(he sends them “to their tents” rather than
mustering them for battle). Sheba’s declaration
effectively announces withdrawal of support
of David’s kingship, but it does not
indicate support for another king. Since Sheba
is a Benjaminite, it is possible that there is still
some linkage to the house of Saul and that a
Saulide would be sought, but the text does not
reveal that element.
20:3. treatment of the ten concubines. Because
Absalom had taken sexual possession of
these women, they could no longer serve as
sexual partners of the king. If they had been in
the harem to represent political allies who had
supported Absalom, their status as persona
non grata would be doubly justified. David
maintained his obligation to them, but they
would never have children by him. Hammurabi’s
code requires that widows receive
“food, oil and clothing” as their due, and Exodus
21:10 addresses similar rights of concubines.
20:4-5. mustering the army. The short period
of time allotted for Amasa to assemble an
army from the clans of Judah may be a test of
his and their loyalty. Amasa had served Absalom,
and the elders of Judah had only recently
renewed their oath of loyalty to David.
Runners may have been used to gather the
troops (see the seven-day mustering of 1 Sam
11:3-5), but the Mari texts indicate the use of
inscribed lists that were to be taken to villages
and encampments to enlist soldiers. This procedure
would have required much more than
three days to gather a large force.
20:6. master’s men. Joab is the one identified
here as Abishai’s master. Since Joab is out of
favor and perhaps demoted, Abishai is given
command of the standing army. The army was
divided into three groups. First were the mercenaries,
who served as the king’s personal
army and bodyguard; these were the Cherethites
and Pelethites, of which there were
probably several hundred. Second was the
standing army, which probably included both
Israelites and mercenaries; these were the
trained professional soldiers who had been
under Joab’s command and were now being
led by Abishai. At this point perhaps only
those of Judah had remained loyal, so this
may also be only a few hundred, though the
standing army would generally have consisted
of a few thousand. The third group was all
those who were eligible for being enlisted in
times of crisis. This was the group that Amasa
was trying to organize.
20:8. great rock in Gibeon. Many times the
biblical text makes reference to landmarks
known in that time but no longer familiar to
us (see Deborah’s palm in Judg 4:5. Thus the
writer here may be referring to an altar or
high place such as Nebi Samwil (about a mile
south of el-Jib; see 1 Sam 14:33; 1 Kings 3:4 or
simply a particularly unusual rock formation
near Gibeon (el-Jib, four miles northwest of
Jerusalem).
2 SAMUEL 20:8—21:1 350
20:8. Joab’s gear. It is difficult to reconstruct
Joab’s ruse. He is wearing his soldier’s tunic
with the normal warriors’ belt and sheath for
his sword. The most common understanding
is that Joab contrived somehow to tip his
sword out of its sheath in a way that appeared
accidental. He retrieved it with his left hand
and was holding it nonthreateningly when he
came up to Amasa.
20:9. taking by the beard. Greeting a nonrelative
with a kiss is not often attested except in
situations of obeisance (i.e., kissing the feet;
found in many ancient texts, including the
Epic of Gilgamesh). There are instances in
which the kiss is a form of reconciliation (see
Joseph and his brothers in Gen 45:15, and this
may be the case with Joab and Amasa. It also
could be an expression of concern or commiseration
with a common problem, as in 2 Samuel
15:5. When men kissed, it would not have
been unusual for one to grasp his fellow’s
beard. This act makes each man vulnerable
and is more often associated with aggressive
action in battle. Here it is a sign of trust to allow
the kiss. In this case, Amasa’s trust was
misplaced, and Joab used the opportunity to
eliminate his rival.
20:14. Abel Beth Maacah. Typically identified
with Tell Abel el-Qamh, three miles northwest
of Dan in the northernmost part of Israel, Abel
Beth Maacah also appears in the list of Thutmose
III’s conquests. Its strategic importance
is attested to by the recording of its capture by
Tiglath-Pileser III in 1 Kings 15:29 and the Assyrian
annals.
20:15. siege ramp. One of the common methods
in siege warfare was the construction of a
ramp that could be used as an assault platform
for siege towers as well as a means of
gaining approach for battering rams (2 Kings
19:32; Jer 6:6; Ezek 4:1-8. The ramps were
made necessary because of the common construction
of a slopping glacis and high walls
that made it difficult to attempt a frontal assault.
Archaeological investigations have
found evidence of the construction of these
ramps (such as at Masada), and depictions of
the use of the siege ramp are found in Assyrian
bas-reliefs and are described in the annals
of Sennacherib and other Assyrian kings. The
earliest archaeological remains of a siege
ramp were found in connection with the Assyrian
siege of Lachish in 701. Though evidence
of ramps has not been found for this
period, the battering ram had already been in
use for nearly a thousand years, so ramps
must also have been in use.
20:16. wise woman. See the comment on
2 Samuel 14:2.
20:19. city that is a mother in Israel. Phoenician,
Ugaritic and Old Babylonian word parallels
to ’em, “mother,” are kin terms related to
clan groups. It is therefore likely that the wise
woman’s argument is related to the extermination
of one of Israel’s clans, not a “founding
city.” This is coupled with a long tradition of
common sense by the inhabitants of Abel.
Joab is therefore encouraged to be “wise” like
them and spare his fellow covenantal partners.
20:23-25. administrative offices. This list of officials
within David’s inner circle is an indication
of the growing complexity of David’s
growing bureaucracy (compare Solomon’s administrative
lists in 1 Kings 4:1-19. It and the
list in 2 Samuel 8:15-18 are typical of similar
rosters found in Neo-Babylonian administrative
documents. While these offices are unrelated
to the story of Sheba’s revolt, it would be
appropriate for the editor to insert the list here
as an indication of the restoration of political
order. The inclusion of a new office, that of
chief of forced labor, also suggests new policy
objectives to strengthen fortresses and improve
communication and travel within the
kingdom.
2 SAMUEL 20:8—21:1
21:1-14
Revenge of the Gibeonites
21:1. previous administration offenses as
cause for present distress. In the ancient Near
East it is common for the king to be understood
as the embodiment of the state and the
representative of the people. During the reign
of the Hittite king Mursilis, a twenty-year
plague was determined to have been the result
of offenses committed by his predecessor,
and attempts were made to appease and make
restitution. Likewise the Babylonian king Nabonidus
discerned by oracle that some of his
difficulties were the result of the neglect of the
moon god, Sin, and he sought to rectify that
situation. Perhaps most notable among ancient
documents for the condemnation of previous
kings’ conduct is the Weidner chronicle.
In this document thirteen kings are criticized
for their failure to give due honor to the Esagil
sanctuary of Babylon. This becomes the basis
for the advice to the current administration to
be more faithful.
21:1. famine leading to oracular inquiry.
Famine or plague was often looked upon as a
sign of divine disapproval or wrath. The Hittite
king Mursilis composed a body of Plague
Prayers in order to avoid the wrath of the
gods. Seeking the “face of the Lord” is a common
expression also found in Babylonian and
351 2 SAMUEL 21:2-22
Hittite sources. Seeking the face of a superior
normally meant to have an audience with that
personage for the express purpose of seeking
his counsel or direction. It is not certain in this
instance whether David sought God’s presence
by means of an oracle, or whether he entered
a holy place to speak to God.
21:2-4. Gibeonites. The city of Gibeon (modern
el-Jib) is six miles northwest of Jerusalem
in the tribal territory of Benjamin. For more information
see comment on Joshua 9:3. The
Gibeonites were protected by treaty as a result
of the incident recorded in Joshua 9. It can be
understood that they could easily become the
target of nationalistic zeal, but there is no information
from the biblical records of Saul’s
reign detailing his actions against them.
21:5-9. seven of Saul’s line executed and exposed.
The execution and exposure of criminals
and covenant breakers was common in
the ancient Near East. Some exposed corpses
have been found at Terqa (Tell Ashara) in Syria
from about this time period, when seminomadic
Arameans traveled to the site to give
tribute to the Assyrians. Moreover, many Kassite
period boundary stones from Babylonia
(late second millennium B.C.) contain curses
which include exposure of the corpse in the
event of someone transgressing the stipulations
of the boundary agreement in question.
21:6, 9. on a hill before the Lord. The hill before
the Lord was presumably the Gibeonite
high place mentioned in 1 Kings 3. It is normally
identified with Nebi Samwil, which is
about one mile south of Gibeon. The fact that
it was performed before the Lord may indicate
a sort of ritual act. The aforementioned
Kassite treaty curses were also performed in
the audience of a deity.
21:9. harvest time. The beginning of the barley
harvest is in April, corresponding to the Hebrew
month Ziv. The month name was borrowed
from the Canaanites and corresponds
to the Babylonian month Iyyar, the second
month of the agricultural year. An ancient description
of harvest time in Palestine can be
found in the Gezer calendar (tenth century
B.C.). The calendar mentions a month of harvesting
barley followed by a month of harvesting
wheat. The crops were either pulled
out by hand or cut with a sickle.
21:12-14. treatment of bones and bodies. It
can be assumed that only the ashes of Saul
and Jonathan were buried here, since their
bodies had been burned 1 Sam 31:11-13,
which was an unusual custom in ancient Israel.
Israelites considered that a person’s body
(“flesh”) and spirit were in principle inseparable.
Thus, the individual was both spirit and
flesh. Because of this the dead corpse was
very carefully treated, as it was still considered
part of the person’s existence. If the dead
person’s body was somehow destroyed (e.g.,
by exposure), that person’s existence was severely
threatened (for more information see
comment on 1 Kings 16:4. This idea is implied
in literature and in the material remains
from the Mesopotamian city of Ur in the early
second millennium B.C. The bodies of dead
relatives were buried underneath the shrine
room of private residences. They were still
considered in some sense part of the family
and required eating utensils and other daily
life implements. Thus it was important to treat
the bones of the corpse with great care. In a
similar fashion, David was concerned to take
care of the remains of Saul and Jonathan.
2 SAMUEL 21:2-22
21:15-22
Exploits Against the Philistines
21:16. weapons. Either the Philistine’s spear
or spearhead (the shaft of the spear was not
normally made of bronze) weighed three hundred
shekels, roughly equivalent to seven and
one half pounds, half the weight of Goliath’s
1 Sam 17:7. He was girded with a “new
sword,” an ambiguous term which may have
been a special distinction.
21:17. lamp of Israel. The temple was to have
a perpetually burning lamp Ex 27:20. The lit
lamps symbolized the presence of God in their
midst and the resulting life and hope that they
enjoyed because of it. The phrase “lamp of
God” is also used to refer to hope (1 Kings
11:36; 2 Kings 8:19, and that would also make
sense in this context as the Davidic dynasty
represented God’s provision of kingship. Similar
uses of the word in Ugaritic and Akkadian
are tied to perpetuation of rule or divine presence.
Assyrian king Tiglath-Pileser III is referred
to as the light of all mankind. An Old
Babylonian idiom expresses a family having
no descendants by the image of its brazier going
out.
21:19. spear shaft like a weaver’s rod. The
spear in question must have been equipped
with a thong and a ring for slinging which resembled
the wooden rod and rings, tools used
to lift the heddle in weaving. This type of spear
was a weapon used in the Aegean and in Egypt
in the early Iron Age (c. 1200-900 B.C.). There
are artistic depictions in both Egypt and Greece
of women weaving with the aforementioned
tools.
21:20-22. twelve fingers and twelve toes. Deformities
were the object of intense curiosity
and speculation in the ancient world. There is
2 SAMUEL 22:1—23:7 352
an entire series of Mesopotamian omen texts
that describe birth anomalies, including those
with extra digits on hands and feet.
2 SAMUEL 22:1—23:7
22:1-51
David’s Hymn of Victory
22:1-51. singing a victory song. One way to
celebrate victories and commemorate them
for years to come is to compose and sing
songs. Songs of all sorts are known throughout
the ancient Near East from the first half of
the third millennium. One Assyrian list of
songs about a century before David includes
titles of about 360 songs in dozens of different
categories. The singing of a song in response
to divine help resulting in victory is a common
theme in the Bible. Though they may not
be the same genre as the Hebrew Psalms,
kings from both Mesopotamia and Egypt
composed dedicatory hymns to gods, thanking
them for victory over their enemies. For
example, Tukulti-Ninurta I of Assyria (c. 1244-
1208 B.C.) composed a long epic hymn to
Ashur thanking him for victory over Babylon,
while justifying his conquest of Babylon because
of the unworthiness of their ruler.
22:2-3. rock metaphor. The rock in the Old
Testament often symbolized security and the
defense of an impregnable refuge. God was
the rock (or mountain) who gave security and
safety to his people. Some of the most important
Anatolian and Palestinian deities of the
late second millennium B.C. (such as El, the divine
creator) were described as deified mountains.
22:5. waves of death metaphor. Here, as in the
book of Jonah (2:6-7), the writer equates his
circumstances with a watery covering at the
entrance to death, which is a synonym to
Sheol, the abode of the dead. Swirling waters
represented the chaotic, destructive waters
that jeopardize not only life, but creation.
22:6. cords of the grave. Noose snares were
commonly used by hunters in the ancient
Near East. In this metaphor, death or Sheol is
the hunter. For many cultures in the ancient
Near East, Sheol, the abode of the grave (i.e.
underworld) was a very real place where individuals
led an amorphous existence, eating
clay and dust, hoping that their descendants
would take care of their needs. There were
gates and gatekeepers to keep the dead inside;
thus it was called “the land of no return.” This
description can be found in the second-millennium
Akkadian epic The Descent of Ishtar.
Apparently the Hebrew view of the grave was
not unlike this, although there is no elaborate
description of it in the Old Testament.
22:14-16. Yahweh as a warrior. In the divine
warrior motif the deity is fighting the battles
and defeating the deities of the enemy. In Assyria,
Nergal is the king of battle, and Ishtar is
also viewed as a war goddess. The Canaanite
Baal and the Babylonian Marduk are divine
warriors. Thunder and lightning were considered
to regularly accompany the presence of a
deity in the ancient Near East, often in a battle
setting. From the Sumerian Exaltation of Inanna,
to the Hittite myths about the Storm God,
to the Akkadian and Ugaritic mythologies, the
gods are viewed as thundering in judgment
against their enemies. Baal is depicted as
grasping a handful of thunderbolts. Thundering
terminology is picked up in royal rhetoric
as Hittite or Assyrian kings portray themselves
as the instruments of the gods, thundering
against those who have violated
treaties or stood in the way of empire expansion.
22:34. feet of a deer. There were fairly large
populations of Iranian deer in Palestine during
the period of the Israelite monarchy (although
they became extinct sometime last
century). They were never domesticated and
represented only a small percentage of the
meat supply at the Bronze and Iron Age sites
in the region. Some deer were kept in captivity,
as described by a fifteenth-century ration
list from coastal Alalakh (see comment on Ps
18:33).
23:1-7
Last Words of David
23:1. oracle of David. The introductory term
translated “oracle” is most commonly used to
introduce speeches of the Lord, but it is also
sometimes used to introduce wise sayings
(Agur’s oracle, Prov 30:1 or prophetic speeches
(Balaam’s oracle, Num 24:3, 15, as verses
two and three suggest this is. This is the only
insinuation in the Old Testament that David
could be classified among the prophets.
23:1. singer of songs. It is unclear whether
this phrase represents a description of David
or a description of the “God of Jacob.” Both
can be justified from usage of this terminology
in the Ugaritic texts. The former would describe
David’s singing talents, and the latter
would describe God as the treasured object of
the songs or perhaps the cherished defender
of Israel.
23:5-7. metaphors of kingship. The metaphor
begun at verse five has a solar flavor. The rule
of a just king is like the warmth of the sun for
crops but is devastating to the unjust. Representing
the king’s justice as the sun (Yahweh
353 2 SAMUEL 23:8—24:8
is the king in this case) is found among the
Hittites and especially for the kings of Egypt.
A Middle Kingdom hymn to the god
Amun-Re describes the king as the lord of
rays, who gives life-giving rays to those
whom he loves but is a consuming fire to his
enemies. In Mesopotamia it is Shamash, the
sun god, who is the god of justice. Thorns
symbolize rebels, who are simply poked into
the fire (the result of the sun’s heat).
2 SAMUEL 23:8—24:8
23:8-39
Accounts and List of David’s
Mighty Men
23:8. David’s mighty men. It is generally
thought that the thirty were a special group of
retainers—champions who had attached
themselves to David (see comment on 1 Sam
17:25) and served as his “special forces”
group—an elite group of operatives that did
not necessarily function within an organized
military structure.
23:11-12. Pas Dammim. Pas Dammin, or
Ephes Dammin 1 Sam 17:1, was described in
Scripture as being between Socoh and Azekah
near the Valley of Elah. Thus it was west of
Bethlehem towards the Philistine coast. Damun,
four miles northeast of Socoh, is one
candidate for the modern site of Pas Dammin,
but it is difficult to see how that could be described
as between Socoh and Azekah.
23:13. geography. Adullam was about sixteen
miles southwest of Jerusalem. It is identified
with modern Tell esh-Sheikh Madhkur. It is
not certain whether the “cave” of Adullam is
to be identified with the city itself or with a
nearby site. The location of the Valley of
Rephaim is uncertain but may be the modern
el-Baq’a, an area southwest of Jerusalem (see
comment on 5:18). Thus the cave of Adullam
was somewhere north and east of the Valley of
Rephaim.
23:14. stronghold. The stronghold mentioned
here is likely near the site of Adullam (see 1
Sam 22:4). Some have suggested that it is a reference
to Masada. The context for this section
seems to be when David was in flight and
thus was not yet king. During David’s rule the
“stronghold” was Zion 2 Sam 5:17.
23:15-17. gate of Bethlehem. Neither a well
nor a gate has been located in the sparse Iron
Age remains at Bethlehem. The remaining
Iron Age remains have been located on the
slope of modern Bethlehem near the Church
of the Nativity. The upper part of the mound
does not seem to have been occupied during
the Iron Age. Thus David’s gate and well were
probably on the lower part of the town.
23:20. lion pit on snowy day. Lions, though
probably not plentiful, were still roaming the
countryside in the Iron Age and became extinct
only in modern times. Hunting lions
was a favorite sport of kings and heroes. Both
Egyptian and Assyrian kings chose lionhunting
scenes to depict their manliness. One
of the techniques used to hunt lions was the
use of a pit. The lion would be pursued into
the pit, where often a net would be used to
entangle it. The hunter would then go into
the pit with a spear and finish the kill. The
likely reason for mentioning the snow would
be that it made the footing more difficult.
Snow was not an altogether extraordinary occurrence
in the highlands of southern Palestine.
23:23. king’s bodyguard. The position that
Benaiah held here, captain of the king’s bodyguard,
was the same that David held in Saul’s
administration (see 1 Sam 22:14. This was
probably the mercenary force described as
“the Cherethites and the Pelethites” (see comment
on 15:18). Captains of the king’s bodyguard
are well-known from Assyrian records
and from Greek sources (e.g., Herodotus) describing
the Persian army of Darius I and Xerxes
I (521-465 B.C.).
24:1-17
David’s Census
24:2. census. Taking a census was a practical
measure utilized by governments in the ancient
Near East, perhaps as early as the Ebla
tablets, c. 2500 B.C. (though the evidence here
is scant), and clearly by the middle of the second
millennium. However, the benefits derived
from this practice were not necessarily
appreciated by the people since they led to increased
tax levies as well as military or forced
labor service. Viewed in this light, it is not surprising
that popular notions existed that the
census was a source of bad luck or the basis of
divine displeasure. Mari texts (eighteenth century
B.C.) from Mesopotamia describe men
fleeing to the mountains to avoid being counted.
24:5-8. itinerary. The census takers begin by
heading east into the Transjordan region to the
southeast extremity of the land at Aroer along
the Arnon and then proceed north to the northeast
extremity at Dan. Tahtim Hodshi is obscure,
but the logic of the itinerary would
suggest something in the region of Mount Hermon,
often considered a northeast boundary.
From there they head northwest to the Phoenician
coast at Sidon and then begin to move
south through the main sections of the country.
2 SAMUEL 24:9-25 354
It is interesting to note that after the mention of
Tyre (outside of Israel proper), the Hivites and
Canaanites are mentioned, and then the list
skips to Beersheba at the southern extremity of
the land. In so doing it fails to mention by
name any districts, towns or territories on the
west side of the Jordan.
24:9. census results. The total of 1.3 million
fighting men has seemed high to the archaeologists
who study population density. Estimates
of the population of the land at the time of David
run between three and nine hundred thousand.
While granting that the methods by
which such estimates are arrived at can be contested,
it must also be remembered that the
word translated “thousands” in the text may
also mean divisions made up of much fewer
than a thousand.
24:10. conscience-stricken about census taking.
It was because of God’s anger (for undisclosed
offenses, v. 1) that David decided to
take a census. If he is now conscience-stricken
concerning that decision, it suggests that his
motive for taking the census may have been to
appease God’s anger. One way to appease the
anger of deity in the traditional Near Eastern
way of thinking was to pay him off, that is, offer
generous gifts to the sanctuary. Since a census
generally levied a head tax to be paid to
the temple (see comment on the census temple
tax in Ex 30:11-16, it is possible that the
census was an attempt to appease God by
pouring money into the temple coffers. This
was not how Yahweh desired to be treated,
and rather than appeasing his anger, it increased
it. The punishment was the result of
both his original anger and David’s attempted
appeasement.
24:11. seer. The seer and the prophet were engaged
in basically the same activity, but the
structuring of the role in society was different
(much like the difference between the offices
of judge and king). The seers appear to be able
to pass on their office either to students or to
sons, whereas the prophet is spontaneously
called by God.
24:12-15. king and people identified together.
In the ancient Near East it was common for
the king to be the embodiment of the state and
the representative of the people. In Hittite literature,
for instance, an offense committed by
the king could bring punishment on all the
people. Royal prayers were often directed toward
the deities to seek forgiveness for past or
present royal offenses that were viewed as being
the cause of present distress.
24:16. angel afflicting the people. This is the
same terminology used for the destroying angel
in the Passover account in Exodus 12. In
the Mesopotamian epic called Erra and Ishum
the plague god (Erra or Nergal) embarks on a
massive campaign of destruction and is finally
calmed by a subordinate, Ishum, preventing
total decimation of the land. An obvious difference
(among many) is that here in Samuel
the destroying angel is under the absolute
control of the Lord, while in the Erra epic,
Marduk, the chief god of Babylon, is distant
and ambivalent.
2 SAMUEL 24:9-25
24:18-25
Altar and Threshing Floor
24:18. Arauna the Jebusite. When David conquered
Jerusalem he did not drive out the Jebusite
inhabitants. Arauna, having retained a
significant tract of land north of the city, is
sometimes identified as the Jebusite governor.
In fact the Hurrian word (the Jebusites are usually
considered of Hurrian extraction) for a feudal
overlord is ewrine, leading some to believe
that Arauna (variant: Awarna) is a title rather
than a name.
24:18. threshing floor. Since the threshing
floor was a large, flat, open area, it was a natural
gathering spot for the townspeople. Since
it was so intimately connected with the harvest,
it was a natural site for religious ceremonies
and festivals. These combine to make it
likely that Arauna’s threshing floor already
had some sacred traditions attached to it from
earlier periods.
24:22. threshing sledges and ox yokes. The
threshing sledge was a platform made of
boards with pieces of iron stuck through
holes. This would be hitched behind the
threshing animals and loaded up with rocks.
When dragged over the wheat it would aid
in the threshing process. For this text they,
along with the yokes, become a convenient
source of wood for the sacrifice.
24:24. fifty shekels of silver. This is not a great
amount of money compared to the four hundred
shekels that Abraham paid for the cave
of Machpelah Gen 23. Additionally, 1 Chronicles
21:25 reports that six hundred gold shekels
were paid for the entire site.
355 1 KINGS 1:1-21
1 K I N G S
1:1-53
Solomon Gains Throne over
Adonijah
1:3-4. Abishag’s status. The fact that David is
said to have had no relations with Abishag indicates
that she was never officially taken into
the royal harem. Though neither wife nor concubine,
her role as final companion to the king
provided enough ambiguity to later place her
in the middle of a power struggle (see comment
on 2:13-21).
1 Kings 1:1-21 1:3. Shunammite. Located in the territory of
Issachar Josh 19:18, Shunem (modern Solem)
was seven miles southeast of Nazareth. It is
mentioned in Thutmose III’s conquest list of
the fifteenth century B.C. and in the fourteenth-
century B.C. El Amarna letters.
1:5-6. primogeniture in Israel. In the ancient
Near East primogeniture is not always the
rule. In many texts it is clear that the children
divide the inheritance evenly. With regard to
succession to rule, in some cultures brothers
had priority over sons. In others it was up to
the king to designate his successor, and in
some cases the subjects had to consent. In Israelite
culture the firstborn was generally assumed
to have certain advantages, but neither
inheritance nor succession inevitably fell to
him. See the comment on Deuteronomy
21:15-17 for the ancient Near Eastern context
of inheritance rights of the firstborn.
1:5. fifty runners. It was common practice for
persons of high political status to display their
authority by riding in a chariot, accompanied
by an entourage of runners (see comment on
2 Sam 15:1. In battle formation this provided
a set fighting unit, as noted in the annals of
Sargon II and other Assyrian kings.
1:7-8. support of army and priesthood. In the
Ugaritic Epic of Keret, Prince Yassib, Keret’s
son, makes the argument that the invalid king
is no longer capable of carrying out his duties
and that he should therefore yield the throne
to his successor. Similarly, David’s sons positioned
themselves to take the throne from
their declining father. They went about this by
soliciting the support of power groups within
the state—specifically, the leaders of the military
and the priestly community. Opposition
from either of these groups could make for a
short reign (see respectively 1 Kings 16:15-18
and 2 Kings 11. Since the dynastic line was
staying in power, there was no need to reenlist
support among the tribes and clans. With their
pressing for the establishment of a coregency
(a common practice in Egyptian and Mesopotamian
monarchies), rather than seeking to
forcibly depose David, Nathan and Bathsheba
win the throne for Solomon.
1:9, 19. sacrifices. It is likely that the sacrifices
were burnt offerings and fellowship offerings,
two of the most general types of sacrifices.
The former often accompanied a petition,
while the latter served as an opportunity for
festive celebration and a communal meal before
the Lord. These sacrifices would have
been directed to the initiation of kingship (coronation).
The sacrifices were being offered to
make petition for God’s blessing and in preparation
for a feast that would create an alliance
between Adonijah and those in attendance,
following the pattern used by Absalom. Such
covenantal meals are a part of treaty and alliance
agreements, as exemplified in texts from
Mari and the Amarna letters.
1:9. En Rogel. This spring is only about 650
yards south of the Gihon Spring in the Kidron
Valley (see comment on 1:33) and only about a
half mile from David’s palace. The choice of
this location for the ceremony is probably due
to the fact that the spring lies at the junction of
the territory of Benjamin and Judah (presumably
suggesting both would have access to its
water supply). Adonijah’s support base can
therefore be inferred as comprising the tribal
alliances that brought David to power. His
support by Joab and Abiathar would also represent
this traditional element. The stone of
Zoheleth is sometimes translated Serpent
Rock and likely refers to a distinctive rock that
had some ritual traditions associated with it.
1:21. treatment of claimants to the throne.
There is wide precedent in Mesopotamian
texts for the elimination of all rival claimants
to the throne when a king comes to power.
Such purges also occurred years later as a
form of revenge for political opposition or rebellion
attempted against previous rulers.
One way to better understand Bathsheba’s
fears for herself and her son Solomon is to
look at the murder of the Assyrian king Sennacherib
in 681 B.C. by his sons. Although the
king had designated his son Esarhaddon as
his successor, civil war broke out with portions
of the military taking sides. Esarhaddon
finally secured the throne and had those
guilty of the murder of their father executed.
Such intrigue surrounding the succession to
the throne was not unusual in the ancient
1 KINGS 1:33—2:5 356
Near East. There had been bloody strife between
David’s sons in the past (see 2 Sam 13—
15), and a general purge of other claimants
might well occur after David’s death. Esarhaddon
solved the problem for his successor
by having his treaty partners sign an agreement
to support the disposition of his two
sons as king of Assyria and of Babylonia respectively.
1 KINGS 1:33—2:5 1:33. the king’s mule. During the early monarchy
the proper animal for the king to ride
was the mule (see 2 Sam 18:9. Precedent for
this practice is found in a Mari letter containing
a suggestion to King Zimri-Lim that it
would be more in keeping with the dignity of
the monarch if he rode in a cart pulled by
mules rather than by horses. It is also possible
that horses were not in general use by the Israelites
until later periods. During this period
mules were two or three times more expensive
than horses. They were imported and, of
course, could not reproduce.
1:33. Gihon. This is a spring now known as
’En Sitti Maryam in the Kidron Valley just below
the east slope of David’s Jerusalem (see
comment on 2 Sam 5:8. In contrast to Adonijah’s
support base in the traditional tribal
groups, Solomon’s base appears to be in the
royal city, Jerusalem, itself. The Gihon spring,
as Jerusalem’s water supply, is therefore a fit
setting for this ceremony.
1:34. anointing by priest and prophet. The pattern
to this point had been for a prophet to
anoint the prospective king (see the comment
on 1 Sam 16:1. This provided divine sanction
for him to rule. In the ancient Near East, priests
often played significant political roles, but no
prophets from the ancient Near East are known
to have played the role of kingmaker. Now,
with the first example of hereditary succession,
it was appropriate that both the high priest and
a prophet participate in this ceremony. In this
way, both God (through the prophet) and the
religious community that served the people
and Yahweh (especially the Jerusalem sanctuary)
recognized the king’s right to rule.
1:38. Kerethites and Pelethites. See the comment
on 2 Samuel 15:18 for discussion of these
mercenary troops (probably Cretans and other
Sea People descendants). They served as a
praetorian guard, whose duties and loyalties
were strictly to the king. Use of highly trained,
mercenary soldiers is also found in Egyptian,
Mesopotamian and Roman sources.
1:41. noise in the city. Though En Rogel is
only 250 yards from the southern wall of the
city, it is much lower in elevation (near the
southwestern end of the foot of the modern
village of Silwan). Neither the activity in the
city nor that at Gihon can be observed from
that vantage point. Nonetheless, the commotion
would easily carry across the valley.
1 KINGS 1:38—2:8 1:49. Adonijah’s guests disperse. Adonijah’s
supporters apparently were willing to try to
force the succession issue but had no stomach
for civil war. Nor did they desire to be personally
aligned with one who would undoubtedly
now be labeled a rebel. It was clear that
Solomon had gained the support of both the
king and the political establishment of Jerusalem,
and Adonijah’s cause was a lost one.
1:50. taking the horns of the altar. Adonijah
claims the right of sanctuary when he grabs
the horns of the altar (see Ex 21:13-14. Archaeological
evidence of horned altars has
been found at sites such as Beersheba (see
comment on 2:28). Asylum, however, was
supposed to be granted for unintentional homicide,
and Adonijah’s “crime” was presuming
his right to rule as king. It seems likely that
the altar, because of its tie to sacred space and
association with the deity (see the comment
on Ex 27:1-8, could be used to take oaths of
innocence in the face of possible punishment
(as seen in Hammurabi’s code).
2:1-11
David’s Instructions to Solomon
2:1-11. dying king’s instructions. A number of
pieces of Egyptian wisdom literature, notably
the Instruction of Merikare (from about 2100
B.C.), take the form of instructions to a newly
crowned king from his predecessor. As here,
the instructions given to Merikare by his father
offer advice concerning how certain situations
should be dealt with in order to secure
a just and unthreatened rule. The new king’s
responsibility is to deal wisely with those who
have shown rebellious tendencies. Even the
categories of rebels mentioned show some
similarity to the individuals David advises Solomon
to act against.
2:5. Joab’s crimes. Abner (see the comment on
2 Sam 3:29 and Amasa (see comment on
2 Sam 20:9 had both been military and political
rivals eliminated by Joab in defiance of
David’s intentions. In both instances, David
was politically embarrassed and had to publicly
denounce Joab’s actions. Given Joab’s
past treatment of opponents, the stability of
the kingdom required that he be punished as
a criminal.
2:5. blood-stained belt and sandals. The
words used for belt and sandals in this verse
are never clearly used for military dress (see
comment on 2 Sam 18:11. The idea here may
be that the clothing stained with blood indi-
357 1 KINGS 2:7-21
cated that the killings were not in battle contexts.
2:7. eating at the king’s table. Those who eat
from the king’s table or storehouse are his
dependents and those he chooses to sponsor.
It is expected that they will demonstrate their
loyalty based on this payment (evidenced in
the listing of provisions provided to nobles
and members of the bureaucracy in Mari and
Babylonian administrative texts). Those sponsored
in this way would generally be members
of the administration and champions of
military repute. Many of these would either
be already part of the king’s family or would
marry into the family (see comment on 1 Sam
17:25).
2:8. Mahanaim. Besides serving as an administrative
center for the government of Saul’s son
2 Sam 2, this is where David set up headquarters
when he had to flee from Absalom (see the
comment on 2 Sam 17:24. The town is also
mentioned as one destroyed by Pharaoh Shishak’s
invasion during the time of Solomon’s
son. While it is clear that Mahanaim is in the
Transjordan region, the precise location is unknown.
The most common identification today
is with Tell edh-Dhahab el-Gharbi on the northern
bank of the Jabbok. There have been no excavations
at the site, but surface surveys
confirm that it was occupied during this period.
2:8. Shimei’s crime. See the comment on
2 Samuel 16:11.
2:10. royal tombs. By right of capture, the citadel
area of Jerusalem was David’s private domain
and thus a proper burial site for himself and his
successors. Ugaritic shaft tombs within their palace
precinct indicate this was a familiar royal
practice. Early Iron Age (1200-1000 B.C.) and Iron
Age II (1000-600 B.C.) tombs, based on archaeological
investigation along the coastal plain in
the area of Judah, seem to have been primarily
either cave tombs or rectangular chamber
tombs, some with forecourts and raised benches
for the internment of the corpse. The quality and
quantity of grave goods can only be speculated
on since there is no trace of the royal tombs from
the monarchy period. However, it may be presumed,
based on the royal tombs of Mycenae,
Egypt and Ugarit, that they would have contained
treasures representative of the status of
the dead. The place often identified to tourists as
David’s tomb on present day Mount Zion is a
late tradition. The only monumental tombs from
the First Temple period are in the modern village
of Silwan across the Kidron Valley from
David’s Jerusalem. These do not date back as
early as David (who was buried in the City of
David) and are not royal tombs.
2:11. chronology. Typical of ancient Near Eastern
annals, the narrative describing each of Israel
and Judah’s kings ends with a summary
statement that takes note of the number of
years the king reigned and sometimes a mention
of contemporary monarchs. Though the
number forty is often a round number, here it
is broken into very precise divisions, suggesting
an actual forty-year reign. David’s reign
would have extended from about 1010 to 970.
1 KINGS 2:7-21
2:12-46
Solomon’s Accession to the Throne
2:19. queen mother’s throne. There were three
different types of queens in the ancient world.
The most familiar to our way of thinking is
one who is the primary wife of the king (e.g.,
Queen Esther). While sometimes these royal
consorts were little more than ornamentation,
in other contexts (such as among the Hittites
of the second millennium) they served as royal
deputies with extensive power (compare
the role of Jezebel in Ahab’s court). A second
type is the wife (or mother) of the king who
accedes to the throne after his death and rules
in his place (e.g., Athaliah of Judah, Hatshepsut
of Egypt). The third is the queen mother
whose royal husband has died but who continues
to exert significant political influence
over the new king, her son (e.g., Sammuramat
of Assyria, Maacah of Judah, see 1 Kings
15:13). That is the role depicted for Bathsheba
here. The extent to which the queen mother
exercised a significant or powerful role in judicial,
economic or social matters would have
depended on the personality of the individual.
The fact that the mother is named for nearly
every king of Judah (though not for kings of
Israel) suggests that the role of queen mother
was an important one throughout the Davidic
monarchy.
2:13-21. Adonijah’s request. The network of
support for a king would have been found in
the powerful clans and families. Acquiring
concubines and wives would therefore be the
mechanism for building up the backing of
each local area. Support might also be found
in wealthy merchants, military leaders or even
in priestly families. Royal marriages were a reflection
of the power of a monarch and represented
political and economic alliances made
in the name of the state. It would therefore
have been necessary, at the succession, for the
harem of the former king to become the responsibility
of the new monarch. In this way
there was continuity of treaty obligations.
Consequently a potential successor to the
throne at times sought to expropriate the authority
of his predecessor by taking over his
1 KINGS 2:26—3:1 358
harem. As a result any attempts to obtain
women from the harem are seen as a sign of
rebellion or usurpation of power. The loss of
the harem to another monarch, as described in
the Assyrian annals of Sennacherib, was a
sign of submission or being deposed. Abishag’s
status would have been ambiguous if she
had never officially become part of the harem,
in which case Adonijah’s request would not
have constituted an overt attempt to procure
the throne. It is possible, however, that Adonijah
wished to position himself for an attempt
to take over the kingship by acquiring David’s
last companion. Certainly Solomon chose to
interpret the request as having that intent.
2:26. Abiathar’s banishment to Anathoth.
The Iron I village of Anathoth was located at
Ras-Kharrubeh, about three miles northeast of
Jerusalem. In the Persian period the site was
moved slightly north to the village of Anata.
Apparently Abiathar and his family continued
to hold estates in this area (note Jeremiah’s
ties to Anathoth and the field of Hanamel
in Jer 1:1 and 32:7-9). As part of Solomon’s
purge of Adonijah’s supporters, Abiathar was
banished to the “country life” and forced to
resign his duties as high priest. Solomon’s reluctance
to execute Abiathar or his priestly
family is understandable in light of Abiathar’s
faithful service as priest and diviner for David
(see 1 Sam 23:9-12.
2:28. horns of the altar. See the comment on
1 Kings 1:50. Horned altars have also been
found in excavations of Canaanite sites and in
Cyprus. The horns may have been used to tie
down a sacrifice or support a bowl of incense.
Joab’s attempt to claim asylum by grasping
the horns was rejected, because of his treason
against Solomon and his unauthorized murders
of Abner and Amasa. The charge and
curse for “shedding of innocent blood” in
verses 31-33 is an oath of clearance for David’s
family and a condemnation of Joab’s. Egyptian
legal documents from the time of Rameses
IV, twelfth century B.C., charge officials to
be careful not to inflict punishment on a person
without proper authorization. The text
states that “all that they have done [should]
come down upon their own heads.”
2:34. buried on his land in the desert. It is
likely that Joab was buried in a family tomb
near Bethlehem (his brother Asahel was buried
there in 2 Sam 2:32. The description is of
open pasture land rather than desert, and that
would fit the area of the Judean hill country.
2:36-37. Shimei’s house arrest. Based on
Shimei’s earlier cursing of David 2 Sam 16:11
and David’s final instructions 1 Kings 2:8-9,
Solomon places him under close house arrest—
a condition in which the prisoner is responsible
for maintaining his own defined
boundaries. Apparently there was some concern
that Shimei might rally support against
Solomon among the Benjaminite tribesmen if
he was allowed to travel north of Jerusalem.
This compares to the restrictions placed on the
movement of slaves in the Ur-Nammu and
Hammurabi codes and suggests that Shimei
had lost rights as a full citizen. In the Instruction
of Merikare (see comment on 2:1-11)
those vassals who had a history of rebelling
but were not currently involved in rebellion
were to be exiled.
1 KINGS 2:26—3:1 2:37. Kidron Valley. Mention of the Kidron as
Shimei’s northern boundary is a clear indication
that he is not to have contact with other
members of the Benjaminite tribe—a group
that had been a part of Sheba’s revolt in 2 Samuel
20. The Kidron wadi is located just east of
the Ophel, separating Jerusalem from the
Mount of Olives.
2:39. geography. Although a conclusive identification
of the Philistine city of Gath has not
yet been established, the general consensus is
that it is at Tell es-Safi, ten miles southeast of
Tel Miqne-Ekron. David’s association with
Achish and his inclusion of mercenaries from
Gath 2 Sam 15:18-23 suggest it was part of Israel’s
political sphere—at least by treaty
agreement. Shimei’s journey there to recover
his two slaves would have taken him west of
Jerusalem as far as the Shephelah and easily
outside the confines of his house arrest.
3:1-3
Summary of Solomon
3:1. identity of Pharaoh. The biblical narrator
chose not to mention the pharaoh by name,
but most likely this would have been Siamun,
the next to last ruler of the relatively weak
Twenty-First Dynasty. Since this pharaoh was
faced with difficulties with the Theban priesthood
at home, he was unable to conquer either
Philistia or Israel. He therefore chose to
ally himself by marriage with Solomon, perhaps
as a way of weakening the Philistines
along the southern coast of Palestine (c. 960
B.C.).
3:1. marriage alliances. The policy of using
royal marriages as a diplomatic tool, tying local
leaders as well as foreign monarchs together
in treaty and familial alliance, has a long
history in the ancient Near East (see the comments
on 11:1). The fact that Solomon received
a daughter of the pharaoh demonstrates he is
in a stronger position than the monarch of
Egypt at that time. Her dowry included yield-
359 1 KINGS 3:2—4:7
ing Gezer to Solomon, thereby giving the king
of Israel a strategic site overlooking the northern
Shephelah and guarding one of the principal
roads between the coast and the hill
country around Jerusalem.
3:2-3. sacrificing at high places. The picture
portrayed in the biblical narrative is that prior
to the construction of the temple in Jerusalem,
sacrifice and religious ritual commonly took
place at local shrines or bamoth. They were
constructed for this purpose and in most cases
appear to be an installation that could be entered
and within which cultic activity took
place (see the comment on 1 Sam 9:12-13.
Many of them may have had an urban setting,
although this does not preclude their existence
outside city walls on nearby hills (2
Kings 17:9-11). Their actual appearance and
the furnishings associated with the high places
are unknown, but the large number of references
to them as sacrificial sites suggest
some may have been quite elaborate. Eventually
the monarchy and the Jerusalem priesthood
attempted to suppress the use of the
high places because of their desire to emphasize
Solomon’s temple as “the place which
Yahweh will choose.”
3:4-15
Solomon’s Dream
For information on this section see the comments
on 2 Chronicles 1.
3:16-28
Example of Solomon’s Wisdom
3:16. prostitution. Despite being prohibited
by law Lev 19:29; Deut 23:18, prostitution
was apparently tolerated among the Israelites.
In fact, several narratives exist in which a
prostitute is a heroine (Rahab in Josh 2 and
Tamar in Gen 38. Certainly their social status
would have been extremely low, but that may
well be an integral part of the Rahab episode,
where several unexpected events occur. Solomon’s
willingness to hear the case of the two
prostitutes in here fits in well with his image
as a “just king” (making up for the judicial
failures of David—2 Sam 15:2-4. It is also in
keeping with the legal protections afforded
prostitutes in the Mesopotamian law codes
(Lipit-Ishtar and Middle Assyrian Code).
3:16-28. royal wisdom in judging. Solomon’s
wisdom is demonstrated in his ability to discern
true justice, a quality which marks him as
a “just king.” This attribute is claimed by
nearly every ancient Near Eastern king as he
ascends the throne and establishes his rule as
one concerned for the welfare of the state and
even the weakest of its citizens (see the prologue
to Hammurabi’s Code in which he is
charged by the gods “to cause justice to prevail
in the land”). Other examples of the expectation
of royal wisdom are found in the
Egyptian Protests of the Eloquent Peasant
(twentieth to eighteenth centuries B.C.) and in
the appeal of the eleventh-century B.C. Egyptian
priest Wenamon, who asked the prince of
Byblos for a resolution of his case.
1 KINGS 3:2—4:7
4:1-28
Solomon’s Administration
4:7. district system. In an attempt to centralize
his authority as king and begin the process of
weakening local, tribal loyalties, Solomon reorganized
his kingdom. The tribal districts
that had been created after the conquest and
during the settlement period could be dangerous
to the Davidic dynasty. The northern
tribes under Sheba had already attempted to
secede from the united kingdom (2 Sam
20:1-2). If new political boundaries could be
redrawn so that tribal populations and the
new Canaanite cities added to the nation were
mixed together, then the king might forestall
future political problems. This restructuring
also aided in financing national works
projects (see 1 Kings 9:15-19, the national defense
and the initiation of international commercial
ventures 1 Kings 9:26-28. Since each
district was responsible for maintaining the
king’s household one month each year, a regular
system of taxation (other than the religious
tithe) could be initiated, further
weakening local autonomy in favor of a centralized
national perspective on administration.
4:7. provisions for royal household. The
king’s household consisted of his immediate
family as well as his major government officials
and their extended bureaucracy (see the
list in 1 Kings 4:1-6. In this way each of the
twelve officials given charge of Israel’s administrative
districts (see the list in 1 Kings 4:8-19
helped finance Solomon’s government. Their
responsibilities would have included marshaling
the natural and human resources of their
districts to insure a more efficient and profitable
use of their local resources in the national
interest. Such provisioning also served as a
form of taxation, directing the local districts to
give service to the national government. Administrative
documents from Ugarit, Mari
and Babylon give some indication of royal expectations
from local governors. A quota of
raw and manufactured goods and materials
1 KINGS 4:8-30 360
are listed, sometimes side by side with previous
years’ offerings.
4:8-19. geography. Ugarit and Alalakh both
yielded administrative texts with a literary
form similar to that found here. The geographical
designations for the various provinces
of Solomon’s kingdom are not
sufficiently delineated so that exact boundaries
can be established for each of them. Each
governor apparently had a seat or seats of administration:
for example, Ben-Abinadab at
Dor and Baana at Taanach and Megiddo.
Some of the districts apparently encompassed
previous tribal area: Dan’s original area in the
central highlands, Naphtali in eastern Galilee
and Asher on the western slopes of the Galilee.
However, what is distinctive is the inclusion
of Canaanite and Philistine territory: Dor,
a port city of the Sea Peoples mentioned in the
Egyptian tale of Wenamon (eleventh century
B.C.) and Canaanite Hepher (Tell Ibsar) in the
Sharon Plain Josh 12:17. The placement of
Judah at the end of the list (v. 20) suggests that
its administration and fiscal responsibilities
may have differed from the rest of the districts
because of its association with the Davidic
house.
4:21. boundaries of Solomon’s kingdom. The
description of Solomon’s kingdom stretching
from the Euphrates River in the east (refers to
the area where the river turns north in the region
of Emar) to the Wadi al-Arish on the border
of Egypt is intended to demonstrate the
magnitude of Solomon’s rule and correlate it
to the boundaries of the covenantal promised
land of Deuteronomy 1 and Joshua 1. Mesopotamian
annals from the time of Sargon of
Akkad (third millennium) to the later Assyrian
rulers included statements of the extent of
their kingdoms. In general they reflect either
military campaigns that have taken the king
into areas beyond his actual boundaries or an
extension of economic hegemony in which the
ruler is able to extract tribute or tolls from
neighboring kingdoms or foreign merchants.
The reality is that there are various levels of
what constituted “control” or “boundaries.”
The text here does not offer the details of the
level of control Solomon exercised over each
area, but nevertheless several different relationships
may be identified. In addition to the
traditional territory from Dan to Beersheba,
Solomon had provinces (conquered states
such as Moab, Edom and Ammon), vassals
(tribute-paying, but having native rulers such
as Hamath, Zobah and Philistia), and allies
(treaty partners such as Egypt and Tyre).
1 KINGS 4:8-30 4:22. daily provisions. Such a notation of the
quantities of grain and animals made available
daily to feed Solomon and his court fits in
well with the picture of a monarch on a par
with the Egyptian pharaoh. The use of some
Egyptian loan words (cor = homer = 6.3 bushels)
suggests that the form of this statement
may have been modeled after the official
records of Egypt or the Canaanite or Philistine
kingdoms. Note that all of the items listed
could be stored or kept in pasture or corral
until they were needed. Perishable foods were
also a part of their diet, but these (other than
oil) seldom appear as weighed or measured
items on administrative lists such as the ration
lists found in the Mari texts that keep track of
the exact amounts given to slaves, officials
and traveling dignitaries.
4:25. own vine and fig. This is a stock phrase
that appears in the historical annals and many
of the prophets as a sign of peace and prosperity
for Israel. When God is angry, then the reverse
occurs, and the vine and fig tree are
destroyed along with the peace. The idiom refers
to the security and moderate prosperity
that allow one to enjoy life’s little pleasures.
The vine and fig provided some shade as well
as fruit and enjoying them indicated some
long-term prospects—each took several years
to become productive.
4:26. horses and chariots. Typically a chariot
team included three horses with only two being
used at any one time and the third kept as
a reserve. The three would be stabled together,
so twelve thousand horses for four thousand
pens is the correct proportion indicating the
potential for four thousand chariot teams
(though some may have been used for cavalry).
Nevertheless, 1 Kings 10:26 reports that
Solomon had fourteen hundred chariots. This
is a large contingent of chariots but is not as
large as the two thousand that Ahab contributed
to the western alliance that met the Assyrians
at the Battle of Qarqar in 853 (see
comment on 22:1). In the thirteenth century
the Hittites and their allies had amassed twenty-
five hundred chariots to confront Rameses
II at the Battle of Qadesh.
4:30. wisdom of the men of the east. There
was a longstanding tradition of wisdom in the
ancient Near East. Proverbial statements, such
as those by the Egyptian sages Ptah-Hotep
(2450 B.C.) and Amenemope (c. 1100) and the
Assyrian courtier Ahiqar (c. 700), closely parallel
portions of the book of Proverbs. In addition,
the longer wisdom pieces, such as Job
and Ecclesiastes, are very similar in form and
content to the Egyptian Dispute over Suicide
(c. 2100) and the Babylonian Dialogue about
Human Misery (c. 1000). Even more classical
epic poetry, such as the Gilgamesh cycle and
361 1 KINGS 4:31—5:1
the tale of Ishtar’s descent to the underworld,
contains elements of wisdom literature that
explore issues like human mortality and concern
for personal achievement. With such a
rich body of literature and tradition, it is a remarkable
statement to say that Solomon surpassed
all of these ancient sages.
4:31. Ethan, Heman, Calcol, Darda. These renowned
wisdom figures are also tied to the
genealogy of Judah and Tamar through their
son Zerah Gen 38:30. Mahol (Hebrew mah@ol
= dancers) may actually refer to their role as
musicians, a profession which is associated
both with worship as well as wisdom performance.
Ethan and Heman appear in Psalm titles
Ps 88 and 89) and thus have been
incorporated into the formal aspects of temple
worship, even though they are not listed here
among the Levites.
1 KINGS 4:31—5:1 4:32. three thousand proverbs. The mashal or
proverb fits into a genre of writing in the ancient
Near East which is marked by short,
pithy statements expressing common sense or
well-known values. Three thousand is a
round number and is described as the number
that he spoke, not the number he composed.
As today, wisdom can often be the result of research
and gathering of information rather
than reflective of some creative enterprise.
4:32. 1005 songs. It was not uncommon in the
ancient world to express “more than” with an
x plus one progression or the use of a round
number plus one or plus a digit (see Prov 6:16;
Amos 1:3. But if the five in this number is
functioning the same way, it is unusual. This
oriental mode of expression is also observable
in something as familiar as 1,001 Arabian
Nights. Around 2000 B.C. Shulgi, king of Ur,
also had a literary reputation. In hymns to
himself he boasts of his education and literary
skills, and bears the title of first royal musician.
4:33. plant life. Botanical wisdom in the ancient
world did not concern the issues that
modern day biologists would study. One area
of interest was herb lore, which included medicinal
functions as well as use in industry
(dyes) and food production. In other cultures
it would also include magical properties of
various herbs. Another area of botanical wisdom
would be agricultural in nature—the
wisdom of a farmer concerning seeds and the
whole planting, nurturing, fertilizing and harvesting
process. Since the statement concerning
Solomon’s wisdom targets trees, however,
and occurs in the context of proverbs and
songs, it is more likely that Solomon’s wisdom
was expressed by using trees in parables or fables
with wisdom teachings. Such parables
are known in the Old Testament Judg 9:8-15
as well as in the ancient Near East (e.g., the
Sumerian Fable of the Tamarisk and the Palm)
and required insight into the nature of the
trees and bushes.
4:33. animal life. Though the NIV uses verbs
like “described” and “taught,” the Hebrew
simply says Solomon “spoke about” plant and
animal life. As in the previous entry, this suggests
that he used his insight to tell stories—
parables and fables about animals for the purpose
of teaching wisdom. Aesop was not the
first to use this medium, and more than a millennium
before Solomon the Sumerians were
producing animal debates and fables. The
most prominent Akkadian fable known to us
is The Snake and the Eagle. Additionally, wisdom
speech in ancient Egypt (e.g., the Instruction
of Amenemope) and Mesopotamia (as in
the first-millennium Aramaic Words of
Ahiqar) was filled with analogies and parables
involving animals and plants.
5:1—6:38
Building the Temple
For more information on chapter 5 see comments
on 2 Chronicles 2:1-18.
5:1. relationship between Israel and Tyre.
The Phoenicians of Tyre, located twenty miles
south of Sidon on an island half a mile off the
Phoenician coast, prospered from their control
of the naval mercantile trade throughout the
Mediterranean. Their independence is attested
in the Egyptian Wenamon’s report (c. 1080
B.C.), and their influence is found in archaeological
levels on Cyprus and later at Carthage
on the North African coast. However, their
preoccupation with trade and their lack of sufficient
farmlands made it necessary for them
to establish relations with neighboring nations
who were interested in the goods brought by
Phoenician ships and could pay for them with
grain and other natural resources. Solomon’s
consolidation of the region of Palestine made
him a good trading partner for Hiram and a
constant source of income for Phoenician
builders and contractors.
5:1. Hiram. The dates of Hiram I of Tyre
(Phoenician Ahiram; Assyrian Hirummu) are
commonly cited as 969-936 B.C., based on the
chronological reckoning of the Jewish historian
Josephus (first century A.D.). He claims to
have extensive records of the history of Tyre
and offers much information about Hiram’s
reign. This dating gives little if any overlap
between David and Hiram and is suspect due
to the methods of calculation available to Josephus.
Contemporary Near Eastern sources of-
1 KINGS 5:3—6:36 362
fer no information about this Hiram but
mention prominently his later namesake,
Hiram II. The name is also well known from
the sarcophagus of Ahiram, king of nearby
Byblos, around this same time period.
5:3. under his feet. The Assyrian king Tukulti-
Ninurta I (thirteenth century) “puts his foot
on the neck of” individual conquered kings as
well as (symbolically) on that of conquered
lands, clarifying that they have thus become
his footstool. This is graphically depicted in a
tomb painting from the fifteenth century B.C.
showing Thutmose IV seated on the lap of his
mother (?) with his feet resting on a box that is
filled with enemies laid out in a pile. For further
information see comment on Psalm 108:13.
5:17. quarrying stone. Limestone from the hill
country was quarried for the temple in Jerusalem.
This involved simply extracting the stone
from the cliffs, not the finishing process of
dressing and shaping the stones that would
have been done by master craftsmen from
Phoenicia (see 1 Kings 7:10.
1 Kings 5:3—6:36 6:1. chronology. This chronological note attached
to Solomon’s construction of the Jerusalem
temple is at the heart of the discussion of
the date of the exodus and conquest periods
(see sidebar on the date of the exodus). Most
historians would place the dedication of Solomon’s
temple in 966 B.C. By adding 480 years
to this, you get 1446 B.C. as the date for the departure
from Egypt. Archaeological difficulties
and the strength of the Egyptian hold on
Syro-Palestine during the fifteenth century
B.C. have brought this date into question. As a
result many now see 480 as a stylized number,
symbolic of forty years (a typical round number)
for each of twelve judges or indicating
twelve generations (40 x 12 = 480). Based on
the dates for Hiram I and the founding date
for the Phoenician colony at Carthage, the
temple’s construction most likely took place
between 967-957 B.C. The note uses typical
Phoenician phrasing.
6:1. Ziv. This is the second month of the
Canaanite and Israelite calendar. It corresponds
to portions of April and May in our
own calendar. The fact that the passage identifies
this as the second month may indicate
that Ziv was not the usual Israelite month
name used but represented an official designation
known to a larger, non-Israelite audience.
6:4. clerestory window. Because the architectural
terms found in the Hebrew are technical
terms, their exact meaning is uncertain. Some
suggest that the windows were constructed
with a narrow opening on the outside and a
wider opening on the inside (see Ezek 40:16.
It is also possible that latticed windows are
meant here. The lack of windows in Mesopotamian
temples, however, argues against natural
light entering Solomon’s temple (see 1 Kings
8:12). The ‘Ain Dara temple had false windows
carved into the stone with a lattice-work
design.
6:5. six side-rooms. This portion of the temple’s
structure is clouded by the uncertainty
over the Hebrew terminology generally rendered
“side buildings” or “wings.” These may
be part of the earliest construction of the
building, serving first as storage areas and later
expanded upward as the temple grew.
Whether they were intended as permanent
structures or even buttresses is unclear, as is
the materials from which they were built. The
architecture of the contemporary temple at
‘Ain Dara features tall corridors flanking the
hall. It is possible that this verse describes
such corridors.
6:6. offset ledges. The side chambers along the
outer walls of the temple were offset or recessed
as they followed the wall upward.
V. Hurowitz provides two interpretations of
this architectural feature: (1) a means of enclosing
the temple within a “cedarwood crate”
(with cedar boards laid horizontally on the recesses)
or (2) a sort of “reverse pagoda” shape,
creating the visual effect that the outer wall of
the temple widened from bottom to top.
6:7. tools used. Earlier taboos against using
iron tools in the construction of sacred altars
or buildings (see Deut 27:5; Josh 8:31 are
somewhat tempered by their apparent use at
the quarry but not near the temple site. An
early Sumerian account of Gudea’s building a
temple for his god insisted that there be no
noise around the area of the temple during the
building project. Masons used large picks
(weighing thirty or thirty-five pounds) for
quarrying and smaller picks (weighing twelve
or fifteen pounds) for the shaping of the stone.
Those found in excavations have iron heads of
various shapes with wooden handles. Ironheaded
sledge hammers and long doublehandled
saws were also portrayed on Assyrian
reliefs.
6:14-35. See comments on 2 Chronicles 3.
6:36. three courses of dressed stone. Perhaps
as an architectural buffer against earthquake
damage, the walls of the inner court were constructed
with a row of cedar planks (in known
examples these are about four inches thick) interspersed
after every three horizontal courses
of stone. This would help compensate for
slight irregularities in the stone size and
smoothness. This style is also attested at
Ugarit, throughout Anatolia, in the palace at
363 1 KINGS 6:38—9:11
Knossos on Crete and at other Mycenaean
sites. See its mention in Ezra 6:4 with regard to
the postexilic Second Temple.
6:38. month of Bul. The Canaanite calendar
names are used here as well as the older name
for month (yerah[@, meaning “moon”). Bul is
also found as a month name in Phoenician inscriptions.
It means “moisture” and is tied to
the rainy season of autumn in the Mediterranean
climate. As the eighth month it corresponds
to October-November.
1 KINGS 6:38—9:11
7:1-12
Building the Palace
7:1-12. dimensions and architecture of palace.
Like other palace complexes in the ancient
Near East (such as those at Mari,
Nineveh, Babylon and Susa), Solomon’s royal
precinct would have covered several acres,
and the palace itself was larger than the temple.
It served as an administrative complex as
well as a hall of justice and an armory. Of the
structures mentioned here, the “Palace of the
Forest of Lebanon” is most fully described
(150 feet long, 75 feet wide, 45 feet high), with
its three rows of forty-five cedar pillars making
it very much like a “forest.” The overall
style of construction is much like that of the
Bit-Hilani of Syria and Mesopotamia (see comment
on 2 Sam 5:11, with chambers on three
sides surrounding a central meeting hall (75
feet long and 45 feet wide). The side rooms
would have contained three stories, while the
hall would have been open to the flat ceiling.
Doors are found at the sides and at either end,
and windows in the upper stories allowed
light to cascade down into the audience chamber
and assembly hall. The other two palaces
(v. 8) are not described in any detail, but since
they served as living quarters, their monumental
character would not have been as important
to the prestige of the monarchy as
public buildings.
7:9. dressing of stone. The stone for the palaces
was to be cut to specific size and shape so
that they could be fitted into a “headers and
stretchers” pattern, with cedar logs providing
additional stability. It was necessary to first
saw the soft limestone from the Judean cliffs
(it would harden after exposure to air). This
would provide a dressed block (ashlar masonry),
finer than could be created with hammer
and chisel, that would fit together as closely as
possible.
7:10. size of stones. The massive foundation
blocks were between twelve feet and fifteen
feet in length, weighing many tons. The even
larger blocks found in the foundation of
Herod’s temple platform in Jerusalem (one
block was over forty feet long and weighed
about one hundred tons) suggest this was not
an unusual size for monumental construction.
7:15-22. free-standing pillars. These two hollow,
bronze pillars are thirty-four feet high
(counting the capitals) and nearly five feet in
diameter. The description of the free-standing
pillars of a temple in the Assyrian city of
Kar-Tukulti-Ninurta also contains the details
of length, circumference and the design of the
capitals with which they were crowned. Of
particular interest is the additional fact that
they were engraved with inscriptions. This
feature would be typical for entryways, and it
is likely that these pillars were considered
gateposts. One possibility is that Jachin and
Boaz may have been the first word of the respective
inscriptions and therefore came to be
considered their names. Pomegranates and lotus
flowers (NIV: “lilies”) are often used in architectural
decorations.
7:23-51. See comments on 2 Chronicles 4.
8:1-66
Dedication of the Temple
8:2. month of Ethanim. This autumn month
(corresponding to September-October) was a
part of the rainy season and is tied into the
Feast of Tabernacles (see the comments on Ex
23:16b and Deut 16:13-17. The dedication of
the temple during the seventh month (its completion
is noted in 1 Kings 6:38 in the eighth
month) may reflect a year-long celebration after
the completion of work or a delay of nearly
a year in order to officially tie it into the harvest
festival.
8:14-66. See comments on 2 Chronicles 6.
9:1-9
Response of Yahweh
For information on this section see comments
on 2 Chronicles 7.
9:10-28
Deeds of Solomon
9:11. twenty towns in Galilee. Since the Galilee
is defined various ways (see Josh 20:7; Is
9:1), it is possible that the territory given to
Hiram included portions of the western foothills
as far as Megiddo. Most likely it would
have involved the buffer area between Phoenicia
and Israel. Note the return of these lands
and cities to Solomon in the Chronicler’s account
2 Chron 8:2. Precedent for exchange of
territory and cities is to be found in Mesopota-
1 KINGS 9:14—11:1 364
mian and Egyptian royal records, treaties and
annals. For instance, in the Assyrian annals of
Sennacherib, the king describes capturing
towns in Hezekiah’s territory and transferring
them to Philistine kings in Ashdod, Ekron and
Gaza.
9:14. 120 talents of gold. In the system of
weights and measures used in the ancient
Near East the talent was the highest unit of
weight (equivalent to sixty minas or three
thousand shekels). One hundred twenty talents
is therefore about four tons of gold. For
statistics concerning gold see comments on
1 Chronicles 22:14.
9:15-19. building projects. Both as a part of
his consolidation of control over all of Israel
and as a check against any armed incursion by
the Egyptian pharaoh Shishak, Solomon initiated
a program of public works using a corvee
or forced labor system. The list found here,
which stretches geographically north-south, is
similar in style to that found in the Mesha inscription
from Moab and in Assyrian royal annals.
This program transformed Jerusalem,
expanding its living area and defense. It also
strengthened the defensive posture of the nation
in strategic commercial and military centers
such as Hazor, Megiddo and Gezer as
well as in the southern border towns of
Baalath and Tamar (‘Ain Husb). The consistency
of building style (casemate walls and
six-chambered city gates) at many of these
sites helps archaeologists establish architectural
links to this period despite the lack of
documentary evidence outside the Bible. The
infusion of capital necessary to make such
vast improvements in the infrastructure
would have been a boost for the local economy
and kept potentially hostile, Canaanite
populations employed more constructively.
9:15. supporting terraces (Millo). The city of
Jerusalem in the period of David had occupied
only the north-south ridge covering
about ten acres that runs south of the modern
city walls. The top of the ridge is only about
four hundred feet wide and about fifteen hundred
feet long. The previous Canaanite city
had been built on an artificial platform that
was supported by a series of terraces. Archaeologists
have uncovered a stepped stone
structure over fifty feet tall at the northeast
corner of this ridge. This was most likely the
platform for the Jebusite citadel referred to
here in 2 Samuel 5:7 and was extended by
David for use as the foundation of his palace
and again by Solomon as the city expanded
north to include his palace and the temple
complex. It is now accepted by most that the
“Millo” (NIV footnote) should be identified
with the retaining walls (including the
“stepped stone structure”) that provided the
foundation for these monumental buildings.
There is little else that archaeologists have
found in the city that is attributable to the
time of David and Solomon.
9:20-28. See comments on 2 Chronicles 8.
1 KINGS 9:14—11:1
10:1-13
The Visit of the Queen of Sheba
For information on this section see comments
on 2 Chronicles 9:1-12.
10:14-29
The Wealth and Splendor of
Solomon
For information on this section see comments
on 2 Chronicles 9:13-28.
11:1-13
Solomon Led Astray by Wives
11:1-3. marriage alliances. Marriage was a
tool of diplomacy throughout the ancient
Near East. For instance, Zimri-Lim, the king
of Mari (eighteenth century B.C.), used his
daughters to cement alliances and establish
treaties with his neighboring kingdoms. Similarly,
Pharaoh Thutmose IV (1425-1412 B.C.)
arranged a marriage with a daughter of the
Mitannian king to demonstrate good relations
and end a series of wars with that middle Euphrates
kingdom. The wives of an ancient ruler
therefore usually represented political
alliances. Towns, city-states, tribes or nations
who wished to ally themselves with a ruler or
come under his protection sealed the treaty
with a marriage of a daughter of their chief
family to the suzerain or his son. This was an
act of loyalty on the part of the vassal, who
would then have a personal stake in preserving
the dynasty. In David’s case, prior to becoming
king of Israel, he made a series of
marriages that strengthened his political and
economic position. Thus the marriage to
Saul’s daughter Michal gave him a connection
to the royal family, his marriage to Abigail
provided him with ties to the area around Hebron,
and his marriage to Ahinoam of Jezreel
established connections with households in
the vicinity of Megiddo and Beth Shan. This
kinship network insured that David would
have friendly voices in the council of elders
from all over the country. The huge number of
wives and concubines are designed as a reflection
of the wealth and power of Solomon in
relation to his nobility and neighbors. The au-
365 1 KINGS 11:2-18
thor does not condemn Solomon for polygamy—
it was a necessary part of his political
activities. Condemnation is for the way Solomon
allowed his wives to turn him away
from the Lord.
11:2. prohibition against intermarriage. A
chief concern of the biblical writers was syncretism.
If Israel was to remain true to Yahweh,
then it must be free of foreign influence.
According to this viewpoint, intermarriage
and the training of children by mothers who
were not Israelites could only weaken the covenantal
bond (see the comment on Deut 7:3.
11:3. wives of royal birth. Distinction is
drawn between those wives who were of
higher status or rank than concubines. The
Ugaritic texts provide a similar example of division
within the harem. In Arhalba’s court,
wives whose children were in the line of succession
(such as Kubaba), were considered
truly royal women and distinguished from
those who had lesser status.
11:3. three hundred concubines. The harem
served both political as well as sexual functions.
Wives were part of the alliance system
between nations, and they were the means of
obtaining an heir to the throne. Many wives
were a reflection of power and a hedge
against female infertility. Not all wives in a
harem, however, were of similar social rank,
and those from lesser families would have
been designated as concubines, whose children
would not have been in the royal succession.
11:5. Ashtoreth. See the comment on Judges
2:13 for this Canaanite fertility goddess, the
consort of the storm god Baal. In Ugaritic texts
(the Keret epic and the Baal and Anath cycle)
she is known as Athtar or Astarte, and in Mesopotamia
religious documents she is called
Ishtar. Ashtoreth/Astarte was worshiped as
the chief goddess of both Tyre and Sidon in
Phoenicia, and they took her worship
throughout the Mediterranean, where she was
identified with the Greek goddess Aphrodite.
11:5, 7. Molech. The Ammonite god Milcom
(= Canaanite Baal) is actually named in verse
5 (as well as in v. 33) though referred to as
Molech in verse 7. (See the comment on Lev
18:21 for the association of Molech, a Canaanite
and Phoenician deity, with child sacrifice.)
The name Milcom has been attested in Ammonite
inscriptions and personal names, and
makes more sense than Molech in this context,
since this is a listing of national gods. It is difficult
to tell whether Molech in verse 7 is a
misspelling or a variant form of the name.
11:7. Chemosh. Described in terms very much
like Yahweh in the Moabite inscription of
King Mesha (c. 830 B.C.), Chemosh is a national
deity who punished his people by allowing
them to be controlled by Israel during Omri’s
reign (see 2 Kings 3, called for a holy war of
liberation (much like the use of h[erem in Josh
6:17-21), and fought, like Yahweh, as a divine
warrior for the Moabites Josh 10:42. Outside
of Moab, Chemosh may have been worshiped
as Kamish at Ebla and, based on an Assyrian
text equating him with the underworld god
Nergal, appears to have been part of the pantheon
of gods in Mesopotamia.
1 KINGS 11:2-18
11:14-43
Solomon’s Political Adversaries
11:14. Hadad the Edomite. Edom had been
conquered by David during his wars to subdue
his neighbors (see 2 Sam 8:13-14. David’s
garrisons had probably been meant to secure
control of the trade routes and access to the
port on the Gulf of Aqaba. Now, perhaps with
half-hearted support from the Egyptians (see
comment on v. 22), a new Edomite leader was
jeopardizing Israelite control. There is little information
to suggest that Edom was a national
entity at this time. Hadad more likely
represented one of the more powerful tribes in
the region. His opposition may have taken the
shape of raids on caravans rather than wars of
independence. There are no references to him
in contemporary extrabiblical sources.
11:15-16. Joab’s action against Edom. Such
wholesale extermination is known from Assyrian
records and the evidence of the mass
grave uncovered at Lachish that dates to Sennacherib’s
701 B.C. campaign against Judah.
Many of the fifteen hundred bodies in that
grave were civilians, indicating both the loss
of life during the siege and the manner in
which much of the garrison was exterminated.
11:17-18. Hadad’s journey. Like Jeroboam in
verse 40, Hadad sought asylum in Egypt. His
flight took him south and east of Edom to
Midian in the northern Arabian peninsula and
then on to Paran in the northwestern Sinai
(possibly the oasis Feran; see Num 13:3. The
rough terrain and circuitous route would have
protected the refugees from pursuit.
11:18. identity of pharaoh. Unlike verse 40,
where Shishak is named as pharaoh of Egypt,
the monarch is anonymous here. He is most
likely a member of the Twenty-First Dynasty,
but there is no indication of his identity. Since
Hadad was in Egypt from his childhood to his
manhood, he would have had association
with several pharaohs, including at least Osorkon
(984-978) and Siamun (978-959). All of
1 KINGS 11:18-29 366
the pharaohs of this period would have welcomed
political refugees from Palestine and
Transjordan in their attempt to balance and
counterbalance the growing power of Solomon
and Hiram in the region.
11:18. Hadad’s exile. It is an interesting fact of
political life in the ancient Near East that political
dissidents and royal refugees were often
taken in by kings (Egypt, Babylon, Persia and
even petty chiefs of Palestine, according to the
Tale of Sinuhe). These persons were part of a
larger game played by rival monarchs, and
what was at stake was the economic and political
control of the entire region. The refugees
were housed, tied to their patron by marriage
and then let loose with some financial or military
support to cause as much trouble as they
could on a rival king’s borders. In this way
one power could drain the resources of its rival
and eventually set it up for conquest.
11:19. Tahpenes. This word is based on the
Egyptian term t.hmt.nsw, and it is likely not a
personal name but a title. It would be comparable
to the Hebrew gebira (“queen mother”),
which follows it as an explanation in the Hebrew
text. Her status is therefore indicated as
the “wife of the king” and mother of the heir
to the throne.
11:22. Pharaoh’s attempt to retain Hadad. If
this pharaoh is Siamun, as seems likely, he is
the same one who had made a treaty with Israel
(see 3:1) sealed by the marriage of his
daughter to Solomon. This represented a
change in policy from the days of David,
when he had been undermining Israelite expansion
by harboring enemies such as Hadad.
Hadad’s resolve to go back and organize opposition
against Solomon puts Siamun in a
very awkward position.
11:23. Rezon. This name, which is etymologically
similar to rozen (“ruler”), may be a royal
title. Though some have suggested that his actual
personal name is Hezion (see 15:18), there
is little to support that, and he is more likely a
father or even grandfather of Hezion. Apparently
this former vassal of the Aramean ruler
Hadadezer escaped David’s slaughter (2 Sam
8:3-8) and spent some time as a brigand chief.
Then during Solomon’s early reign he was
able to establish himself as ruler of Damascus
and create a kingdom (Aram) that would rival
Israel throughout the tenth and ninth centuries.
11:24. Hadadezer of Zobah. See the comments
on 2 Samuel 8:3-8 and 10:6 for the rivalry
between David and the Aramean states
in northern Transjordan and western Galilee.
Zobah was located north of Damascus (see
comment on 2 Sam 8:3. It was one of several
Aramean kingdoms that controlled portions
of Syria and northern Mesopotamia until the
expansion of Israel’s control under David
and Solomon.
11:24-25. Aram of Damascus. This is the name
of the small state centered around the Syrian
city of Damascus (see 2 Sam 8:5-6. The
growth of its power in the period after the division
of Israel into two states made it the
most influential state in the area of Syro-Palestine.
Assyrian sources from the reign of Shalmaneser
III mention it as a significant rival
and the head of a coalition of states (Battle of
Qarqar in 853, see comment on 22:1).
11:26. Zeredah. The birthplace of Jeroboam
may be identified with ’Ain Seridah, about fifteen
miles southwest of Shechem in the tribal
territory of Ephraim.
11:27. supporting terraces (Millo). See the
comment on 9:15 for the structural purpose of
the Millo.
11:28. Jeroboam’s office. As a member of Solomon’s
bureaucracy, Jeroboam was a local
leader of the regional corvee, a corps of men
drafted into temporary service (porterage,
construction), within the district of “the
House of Joseph” (Ephraim/Manasseh). Since
the term for “forced labor” is not used, it may
be presumed that Jeroboam’s work was with
Israelites, not slaves. His position might be
compared to the rabi Amurrim (head of the
Amorites) in the Mari texts, whose tasks included
both military commands as well as being
a local labor organizer, supervising
construction projects on dams and the renovation
of temples.
1 KINGS 11:18-29 11:29. Ahijah. Though Shiloh (see comment
on 1 Sam 1:3 had been destroyed at the time
of Eli and much of its cultic standing had been
lost, it retained its religious heritage because
of its ancient tradition. There may be no significance
to the fact that Ahijah hails from the
northern territory, but he is playing the role of
kingmaker that was familiar in this early period
of the prophetic office. Both Saul and David
had been anointed by the prophet Samuel,
who also was trained in Shiloh. This precedent
continued throughout the next century as each
of the major dynasties of the northern kingdom
(Jeroboam, Baasha, Omri, Jehu) rose and
fell in accordance with prophetic pronouncement.
Sometimes the designated king was
content to wait for the proper time (as Jeroboam
does), while for other individuals (such
as Jehu), the prophetic proclamation initiated
a coup. In the ancient Near East priests often
play significant political roles, but no prophets
from the ancient Near East are known to have
played the same role as these Israelite king-
367 1 KINGS 11:30—12:25
makers. Nonetheless, throughout the ancient
world it was believed that prophets not only
proclaimed the message of deity but in the
process unleashed the divine action. In Assyrian
king Esarhaddon’s instructions to his vassals,
he requires that they report any improper
or negative statements that may be made by
anyone, but he specifically names prophets,
ecstatics and dream interpreters. It is no wonder,
then, that this action by Ahijah immediately
put Jeroboam in jeopardy (v. 40).
11:30. division of the prophet’s cloak. The
cloak Ahijah tears is a normal garment (see
Deut 22:26 rather than a garment of office.
This is a startling action considering the cost of
clothing and the likelihood that most people
had only one additional set of clothing. Symbolic
gestures become one of the common
methods used by the prophets to convey a
message. Some gestures are common, normal
activities, though usually they take a more eccentric
turn (see comments on Ezek 4:1. By accompanying
the prophetic pronouncement
with a gesture, there was a stronger suggestion
that the prophecy was being effectuated and
brought into reality. There is some similarity to
the way the rest of the ancient world viewed
the magical realm. In magical practice ritual
actions often needed to accompany the incantations
that were intended to bring about the
desired result. For more information concerning
the relationship between the prophets and
magical procedures, see comments on 2 Kings
4:34; 5:11.
11:33. Ashtoreth, Molech, Chemosh. See the
comments on 1 Kings 11:5 and 7 for these
Canaanite gods.
11:36. lamp in Jerusalem. As an eternal flame
is a symbol of endurance and remembrance,
the reign of a descendant of David in Jerusalem
provides a link to God’s promise to David’s
dynasty 2 Sam 7:8-16. Similar uses of the
word in Ugaritic and Akkadian are tied to perpetuation
of rule or divine presence. Assyrian
king Tiglath-Pileser III is referred to as the light
of all mankind. An Old Babylonian idiom expresses
the concept of a family having no descendants
by the image of its brazier going out.
11:40. Shishak. Shishak (Sheshonq I) was the
chief of a prominent Libyan family that had
been settled in the Egyptian delta region
(Bubastis) as a result of conquests several centuries
earlier (twelfth century). He married
into the family of the Twenty-First Dynasty
pharaohs, and when their line died out, he
was positioned to accede to the throne as the
founder of the Twenty-Second Dynasty (c.
945). He established himself on the throne
through the placement of family members in
key posts and through further marriage alliances.
Once enthroned, he made a determined
effort to restore Egyptian power by inaugurating
a monumental building program in several
areas: the Delta region (including both the
area of Tanis and Memphis) and Herakleoplis.
The biblical account as well as his statue at Byblos
indicate a strong interest in extending
Egyptian hegemony into Syro-Palestine. His
inscription at Karnak describes his invasion of
Palestine in 925 (including a list 154 towns destroyed)
and is also commemorated on a stele
erected at Megiddo. Jerusalem is spared because
of Rehoboam’s payment of a huge ransom
for the city 1 Kings 14:26.
11:40. Egypt as protector. Just as Hadad
sought political refuge in Egypt (see comment
on 11:18), Jeroboam turns to Shishak for support
and protection. It would have fit quite
well into the pharaoh’s plans for his own incursion
into Palestine to aid Solomon’s rival.
It is even possible that the price extracted
from Jeroboam for this assistance was to step
aside when Shishak campaigned along the
coast as far north as Taanach and Megiddo
and inland to Beth Shan.
1 KINGS 11:30—12:25 11:41. annals of Solomon. It is common practice
to end an account of a king with a reference
to additional works from which the
narrative had been drawn—generally the
“Book of the Annals of the Kings of Israel”
(see 1 Kings 14:19; 16:14). The source listed
here, however, seems to be a separate compendium
dealing specifically with events in
Solomon’s life and additional accounts of his
wisdom. From a historical standpoint it is
unfortunate that we no longer have access to
these materials. In the ancient world royal
annals were often kept not just as an unbiased
repetition of events but as a means by
which a king established his reputation before
the gods and for the benefit of later
kings. Whether theological or propagandistic
or both, they were usually composed with
legacy in mind.
12:1-24
Rebellion Against Rehoboam
For information on this section see comments
on 2 Chronicles 10—11.
12:25-33
Jeroboam Establishes His
Kingdom
12:25. fortification of Shechem. Jeroboam’s
choice of Shechem (Tell Balatah) as his first
capital city was based on its strategic location
1 KINGS 12:25-29 368
(thirty miles north of Jerusalem in a narrow
pass between Mounts Ebal and Gerizim), its
available water supply and its rich agricultural
resources. Its location also allowed it to
dominate all commercial and military travel
through the Ephraimite region. Archaeological
evidence for Jeroboam’s refortification of
the site is scarce, although there are indications
of a casemate wall and towers built in
Strata IX following the old Late Bronze fortification
line. Destruction layers ending both
Strata IX and X may be indications of the incursions
of the Egyptian pharaoh Shishak. For
the earlier history of Shechem see comment
on Judges 9:1.
1 Kings 12:25-29 12:25. Peniel. Peniel/Penuel has been identified
with Tell edh-Dhahab, “Mounds of
Gold,” on the Jabbok, five miles east of the
Jordan River. Jeroboam may have relocated
here during Shishak’s invasion of Palestine,
but the appearance of Peniel on Shishak’s list
of conquests at Karnak suggests it was not a
distant enough refuge. Jeroboam may have
also used the fortress here to help him control
that portion of Transjordan (Gilead) which
had previously been ruled by David.
12:26-27. Jerusalem and house of David connection.
Since Jerusalem had been conquered
by David and the sanctuary there established
by David and Solomon, there were strong
ideological ties between the house of God and
the house of David, both inseparably tied to
Jerusalem (for information concerning Jerusalem
as personal property of the Davidic dynasty
see comment on 2 Sam 5:9. It was the
Yahweh who had established the Davidic dynasty
who was enshrined at the temple in
Jerusalem. Jeroboam therefore had to seek a
way to break the political ties with the Jerusalem
worship of Yahweh without breaking the
traditional ties with Yahweh of the covenant
who had brought them out of Egypt and given
them the land.
12:28. golden calves. Like the ark of the covenant
the golden calves are not idols. Rather
both the ark and the calves function as thrones
or pedestals upholding the glory of God.
Calves were a reflection of syncretism, the religious
and cultural borrowing from the
Canaanites, so prevalent among the Israelites.
Bulls or calves were associated with the god
Baal and the fertility cult in Ugaritic texts. El is
often referred to as “Bull El,” and there is a
tale of the mating of Baal and Anat which produced
a steer. Quite likely, Jeroboam saw this
as an excellent political maneuver, pleasing Israelites
who were more comfortable with a
mixture of Yahwist and Baalist imagery.
Bronze or composite bull or calf figurines
have been found in several archaeological excavations
(Mount Gilboa, Hazor, the Bull Site
and Ashkelon; as well as a ceramic one at
Shiloh) but only three to seven inches long.
12:28. calves as thrones. Since Jeroboam’s intent
was to provide alternative worship centers
to Jerusalem, it would have been
necessary to furnish those shrines with a religious
symbol just as powerful as the ark. The
calf symbol was well-known in the Canaanite
context of the second millennium and represented
fertility and strength. However, so that
the calves would not be considered idols, the
argument was made that they were instead
merely the throne of Yahweh. This is based on
the portrayal of Canaanite and Ugaritic gods
in sculpture and reliefs standing on the body
of a bull. In addition, Mesopotamian moon
gods Sin and Nannar are both represented on
cylinder seals and in religious texts either
with a bull or portrayed as a rampant “ferocious
bull.” Thus one possibility exists that the
golden calves placed in the shrines at Dan and
Bethel by Jeroboam were intended to function
as thrones or divine pedestals for the invisible
Yahweh. Some have noticed that in third-millennium
depictions (mostly on cylinder seals)
the deity would be depicted standing on the
back of a winged composite creature (such as
the cherubim were). It was in second-millennium
Syria that the bull became the more
common “pedestal animal.”
12:28. calves’ relation to Yahweh. It has been
commonly accepted by many scholars that
Jeroboam’s golden calves were connected to a
(syncretistic) worship of Yahweh. This argument
is based on the lack of another divine
name associated with the calves and the reference
to the “gods who brought you out of
Egypt.” This latter phrase seems to negate the
possibility of association with the Egyptian
bull-god Apis (despite Jeroboam’s Egyptian
ties; see 1 Kings 11:40. Ugaritic parallels suggest
ties between the calves and either Baal or
El. Attempts to tie the calves to Sin, the moon
god of Haran and Ur, and to vestiges of the
ancestral religion within the Joseph tribes is
bolstered by a great deal of textual and archaeological
evidence, but they are still open
to speculation. Whatever its original intent or
background, the calves ultimately became associated
with false worship by the Israelite
community, whether as a violation of commandment
one or two. The latter seems more
likely in that even a century later, when Jehu
eliminates Baal worship from Israel, he takes
no action against the calves (see 2 Kings
10:28-29).
12:29. Dan and Bethel. Jeroboam’s choice of
369 1 KINGS 12:30—13:1
these two sites for his national religious centers
was based on their previous association
with cultic activity. Bethel was the site of Jacob’s
theophany Gen 28:10-22 and an altar
Gen 35:1, while Dan became the shrine for
the tribe of Dan in Judges 18:27-31. Geographically,
the cities were located at either end of
the nation and thus facilitated the peoples’ religious
pilgrimages and sacrifice.
12:30. Bethel. See the comments on Joshua 8:9
and Judges 1:22-23. Lying only eleven miles
north of Jerusalem on the dividing line between
the two kingdoms, Bethel (Beitin?)
was a natural choice for Jeroboam’s shrine.
Its sanctuary could attract pilgrims who
might otherwise travel south to worship in
Solomon’s temple. Ultimately, Bethel will
eclipse Dan in importance as the “king’s
sanctuary.”
12:30. Dan. See the comment on Judges 18:29.
Jeroboam built upon Dan’s (Laish) traditions
as a cultic site, both from the time when it was
a Phoenician colony and later when the tribe
of Dan migrated to the area Judg 18:27-31.
Situated in the extreme north and on the border
with Phoenicia and Syria, Dan probably
served as a site for treaty negotiations as well
as a border outpost. Its somewhat isolated position
in the foothills of Mount Hermon and
the distance to Israel’s power center at Samaria,
however, may have contributed to a loss of
status after Jeroboam’s time. Excavations at
Dan have uncovered the high place constructed
by Jeroboam for the calf. The sanctuary
complex was about 195 by 145 feet and featured
a large altar in an open-air courtyard.
One large horn from the main altar was found
as well as a smaller horned altar.
1 KINGS 12:30—13:1 12:31. shrines on high places. Since Jeroboam’s
strategy has an underlying political
agenda, it seems natural that he would have
certified the continued use of traditional, local
shrines or “high places.” This was an acknowledgment
of the desire for a greater measure
of local autonomy (see the plea made by
the tribal leaders in 1 Kings 12:4 and a popular
ploy, allowing “popular” forms of religious
expression to flourish without undue
restriction in places like Mount Carmel, Gilgal,
Mizpah and Mount Tabor. While some of
these may have been open-air altars, the mention
of “houses” suggests a more elaborate
cultic installation associated with urban centers
2 Kings 17:9-11; 2 Chron 1:3. The lack of
central control over religious practice could of
course only facilitate syncretism.
12:31. new priesthood. There is precedent
elsewhere in the ancient Near East for deemphasizing
one community of priests in favor
of another one. For instance, the Egyptian
pharaoh Akhenaten attempted to break the
power of the Amon priesthood in order to
magnify Aten worship. Similarly, the
Neo-Babylonian king Nabonidus replaced
Marduk as the principal deity of worship in
his empire with the moon god Sin. In both cases
the revenge taken by the slighted priesthood
cost the ruling dynasty its position.
Jeroboam’s treatment of the Levites in his new
kingdom is an indication that he does not
trust their loyalties to him. He felt that by appointing
a non-Levitical priesthood he could
insure that his policies (shrines at Bethel and
Dan, golden calves, use of high places, new religious
calendar) would be carried out without
question. Priests and Levites in Israel
exercised significant political influence, so Jeroboam
felt it mandatory to appoint loyalists
who were dependent on him for their position.
12:32-33. new festival. The eighth month
(Marchesvan) spans our October-November, a
month later than the principle festivals in
Jerusalem, when the New Year and the Feast
of Tabernacles were celebrated. The Feast of
Tabernacles was a harvest festival (see comment
on Deut 16:13-17, so some suggest that
Jeroboam’s adjustment to the calendar reflected
a later fruit harvest in Ephraim than in
Judah. Alternatively, the festival period in the
seventh month may have taken on certain political
elements. 1 Kings 8:2, 65 make it clear
that the dedication of the temple in Jerusalem
took place in connection with this period. In
Babylon the New Year was an occasion for celebrating
the enthronement of the national god
and the king. Since temple dedication involved
the enthronement of Yahweh in his
temple, there is at least some level of continuity
here. If this festival included celebration of
kingship, the Jerusalem practice would, of
course, have focused on the elect status of the
Davidic dynasty.
1 KINGS 12:30—13:1
13:1-34
The Shrine and the Prophet
13:1. man of God. For discussion of various
aspects of prophecy and prophets see the
comments on Deuteronomy 18:14-22. As in
Judges 6:8 this nameless prophet is a defender
of the covenant. His message denouncing Jeroboam
and his altar at Bethel clearly infers
that this shrine is illegitimate. Ancient Near
Eastern prophets often had messages that included
admonitions regarding who should receive
worship and how, and what were and
were not legitimate shrines.
1 KINGS 13:2—14:3 370
13:2. human sacrifice. See the comments on
Genesis 22:1-2 and 22:13-19 for the case
against human sacrifice among the Israelites
(contrast Judg 11:30-40. While human sacrifice,
especially of infants, was practiced by
some of the peoples of the ancient Near East
(archaeological evidence from Carthage, Nuzi
and Tepe Gawra; see Lev 18:21; 2 Kings 3:27,
the curse of the man of God in this narrative
relates to the defiling of the Bethel altar. The
term “sacrifice” is clarified by the next phrase
that explains that it is dead men’s bones, not
executed victims, that will be burned. Any sacred
installation would have to maintain its
ritual purity. Burning the bones taken from
crypts would so utterly corrupt it that it
would be difficult to ever use it again.
13:3. the sign. The credentialing of a “true”
prophet could come if his/her pronouncements
came true or, in a more spectacular
mode, when Yahweh sent a “sign” as an verification
that the prophet was sent from God.
In this case, what was needed was an unmistakable
sign of divine wrath against the altar
at Bethel. It would not be enough simply to
call for its eventual disuse. Instead the immediate
destruction of the altar was declared,
along with the desecration of the sacred ash
from the sacrifice. These ashes contained the
fatty residue reserved for God (see Lev 1:16;
6:10 for proper disposal of these ashes). In this
way both the vehicle of sacrifice (the altar)
and the sacrifice of dedication itself are to be
invalidated by divine command. Many of the
altars found by archaeologists have been
made of limestone, a soft stone that is easy to
quarry and readily available. Impurities or inadequate
time to cure could be among the
causes for the stone to crack when exposed to
heat.
13:4. shriveled hand. Most interpreters have
identified this physical condition as resulting
from some sort of hemorrhage or clot, but
these conditions do not explain why the arm
remained extended. The latter has been described
as a condition today termed “cataplexy”
(a shock to the nervous system that
causes muscle rigidity).
13:7-9. shared meal and gift. Meals and gifts
were often used in the treaty or covenant
making process (see Gen 24:52-54; 31:43-46; Ex
24:9-10). Meals were also an integral part of
the protocol of hospitality, which, for a time,
set aside any enmity between the parties involved
(see Judg 19:1-9. The man of God’s refusal
to make peace with Jeroboam is a further
sign of Yahweh’s denunciation of the king and
his policies. Some similarity can be identified
in the scene between Samuel and Saul in
1 Samuel 15:24-31, where worshiping the
Lord would have likely involved a festive
meal settling their differences and renewing
their alliance. In this case, however, the Lord’s
instructions had clearly prohibited any such
rapprochement.
13:11-18. behavior of the old prophet.
Though the man of God had successfully repudiated
Jeroboam’s attempt to enlist his allegiance,
he was not as successful in avoiding
the overtures of the prophetic community at
Bethel. The shared meal would have carried
the suggestion of alliance between the man of
God from Judah and the prophet(s) of Bethel.
13:21-22. oracle of judgment. Prophets were
known to receive messages that were uncomfortable
for them and that they preferred not
to deliver. This particular oracle showed the
old prophet from Bethel to have been deceptive,
but that does not prevent God from using
him to pronounce judgment on the man of
God who had disregarded his original instructions
from the Lord.
13:26-32. burial of prophet. The unusual manner
of death for the man of God (vv. 24-25)
and the witnesses who saw a lion simply
standing beside the body and not even attacking
his donkey, testify to a judgment of God.
This “sign,” more than the one that destroyed
the altar at Bethel, convinces the “old prophet”
that he had been responsible for his colleague’s
death. In fact his statement in verse
32, certifying the validity of the man of God’s
curse against the altar and the high places in
Samaria, serves as a reinforcement by a
“northern” prophet of its inevitable enactment.
To honor the man he had betrayed, the
prophet provides him with a tomb (in essence
adopting him into his family), which he in
turn will share—forever intertwining their
dual curse. While one interpretation of the unusual
death of the man of God might have
been that his curse of the altar was ill-founded,
the story preserved here simultaneously
validates the curse and explains the death.
1 KINGS 13:2—14:3
14:1-20
Jeroboam I of Israel
14:3. gift for the prophet. See 1 Samuel 9:6-8;
2 Kings 5:5; and comment on 2 Kings 8:9 for
other examples of bringing a token gift to a
prophet. It may be that prophets, like Levites,
were landless and depended for their food
and livelihood on the gifts of those who consulted
them. This gift may have been relatively
insignificant since the king’s wife was in
disguise. Whatever the amount, the gift
showed a sense of respect for the God the
371 1 KINGS 14:2-23
prophet represented (see Gideon’s “present”
for the angel in Judg 6:18-21. The large number
of votive images found by archaeologists
in Canaanite and Israelite contexts suggest
both food offerings and fertility symbols were
commonly offered when an oracle or god was
consulted.
14:2, 4. Shiloh. For information concerning
Ahijah and Shiloh see comment on 11:29.
Whether Shiloh (Khirbet Seilun, between Bethel
and Shechem) contained an open-air
shrine or was the site of a more elaborate temple
complex in the period of the early monarchy
and divided kingdom is uncertain. In any
case the presence of a priestly community affiliated
with the family of Eli stems from the
time of the judges 1 Sam 1:7-9 and continues
into the monarchy (see Jer 7:12-15 for mention
of its destruction). Such a center would have
also attracted prophets, like Ahijah, associating
themselves with the presence of God.
14:9. indictment of the king. There is a long
tradition in Mesopotamia recognizing the stereotype
of the king who makes disastrous
choices and brings on himself the wrath of the
gods and the doom of his kingdom. The classic
example in Mesopotamia is Naram-Sin of
the dynasty of Akkad at the end of the third
millennium. In a work known as the Curse of
Agade, his desecration of the famous Ekur
temple of Enlil in the holy city of Nippur is
blamed for the fall of the kingdom (which
doesn’t happen for several more decades).
14:10-11. curse on the house of Jeroboam. For
a ruling dynasty the worst possible curse is
one that predicts the extinction of the family
and the passing of the kingship to another
group. This may explain why the Assyrian
kings were always careful to list the kings
they had violently deposed as a visible threat
to any others that might think to revolt or
even “did not bow at the king’s feet quickly
enough” (Sidqia of Joppa in the annals of Sennacherib).
The colorful language describing
the complete annihilation of Jeroboam, his
sons and all of his clients/bondsmen provides
images of them all going up in smoke and
leaving no more trace than a dung fire. The
further humiliation of their bodies being left
unburied and devoured as garbage by scavenging
dogs dishonored Jeroboam’s house,
cutting its members off from their ancestors
(see Deut 28:26. For similar curses against a
royal house in Israel, see comment on 1 Kings
16:4.
14:15. Asherah poles. See the comments on
Asherah and the poles which symbolized her
presence in Canaanite cultic sites in Deuteronomy
7:5 and Judges 2:13.
14:17. Tirzah. See the comment on Joshua
12:24 for the premonarchic background of this
city. It seems likely that Jeroboam ruled from
Tirzah, as did his immediate successors—
Baasha, Elah, Zimri and Omri. Tirzah has
been identified as Tell el-Farah, seven miles
northeast of Shechem on the road to Beth
Shan. It is favored by good elevation, a consistent
water supply (two springs that feed the
Wadi Farah) and a strategic location on the
trade route. It also has ready access to the
fords of the Jordan at Adam. The gate and fortifications
were rebuilt from the Middle
Bronze remains, and there is evidence of central
planning in the building of new residences
throughout the city. Its political importance
may also be inferred from its mention in Shishak’s
list of conquests during his invasion of
Palestine.
14:19. annals. The standard method of recording
the major events and accomplishments,
year by year, of the ancient Near Eastern kings
was the production of royal annals. Some of
the known chronicles of the ancient world
(such as those of the Assyrian kings), while
useful in reconstructing chronology and geographic
locations, very often are a blatant example
of official propaganda. Others (such as
those from the Neo-Babylonian period) simply
offered unembellished information. The
reference to the annals of the kings of Israel
again demonstrates that the biblical writers
drew their account from larger, more detailed
sources.
1 KINGS 14:2-23
14:21-29
Rehoboam of Judah
For more information on this section see comments
on 2 Chronicles 12.
14:23. high places. Apparently the use of outdoor
shrines was common among the
Canaanites. This was considered abhorrent to
the Deuteronomic writer(s) because these local
cult sites promoted a “popular” brand of
religion that contained elements of Canaanite
worship deviating from the established Yahweh-
only doctrine. Thus local altars, sacred
poles dedicated to Asherah, sacred groves and
any place associated with a Canaanite god
(Baal, El, etc.) or the worship of god outside of
Jerusalem, “the place the Lord your God will
choose” Deut 12:5, were forbidden. There is
a difference between these outdoor cultic places
and the “high place” (bamah) mentioned in
many places as religious centers in the local
towns and cities 1 Kings 11:7; Jer 7:31; Ezek
16:16; 2 Chron 21:11; Mesha’s Moabite Stele).
The “high place” was apparently an indoor fa-
1 KINGS 14:23—15:29 372
cility, built to house sacred furniture, an altar
and precincts large enough to accommodate a
priesthood. A clear differentiation is drawn
between these two types of religious sites in
2 Kings 17:9-11.
14:23. sacred stones. Standing stones or
mas[s[ebot were apparently a common feature
of Canaanite religion and also appear as memorials
in a number of Israelite covenantal
contexts (see Ex 24:3-8; Josh 24:25-27. Their
association with Asherah, Baal and other
Canaanite deities is the basis for their being
condemned as a rival and threat to Yahweh
worship. Archaeologists have discovered sacred
stones at Gezer, Hazor and Arad. In the
latter two cases, they are clearly within a sacred
precinct and part of the cultic practices
at these sites. The Hazor stones include incised
representations of upraised arms and a
sun disk. From basins sometimes found near
the foot of such pillars it is inferred that libations
(liquid offerings) were poured over
them.
1 Kings 14:23—15:29 14:23. Asherah poles. One common feature of
Canaanite worship and syncretized Israelite
worship on “high places” and in city shrines
is the erection of Asherah poles Judg 3:7;
1 Kings 14:15; 15:13; 2 Kings 13:6. There is
some uncertainty about whether these were
simply wooden poles, erected to symbolize
trees, or whether they contained a carved image
of the fertility goddess or were a part of a
sacred grove. The reference in 2 Kings 17:10,
which refers to Asherah poles beside “every
spreading tree,” seems to indicate that these
were poles erected for cultic purposes rather
than planted trees. As the consort of El, Asherah
was clearly a popular goddess (see 2 Kings
18:19), whose worship is mentioned in Ugaritic
texts (1600-1200). Her prominent appearance
in the biblical narrative indicates that her
cult was a major rival to Yahweh worship (see
the prohibition in Ex 34:13; Deut 16:21. This
explains both the number of examples in
which Asherah poles are erected and venerated
as well as the strong condemnations of this
practice and the depictions of these poles
being cut down and burned Judg 6:25-30;
2 Kings 23:4-7. For more information see the
comment on Deuteronomy 7:5.
14:24. male prostitutes. For more information
concerning cultic prostitution see the comment
on Deuteronomy 23:17-18. The term
used here occurs in both feminine and masculine
forms and refers, perhaps euphemistically,
to ones who have been set apart for
particular functions. This same term is used in
Akkadian literature to refer to those who have
been consecrated as functionaries serving at
the shrines or temples. The prostitute was
among those functionaries, as was the wet
nurse and the midwife. It is unclear what
functions the males might have served.
15:1-8
Abijah of Judah
For information on this section see comments
on 2 Chronicles 13:1-22.
15:9-24
Asa of Judah
For information on this section see comments
on 2 Chronicles 14—16.
15:18. Tabrimmon, Hezion. These two names
are known only from this context. Aramaic
sources from this period are nonexistent, and
Assyrian records do not involve Aramean
kings at this time. The names represent logical
and legitimate Aramean forms, but no other
historical information is available.
15:25-32
Nadab of Israel
15:25. chronology. The attempt on the part
of the biblical writer to correlate the reigns
of the kings of Israel and Judah is not always
easy to synchronize. Most likely, Asa’s
first year was 914 B.C., but Nadab’s first year
very likely did not begin until 911 B.C. In addition,
Nadab’s reign, while it comprised
portions of two years, actually only lasted a
few months before he was assassinated in
the autumn of 910 B.C.
15:27. Gibbethon. Lying about two miles west
of Gezer in Philistine territory, Tell el-Melat
was likely only a military outpost on the border
with Israel (note it is listed in Danite territory
in Josh 21:23. Its strategic location is
attested by its mention in the campaign list of
Pharaoh Thutmose III (1468 B.C.) and of the
Assyrian king Sargon II, as part of his suppression
of the Ashdod revolt (713 B.C.; Is
20:1).
15:29. wiping out predecessor’s family. See
the comment on 1 Kings 1:21 for a discussion
of political purges at the time of change of administration.
By eliminating all future claimants
to the throne, Baasha made it more likely
that his family would succeed him. The fulfillment
of the curse 1 Kings 14:7-16 against Jeroboam’s
house is similar in form to the Ur III
“Curse of Agade” about the Akkadian king
Naram-Sin, whose desecration of a shrine in
Nippur brought the wrath of the gods down
on him and his kingdom.
373 1 KINGS 15:33—16:14
15:33—16:7
Baasha of Israel
15:33. Tirzah. See the comment on 1 Kings
14:17. Tirzah officially becomes the capital of
the northern kingdom of Israel during
Baasha’s reign. It will remain there until Omri
moves it to Samaria 1 Kings 16:24.
15:33. chronology. The reign of Baasha presents
one of the most difficult chronological
problems in the Bible. If, as this verse states,
Baasha came to the throne in Asa’s third year
and reigned twenty-four years, he would
have died in Asa’s twenty-sixth year (see
16:8). The problem comes when 2 Chronicles
16:1 has Asa and Baasha at war in Asa’s thirty-
sixth year. Suggested solutions have been
numerous, but none very convincing.
Thiele’s dates for Baasha are 909-886. He is
contemporary with Asa of Judah and
Ben-Hadad I of Damascus. This is the beginning
of a century-long period when the
Arameans of Damascus begin taking a leading
role in the region.
16:4. dogs, birds and no burial. The fate assigned
to Baasha’s family (notice, not to
Baasha himself) was the worst that could befall
someone in the ancient world. Exposing
the corpse represented a final humiliation
and a desecration, for most ancient peoples
believed that proper, timely burial affected
the quality of the afterlife. In the Gilgamesh
Epic, Enkidu, returned from the netherworld,
reports to Gilgamesh that the one
who died unburied has no rest and that the
one who had no living relatives to take care
of him could only eat what was thrown into
the street. A Babylonian curse relates burial
to the uniting of the spirit of the dead with
loved ones. We know that even Israelites believed
that proper burial affected one’s afterlife,
because they, like their neighbors, buried
their loved ones with the provisions that
would serve them in the afterlife; most often
pottery vessels (filled with food) and jewelry
(to ward off evil), with tools and personal
items sometimes added. Israelite law required
even the body of an impaled criminal
to be removed and buried at sunset rather
than left to be devoured by birds and other
animals. First-millennium Assyrian records
demonstrate these concerns as Ashurbanipal
punishes his opponents by having their bodies
thrown in the streets and dragged
around. Being devoured by scavengers made
burial impossible and was the most dishonorable
punishment possible. From the same
period an Assyrian curse declares, “Let dogs
tear his unburied body to pieces.” On one occasion
the corpses were chopped up and fed
to dogs. The intention of this atrocity was
typically to eliminate any possibility of proper
burial and thus to doom the individual’s
spirit to wander restlessly rather than enjoy a
peaceful afterlife. Exposing the corpse was
also occasionally practiced by the Egyptians.
16:6. Tirzah. Tirzah was a royal residence of
Jeroboam and then the capital city of the
northern kingdom, probably beginning in
the time of Baasha. It has been identified as
Tell el-Farah seven miles northeast of
Shechem on the road to Beth Shan. It is favored
by good elevation, a consistent water
supply (two springs that feed the Wadi
Farah) and a strategic location on the trade
route. It also has ready access to the fords of
the Jordan at Adam. The gate and fortifications
were rebuilt from the Middle Bronze
remains, and there is evidence of central
planning in the building of new residences
throughout the city. Its political importance
may also be inferred from its mention in
Shishak’s list of conquests during his invasion
of Palestine.
1 Kings 15:33—16:14
16:8-14
Elah of Israel
16:8. chronology. Elah’s reign was brief and
apparently uneventful. As with his predecessors,
there is as yet no mention of him in extrabiblical
records. Thiele places him in 886-885.
16:11. killing predecessor’s family. Leaving
any living relatives of a king who had been
forcibly deposed from the throne by assassination
was an invitation to civil war. The relatives
would be honor-bound to avenge the
death of the previous king, and they would be
certain to find those who would support their
bid to regain the throne. Such annihilation of
ruling families was common practice both in
Israel and in the ancient Near East at large.
16:13. worthless idols. The text here speaks
only of “worthless things,” but that is a common
designation of idols in the ninth through
the sixth century. It expresses the biblical perspective
that the idols are powerless nothings
and that the belief in them is conceptually
flawed.
16:14. annals. Royal annals were kept
throughout the ancient Near East, with most
examples coming from mid-second millennium
Hittite kings and from ninth- to sixth-century
Assyria and Babylon. The annals could
be represented by annalistic royal inscriptions
that give detailed accounts of military campaigns.
In addition there are court chronicles
that give information of important events in
1 KINGS 16:15-27 374
each year. There are currently no annals from
Israel or Judah that have been discovered by
archaeologists.
1 KINGS 16:15-27
16:15-20
Zimri of Israel
16:15. chronology. Zimri’s seven days are dated
by Thiele to 885.
16:15. Gibbethon. Gibbethon was one of the
cities listed among those taken by Thutmose
III on his campaign into Palestine in the first
half of the fifteenth century B.C. Over seven
hundred years later it was an important conquest
of the Assyrian king Sargon II in his
campaign against Ashdod (713-712). If the city
is to be identified with Tell Malat, it is strategically
located near the intersection of the Philistine
plain with the foothills of Judah nearly
twenty miles west of Jerusalem and about
four miles west of Gezer. Extensive excavations
have not been conducted, but there are
finds dating to this period on the site, and it is
clear that it was a fortified city.
16:16. army naming king. While it was not
typically the army’s task to designate the king,
the support of the military was an important
link to securing a contested throne. Military
coups were probably more frequent in the
Near East than our sources indicate, because
most kings desired to present themselves as
having come to the throne through legitimate
means. Using the might of the military to
seize power and enforce one’s rule is not a
precedent that many would seek to establish.
Nevertheless prominent examples of militiabacked
takeovers from one’s own countrymen
can be found in the Assyrian kings
Tiglath-Pileser III (745) and Sargon II (722),
and the Persian king Darius the Great (522),
though each puts a different twist on the story
of his succession that suggests a legitimate
claim to the throne.
16:18. citadel of the royal palace. Tell
el-Farah, ancient Tirzah, shows evidence of
destruction and abandonment at this time.
There is a fortified citadel that has been found
at the northwest corner of the site that is possibly
the one that Zimri set aflame. The practice
of a king burning down the palace around
himself is also seen in 648, when Babylon succumbs
to the siege of Ashurbanipal and Shamash-
shuma-ukin throws himself into the
flames of the burning palace.
1 KINGS 16:16-27
16:21-28
Omri of Israel
16:21-22. contesting succession to the throne.
When succession to the throne was not a case
of a son taking the place of his father, it could
be expected that there would be several claimants,
each with supporting factions. Nothing
is known of the nature of Tibni’s claims or
who made up his constituency. Likewise the
details of the civil war are not given.
16:23. chronology. Thiele’s dates for Omri are
885-874. This is a critical juncture in the history
of the region because the Assyrians are
ready to begin their attempts at western expansion.
Ashurnasirpal II came to the throne
in 883 and extended his control over the entire
course of the Euphrates, thus putting him on
the doorstep of the western nations. The
Aramean state of Bit-Adini by the western
reaches of the Euphrates came under his control,
and in 877 he marched to the Mediterranean
and then south between the Orontes/
Litani rivers and the Mediterranean, collecting
tribute from cities as far south as Tyre. Additionally
the Arameans of Damascus under
Ben-Hadad have become a force to reckon
with, and all of this will force Israel to find its
niche through international alignment.
16:24. Samaria. It was Omri who built Samaria
and established it as the capital of the northern
kingdom, Israel. About twelve miles west
of the previous capital, Tirzah, the city is located
at an important crossroads with easy access
to the Jezreel Valley to the north, Shechem to
the southeast and the coast to the west. It is
near both major north-south routes that run
west of the Jordan. The excavations at the site
have uncovered what is believed to be Omri’s
palace on the acropolis as well as parts of the
wall separating the acropolis from the lower
city. The wall was about five feet thick and
built using the finest masonry of the day
(ashlar stones set in a trench using headers
and stretchers). Ahab improved the fortifications
by adding a casemate wall over thirty
feet thick.
16:24. two talents of silver. Two talents of silver
equals six thousand shekels. This is considerably
more than David paid for the
eventual temple site in Jerusalem, but it is a
substantially larger portion of real estate as
well. It is about 150 pounds of silver. Its economic
equivalent in buying power today
would be between fifteen and twenty million
dollars. Even if the entire upper and lower
city (which comprised 160 acres in Roman
times) was included, this was still expensive
real estate.
16:27. Omri in the ancient Near East. Though
there are no contemporary sources that record
interaction with Omri, sources from the middle
of the ninth century refer to Omri in a
375 1 KINGS 16:29-34
number of different ways. The Moabite inscription
of King Mesha recounts Omri’s past
oppression of Moab as the historical background
of Mesha’s claims of his more recent
domination of Omri’s successors. Assyrian inscriptions
of Shalmaneser III identify Israel as
the land of Omri. Since Omri was on favorable
terms with pro-Assyrian Tyre and Sidon, it is
likely that he also adopted a pro-Assyrian
stance. His alliance with the Phoenicians was
sealed by the marriage of the crown prince,
Ahab, to the Sidonian princess, Jezebel. This
strategy aligned him against the Arameans,
who stood against the Assyrians and were the
most active threat against Israel. Nevertheless
it appears that Omri did negotiate a working
relationship and maintained an uneasy peace
with the Arameans, who were feeling the
pressure of the Assyrians and needed friends
in the region.
1 KINGS 16:29-34
16:29-34
Succession of Ahab of Israel
16:29. chronology. Thiele’s dates for Ahab are
874-853. It is certain that he was still on the
throne in 853 because he is listed in Shalmaneser
III’s records as one of the principle
members of the western coalition that opposed
the Assyrians at the battle of Qarqar in
that year.
16:31. Jezebel. The only possible reference to
Jezebel in contemporary records is a seal from
this time period inscribed with the name
“yzbl.” It is a large seal featuring Egyptian motifs
accompanied by the Phoenician inscription
of the name. As the king’s daughter, it has been
suggested that she could have enjoyed a status
as the high priestess of the national deity, Baal
Melqart.
16:31. Ethbaal of Sidon. Ethbaal was the king
of the Sidonians from 887 to 856. He ruled
over the entire region of Phoenicia and actually
used Tyre as his capital city. Josephus, writing
many centuries later, describes him as a
priest of the goddess Astarte who had
usurped the throne. Josephus is not always reliable
on such matters, but he appears to be
using some Greek sources that may be translations
of Phoenician records. Ethbaal is given
much credit in the development of Tyre as an
island port and probably built the southern
harbor with its accompanying breakwater. No
mention of him has yet been found in contemporary
records.
16:31. Baal Melqart. Melqart was the chief god
of Tyre as early as the ninth century B.C. He is
equated with the Mesopotamian god Nergal,
lord of the netherworld, and later with the
Greek god Heracles. He is at times referred to as
the Baal of Tyre and thus his identification with
the Baal who enjoys Jezebel and Ahab’s loyalty.
It should be understood that this is therefore a
different god from the Canaanite Hadad, who is
usually referred to as Baal in the biblical text. In
the ninth-century Aramean inscription of Bir-
Hadad, Melqart is a warrior god, but no myths
concerning his activities have survived from the
Old Testament period. In later texts, Melqart is
seen as a dying-rising god (correlating to the cycles
of nature), who appears to be brought back
to life by fire.
Since the biblical text never uses the title
Melqart, there are alternative possibilities. The
most common is that Baal is Baal Shamem
(lord of the heavens), who is known throughout
the first millennium as one of the chief
gods of Phoenicia. Most information on him,
however, comes after 800, and therefore little
can be determined about him from the period
of this narrative.
16:32. temple of Baal in Samaria. Excavations
in Samaria have not yet located any remains
from Ahab’s temple of Baal. It has been suggested
that the temple contributed to the concept
being promoted by Ahab and Jezebel that
the city was the sacred precinct of Baal (for the
privileges of such status, see comment on 2
Sam 5:9). This would mean it functioned as an
independent political unit, just as Zion often
did in the south. For the implications of this
see the comments in 2 Kings 10:21.
16:33. Asherah pole. Asherah can be either the
name of a fertility goddess or the name of a cult
object (as here). The goddess was popular in
the religious deviations in Israel and was sometimes
considered a consort of Yahweh. An indication
of this belief is found in the inscriptions
from Kuntillet Ajrud and Khirbet el-Qom. In
Canaanite mythology she was the consort of
the chief god, El. She appears in Mesopotamian
literature as early as the eighteenth century,
where she is consort of the Amorite god Amurru.
The cult symbol may or may not have born
a representation of the deity on it. The pole
may represent an artificial tree since Asherah is
often associated with sacred groves. Sometimes
the cult object can be made or built, while on
other occasions it is planted. We have little information
of the function of these poles in ritual
practice.
16:34. rebuilding Jericho. Joshua had pronounced
a curse on anyone who would rebuild
the city of Jericho. Many interpreters
have thought that a practice of the day was
that the dedication of a house would feature
the sacrifice of a child from the family. This
was used to explain the skeletal remains of
1 KINGS 17:1-12 376
children found buried under the thresholds of
houses (foundation sacrifices). In similar manner
the builder of a city would sacrifice a child
who would be buried in a significant location
in the city. This interpretation has been largely
abandoned, and some researchers now see a
connection between the curse and the disease
schistosomiasis (bilharziasis). This disease is
caused by a blood fluke carried by snails of
the type found in abundance at Jericho. It infects
the urinary tract and affects fertility and
child mortality.
1 KINGS 17:1-12
17:1—18:15
Elijah and the Drought
17:1. Tishbe in Gilead. Tishbe is mentioned
nowhere else in the Old Testament, and its location
is unknown. The traditional identification
with Istib, eight miles north of the Jabbok
River, has little to commend it.
17:1. withholding of rain and Baal. The policies
and actions of Ahab and Jezebel are intended
to promote Baal as the national deity
of Israel in place of Yahweh. The dispute
championed by Elijah concerns which deity is
king—which is more powerful. In the
Canaanite material available from ancient literature
(particularly the information provided
by the Ugaritic tablets), Baal is a god of lightning
and storm, and responsible for the fertility
of the land. By withholding rain, Yahweh is
demonstrating the power of his kingship in
the very area of nature over which Baal is
thought to have jurisdiction. Announcing this
beforehand to Ahab is the means by which
Yahweh’s kingship and power are being portrayed.
If Baal is the provider of rain and Yahweh
announces that he will withhold it, the
contest is on.
17:3. ravine of Kerith. This incident demonstrates
Yahweh’s control in that he shows he
can provide for whomever he wishes. The
Wadi Kerith has not been identified with confidence.
NIV translates the description as “east
of the Jordan,” but the Hebrew phrase often
means “on the way to,” suggesting that the
wadi is one that drains into the Jordan from
the west. Matching this description and
known for its desolate terrain is the Wadi Kelt.
Wadi Swenit runs past Micmash and halfway
to Jericho meets the Wadi Kelt, which is the
major pass into the region of the Jordan. This
would be about thirty miles southeast of Samaria.
An alternative in the region of Samaria
would be the Wadi Faria, which meets the Jordan
at the fords at Adam.
17:4. fed by ravens. Ravens are known to
roost in desolate rocky areas like the wadi.
Their habit of storing excess foods in rocky
crags worked to Elijah’s benefit. He could observe
where they put the food and retrieve it.
While much of the diet of ravens consists of
carrion, they also eat fruit such as dates.
17:9. Zarephath. Zarephath (modern Sarafand)
is a town near the coast of the Mediterranean
between Tyre and Sidon. It is listed
as a harbor city in thirteenth-century B.C.
Egyptian texts. It was a flourishing manufacturing
and industrial center throughout the
first millennium B.C. and down into Roman
times. Its importance here is that it shows that
Yahweh had also produced a drought in
Baal’s own home territory.
17:10. gathering sticks at the town gate. The
woman is gathering twigs to start a small fire.
The verb suggests foraging for discarded
stubble. The traffic through the town gate and
jostling of loads there would make it a likely
place for one to find small pieces that had
been dropped by others.
17:10. widow. In a society that is subject to disease
and warfare, it is not uncommon to find
widows. Since a widow had no inheritance
rights, special provisions were typically made
for them under the law, allowing them to
glean in harvested fields and protecting them
from being oppressed. They needed protection
under the law because they were powerless
to protect themselves and were often
dependent on charity for survival. Based on
the statements in the prologues of the
Ur-Nammu Code and the Code of Hammurabi,
it is clear that kings considered it part of
their role as “wise rulers” to protect the rights
of the poor, the widow and the orphan. Similarly,
in the Egyptian Tale of the Eloquent
Peasant, the plaintiff begins by identifying his
judge as “the father of the orphan, the husband
of the widow.” If a god is going to demonstrate
his role as a king, one clear way of
doing so is to show his concern for the vulnerable
by caring for the needs of a widow in desperate
need.
17:10-11. Elijah’s request. Elijah’s request
would have been very modest within the
range of normal hospitality (which was often
offered at the gate of the city). In this time of
drought and famine, however, it served only
to expose the corporate and personal crises
that existed.
17:12. LORD your God. Here the woman clearly
refers to the Israelite God, Yahweh. There
must have been something recognizably Israelite
in Elijah’s appearance, and the woman
follows standard protocol by pronouncing her
oath in the name of the deity of the person to
whom she is speaking. Though she uses a
377 1 KINGS 17:12—18:19
common oath formula, she also unwittingly
offers affirmation of Yahweh’s vitality. Her
phrase betrays nothing of any personal belief
in Yahweh.
17:12. flour and oil. One of the typical baked
products that formed a basic part of the meal
was a small flat cake made of wheat flour and
cooked in oil.
17:14. provision of flour and oil: fertility.
Grain and oil were two of the major exports of
the city of Zarephath. The fact that they were
in short supply is an indication of how severe
the drought was. They are also two of the
most basic commodities for survival. As staple
products they represent the major arena
where fertility can be observed. The contest
between Yahweh and Baal continues as Yahweh
demonstrates that he is able to provide
for “Baal’s people” in “Baal’s territory” just as
easily as he is able to provide for his own people
and just as easily as he is able to withhold
from whomever he chooses.
17:18. death of son connected to prophet.
Prophets were often considered dangerous
and having one around posed considerable
risk. The gods could be harsh taskmasters as
often as they could be generous benefactors,
and the prophets represented them. Additionally,
if the prophet were to become angered or
offended at any little thing, he might, in an
uncontrolled moment, pronounce some sort
of curse that would inevitably come true. The
woman assumes that her child’s death is punishment
from some presumed (though unknown)
offense that has come to the attention
of the deity because of the prophet’s presence.
She had thus far benefited from Elijah’s presence,
but now she judges that the cost was too
high.
17:21. stretched himself on boy three times.
Some have taken this as an example of
mouth-to-mouth resuscitation, since in ancient
times death was determined as having
taken place when the person stopped breathing.
But the full weight of a man on a child
would be counterproductive to that procedure.
The more complete description of the
procedure in 2 Kings 4:34-35 suggests a different
explanation. In Mesopotamian incantation
literature the touching of part to part is a
means by which demons exercise power over
their intended victims—it is the idiom of possession.
In this belief, vitality or life force can
be transferred from one body to the other by
contact of each part. By imitating the procedure
believed to be used by demons, the
prophet is able, through the power of Yahweh
(notice the prayer), to drive the demons out
and restore the boy’s life. This is often considered
to be one of the clearest cases of sympathetic
magic in the Bible.
17:22. return of life versus Baal. Part of the
profile of fertility gods was the dying and rising
cycle that was related to vegetation and to
the seasons. The deity would “die” during the
winter months and descend to the netherworld.
He would be brought back out of the
netherworld and restored to life in the spring
to bring fertility back to the land. His power to
enable fertility extended beyond crops to animals
and people as well. As a god who regularly
returned from death, it was believed that
these fertility gods also had the power to occasionally
restore life to someone who had died.
Therefore, by restoring the boy’s life, Yahweh
is again showing his power in the realm considered
to be Baal’s central arena (see comment
on 2 Kings 4:16-35.
1 KINGS 17:12—18:19
18:1-46
The Contest on Mount Carmel
18:3. Obadiah in charge of the palace. Obadiah
holds one of the highest offices in the administration
(see comment on 4:6). Though
this post later becomes the equivalent of
prime minister, at this stage it most likely designates
stewardship of royal lands and possessions.
It is claimed as a title of an official
named Gedaliah on a seal from sixth-century
Lachish.
18:4. killing Yahweh’s prophets. The standard
religious systems of the ancient Near
East were openly tolerant of worship of any
deities. To ignore a potentially powerful deity
or to persecute his worshipers would make
one vulnerable to divine anger and punishment.
Religious intolerance or persecution do
not arise until much later in history. Policies
that may look like religious persecution in the
ancient world are usually political in nature.
When the Egyptian pharaoh Akhenaten took
action against the priests of Amun-Re, it was
because of their substantial political and economic
influence. He was seeking to defuse
their power. The agenda of Jezebel was to enthrone
Baal as the king and national god of Israel
instead of Yahweh. This would have been
her act of loyalty to Baal. The prophets of Yahweh
would have, of course, contested this
move on religious, political, personal and traditional
grounds. They would be most capable
of mobilizing formal and large-scale
opposition among the general population. On
political grounds, then, they had to be eliminated.
18:19. Mount Carmel. It is likely that Mount
Carmel, south of the modern port of Haifa,
1 KINGS 18:19-30 378
had long served as a boundary between Israel
and Phoenicia and was, like many mountains,
considered a sacred site. As early as the lists of
Pharaoh Thutmose III (fifteenth century), Carmel
is probably the one identified as a holy
mountain in the vicinity of Acco. It is also the
location where Assyrian king Shalmaneser III
collected tribute from both Tyre and Jehu of
Israel in 841. Carmel actually refers to a
mountain range that stretches about thirty
miles from the outcropping into the Mediterranean
southeast toward Megiddo and stands
at the northwestern end of the Valley of
Jezreel. It is uncertain which summit in the
range is the location of the contest. It is possible
that the contest took place at the foot of the
mountain rather than on its summit. Sacred
mountains usually featured the places of worship
at their base rather than at the summit,
which would have been considered holy
ground inaccessible to the populace. Elijah
eventually ascends to the summit to offer his
prayer for rain (v. 42).
18:19. eating at Jezebel’s table. It is interesting
that it is Jezebel’s table, not Ahab’s, that hosts
the prophets of Baal and Asherah. This suggests
that she has her own dining accommodations
and resources and that she is the
sponsor and benefactor of these prophets.
1 KINGS 18:19-30 18:23-24. nature of the contest. There are three
significant concepts involved in centering the
contest around the ability of the deity to send
fire. (1) Fire is an indication of the presence of
God. In biblical texts, from the burning bush
and the pillar of fire to the throne vision of
Ezekiel (1:4), fire is seen as accompanying
theophanies (appearances of God). In this way
the contest asked the respective deities to
show themselves. (2) Fire is connected to the
lightning of the storm god. As the storm god,
Baal is depicted with lightning bolts in his
hand and is spoken of in the texts as flashing
forth with fire or lightning. In one text fire is
even used by Baal as a means of constructing
his house. Baal was therefore considered by
his worshipers as the lord of fire. In the continuing
agenda of the narrative that Yahweh
show his superiority in every area of Baal’s
domain, the ability to bring fire is strategic. (3)
Fire represents the acceptance of the sacrifice.
Burnt offerings of this sort typically accompanied
petition. In this case the petition on everyone’s
mind was for the drought to end. If
both parties had been praying for the drought
to end, the resulting rain could be attributed
by either group to its own god. As a result the
contest is set up to demonstrate which deity is
responding to the petition of his followers. If
fire is sent, the petition has been granted, and
the rain that follows can be attributed to the
correct deity. It is therefore important to recognize
the close connection between the sending
of the fire and the sending of the rain.
18:26-29. prophets’ appeal to Baal. The NIV
speaks of the prophets “dancing around the
altar” (v. 26) and “slashing themselves with
swords and spears” (v. 28). In the first description
the verb is controversial. It is the same
verb as that translated “passover” in Exodus
12 (see the comment on Ex 12:11 and may be
better understood as protectively standing
vigil. Certainly there is plenty of evidence of
ritual dances in the ancient world; however,
none of them come from the literature connected
with the Canaanites. The self-laceration
of this verse is part of a mourning ritual.
In Ugaritic literature the gods are portrayed as
practicing this when they hear of the death of
Baal. Additionally an Akkadian wisdom text
from Ugarit compares the bloodletting of
mourning rites to that practiced by ecstatic
prophets.
18:27. Elijah’s taunts. The biblical text offers
four activities that Elijah suggests for Baal:
thinking, busy, traveling and sleeping. These
can be compared to some of the activities in
which Baal is engaged in the Ugaritic texts.
When the goddess Anat comes to look for
Baal, she is told he has gone hunting. Ugaritic
literature that portrays the death of Baal features
the repeated strain that he needs to be
awakened. The classical source used by Josephus,
Menander of Ephesus, reports that the
Tyrian king, Hiram, contemporary of David,
instituted the ritual for the awakening of Herakles
(=Melqart, see comment on 16:31). The
mythology of the ancient world understood
the gods to be involved in a variety of activities
similar to those that engage human beings.
Though Elijah’s words are meant to be
taunts, they are not unrealistic depictions of
Canaanite beliefs. The prophets of Baal would
not have viewed his suggestions as ridiculous
or unworthy of deity.
18:30. Elijah’s repair of the altar. The terms
used suggest a previous altar for the worship
of Yahweh that was in disrepair due to an act
of destruction. It can probably be inferred that
the altar had been torn down as a result of Jezebel’s
promotion of Baal worship. Destruction
of competing or unacceptable high places was
often a part of religious reform. It was often believed
that the precise location and orientation
of a sanctuary or altar had been determined by
deity and was significant. Therefore, even
though Elijah “builds” the altar in verse 32
with twelve stones that probably make up the
entire altar, it can be viewed as “repair” in the
379 1 KINGS 18:32—19:4
sense that it enjoys continuity with the altar
previously operating on the site.
18:32. size and purpose of the trench. The
trench size is described in terms of something
that holds about half a bushel of grain. A
trench that held half a bushel would not be
very large. Perhaps the text is making reference
to a standard container that holds (Hebrew
text: “houses”) this amount of grain (the
way we would speak of a two-liter bottle) and
is suggesting that is how deep the trench was
dug all around the altar. The purpose of the
trench is to collect the runoff, which otherwise
would have simply been absorbed into the
dry earth.
18:33-34. soaking of the sacrifice. Some have
thought that the pouring of water on the altar
would have seemed a great waste to those
who were languishing through a third year of
drought. It must be remembered, however,
that there is no suggestion that this was fresh
water. The nearby Mediterranean was full of
water—it was just undrinkable.
18:38. fire of the Lord. The storm gods of the
ancient Near East are typically equipped with
lightning bolts that are their means of sending
fire. Assyrian kings throughout this period
speak of the gods as a burning flame and of
sending fire before them. Esarhaddon (seventh-
century Assyria) speaks of his march and
attack in terms of an unquenchable fire. All of
this is the way that the deity was believed to
enter into battle. Fire brought about by his
thunderbolts was one of his principal weapons.
While the events on Carmel do not show
Yahweh using fire to destroy his enemies, he is
using it as a means to defeat his opponent,
Baal. Another occurrence of fire from the Lord
consuming a sacrifice is in the ordination of
Aaron and his sons Lev 9:24.
18:40. Kishon Valley. The Kishon River flows
northwest from the northern end of the Jezreel
Valley to the Mediterranean just east of Haifa.
It is fed from the mountains in the Carmel
range and from the hills of Galilee around
Nazareth.
18:44. cloud. The text has given no indication
of the time of year this event takes place. Summers
are usually devoid of rain in Palestine,
though there can occasionally be clouds in the
sky. The winter is the rainy season. Rain usually
comes from the west (the sea), as indicated
here. When the rainy season begins in the
autumn, showers often come on quite quickly
from the west. Comparing the size to a man’s
hand is indicative of how far away the cloud
is—when he holds up his outstretched hand,
he can obscure it from his sight.
18:45. Jezreel. Jezreel was between fifteen and
twenty miles from the Carmel area. This fifteen-
acre site was situated at the southeastern
entrance to the Jezreel Valley between the Hill
of Moreh and Mount Gilboa. It was here that
Ahab had built a winter capital. Excavations
have unearthed a large royal enclosure from
this time period occupying a large portion of
the mound (see comment on 21:1).
18:46. tucking cloak into belt. The “girding of
one’s loins” typically involves belting tight a
loose garment or folding up a long one in
preparation for some strenuous activity. This
particular passage is difficult because the verb
that is used is unique to this verse and its
meaning is uncertain. So, for instance, if Elijah
had “girded his loins” for the slaughter of the
prophets, he could just as well be ungirding
them here. Despite the NIV translation, no garment
is mentioned here.
18:46. Elijah running ahead of Ahab. This
verse does not speak of outrunning but of running
before the chariot of Ahab until he came to
Jezreel. Those running before the chariot of a
king or prince constitute his entourage (see
comment on the same phrase in 2 Sam 15:1.
Elijah, under the power of Yahweh, was playing
the role of prophetic herald, apparently
proclaiming the changed attitude of Ahab and
his loyalty to Yahweh. The power of Yahweh
brings blessing, success and victory. In Hittite
texts it is the gods who run before the chariot
of the king—here Elijah does so as the representative
of God. The eighth-century
Aramean king, Bir-Rakib, portrays himself as
a loyal vassal to the Assyrian king Tiglath-
Pileser III by “running at his wheel.”
1 KINGS 18:32—19:4
19:1-18
Elijah’s Flight
19:3. Beersheba. Beersheba is the southernmost
extremity of the land. It is located in the
northern Negev at Tell es-Seba’ (three miles
east of the modern city). Its name derives from
its association with the wells dug to provide
water for the people and flocks in this area
(see Gen 26:23-33. Archaeological evidence
has been found of occupation during the monarchy
through the Persian periods.
19:4. day’s journey into the desert. Elijah is
apparently heading southwest toward the Sinai
Peninsula. One day’s journey would have
taken him about a third of the way to Kadeshbarnea.
19:4. broom tree. The white broom tree (retama
raetam) is common in this region and grows
anywhere from five to ten feet in height. It is
the only shrub to offer shade in this dry, desolate
region.
1 KINGS 19:8-19 380
19:5-7. angel’s provisions. There is nothing
striking about the description of the food provided
by the angel. It is the same as what Elijah
had asked the widow to make for him (see
17:13). Perhaps most significant is that the Israelites
in the wilderness were reported to
have made such cakes out of manna (Num
11:8).
19:8. trip to Horeb. Horeb is another name for
Mount Sinai. If Sinai is to be found down in
the southern region of the peninsula, as the
text seems to necessitate (see comment on Ex
19:1-2), he must travel another two hundred
miles and could therefore easily take forty
days. It is true that a caravan could often
make seventeen to twenty miles a day, but Elijah
is not accustomed to this type of travel and
is traveling on his own. Five miles per day under
such conditions in this climate would not
be unusual.
1 Kings 19:8-19 19:11-13. fire, wind and earthquake with
theophany. A theophany is an appearance of
the divine presence. In the ancient Near East
theophany was often connected with battle,
and the warrior god was believed to fight on
behalf of his people using thunder bolts (lightning,
fire), the stormwind and the trembling
earth to terrify the enemy. From the Sumerian
Exaltation of Inanna, to the Hittite myths about
the storm god, to the Akkadian and Ugaritic
mythologies, the gods are viewed as thundering
in judgment against their enemies. Baal is
depicted as grasping a handful of thunderbolts.
Thundering terminology is picked up in
royal rhetoric as Hittite or Assyrian kings portray
themselves as the instruments of the
gods, thundering against those who have violated
treaties or stood in the way of empire expansion.
Israel’s Yahweh is also viewed as a
warrior God, but here Elijah is shown that
there is much more (see next comment).
19:12-17. Yahweh’s plan. In the ancient Near
East the gods were believed to be active in the
events of history. Kings claimed that they
were put on the throne by their patron deity
and that that deity supported them, gave
them guidance and brought them victory and
success. It is interesting to note, however, that
this involvement of the gods always seems to
have the tone of political propaganda. The
gods of the ancient Near East do not have a
plan that they reveal. While they are believed
to be active throughout the scope of history,
there is no indication that they had a plan for
the direction of history. Here it is made plain
to Elijah that Yahweh is not simply a hotblooded
warrior defending or dethroning
kings on an arbitrary whim like the gods of
the ancient Near East. He has an agenda for
history. His warfare is not just wrathful
blood-letting—there is a long-term plan that is
being carefully worked out. Once all the fire
and storm and earthquake are past, the plan
can be articulated. The “gentle whisper” in
verse 12 is not describing how the Lord
speaks. It is descriptive of the resonating silence
after all the clamor of destruction. It is
with silence hanging in the air that Yahweh’s
voice of direction may be heard.
19:15-16. anointing three replacements. Elijah
made the mistake of thinking that he was indispensable,
God’s last and only hope. By announcing
three successors, the Lord is making
it clear that he is never without recourse. The
Aramean king, Hazael, will be God’s instrument
of judgment on Israel (for more information
see comment on 2 Kings 10:32. Jehu will
become king of Israel and in the process bring
God’s punishment on the house of Ahab (for
more information see comments on 2 Kings
10). Elisha will continue the prophetic work of
Elijah.
19:15. Desert of Damascus. The Desert of
Damascus refers to the great Syrian desert
that stretches from Damascus to the Euphrates
river basin. It was this desert that the
“fertile crescent” went around.
19:16. Abel Meholah. Abel Meholah is located
on the west bank of the Jordan somewhere
south of Beth Shan. The most likely candidate
is Tell Abu Sus, eleven miles south of Beth
Shan at the southern end of the Beth Shan Valley,
where the Yabis River enters the Jordan
from the east.
19:18. mouths not kissing Baal. On the black
stele of Shalmaneser III, the Israelite king Jehu
is portrayed kissing the ground before the Assyrian
king. In Enuma Elish the tribunal of
gods kisses the feet of Marduk after he has put
down the rebellion and established himself as
head of the pantheon. This was the common
act of submission offered to kings and gods.
Likewise the kissing of the idol involved kissing
its feet in an act of homage, submission
and allegiance. In the Mari letters the governor
of Terqa, Kibri-Dagan, advises Zimri-Lim,
king of Mari, to come to Terqa to kiss the feet
of the statue of the god Dagan.
19:19-21
Elisha Chosen as Apprentice
19:19. plowing with twelve yoke of oxen.
Large landowners could accomplish the task
of plowing much more quickly using multiple
plows, each pulled by a team of oxen driven
by a worker. Here Elisha is in charge of twelve
such teams.
381 1 KINGS 19:19—20:23
19:19. prophet’s cloak. The cloak referred to
here is an outer garment, not the same as the
robe discussed in 1 Samuel 15:27. The distinctive
prophet’s cloak is most likely made of animal
skin and is hairy in appearance (see Zech
13:4), though not all cloaks were so made.
Very little is said about prophetic garb in the
ancient Near East, so comparison is difficult. It
may be of interest that Assyrian inscriptions
beginning at this period portray a few individuals
wearing lion-headed cloaks. Some of
these individuals are involved in ritual activities
(dance) and accompany deity. It is
guessed that they may be exorcists.
19:21. Elisha’s response. Kissing is more often
used in greeting than in saying goodbye (a
word supplied here by the NIV translators, not
in the Hebrew text). Kissing between a father
(or grandfather) and a son or daughter is
found in several contexts as a prelude to receiving
a blessing Gen 27:26; 31:28, 55; 48:10)
and may be implied here. The butchering of
the oxen supplies the meal for the celebration
that also accompanied the blessing. It would
appear, then, that Elisha has requested the opportunity
to receive his parents’ blessing.
1 KINGS 19:19—20:23
20:1-43
Ahab and Ben-Hadad
20:1. Ben-Hadad of Aram. Aramean history
at this time is still in need of much clarification,
with at least part of the problem caused
by several rulers with the name of
Ben-Hadad (“son of [the god] Hadad”). The
issue is further complicated by the fact that
Shalmaneser III’s inscriptions name the ruler
of this time Hadadezer (see comment on 2 Sam
8:3). The first Ben-Hadad has been referred to
earlier in chapter 15 and ruled during the first
part of the ninth century, though no precise
dating is possible. In 2 Kings 8 the king murdered
by Hazael (about 842) is named
Ben-Hadad, and Hazael is later succeeded by
a king named Ben-Hadad. The name
Bir-Hadad occurs in an inscription dedicated
to the god Melqart, but again it is unclear
which Ben-Hadad this refers to. It has been
suggested that the sequence may be
Ben-Hadad I 1 Kings 15, Ben-Hadad II (1
Kings 20), Hadadezer (Shalmaneser Inscription,
considered by some a variant name of
Ben-Hadad), Ben-Hadad III (Melqart inscription),
Hazael, Ben-Hadad IV. There is no other
material from the ancient Near East to help
unravel this at this time.
20:1. thirty-two kings. Coalitions of many
small kingdoms were frequent in these times.
When Shalmaneser III invaded the west in 853
at the Battle of Qarqar, he was greeted by a coalition
of twelve major kings. Shalmaneser’s
inscription lists the number of cavalry, infantry
and chariots provided by the various
members of the coalition. There were still
many city-states and tribal groups around at
this time, who each would have had a “king,”
so it is not difficult to imagine thirty-two of
them banding together.
20:5-6. terms of tribute. Ahab is initially prepared
to meet the demands for tribute and
peaceful surrender imposed by Ben-Hadad.
The resulting vassal relationship would involve
members of Ahab’s family being taken
as hostages to insure that the terms were met.
Assyrian practice of this time was to take
princes hostage to provide incentive that good
behavior would result, and here the Arameans
are doing the same. When Ben-Hadad finds
Ahab so agreeable, he insists further that the
right of seizure be extended to anything of
value that is found in the palace.
20:13-14. role of the prophet. In this period of
preclassical prophecy the prophets of Israel
served in very much the same role as their ancient
Near Eastern counterparts (see comments
on Deut 18:14-22. One of the most
frequent areas addressed concerned, as here,
the advisability of military activity. Since it
was believed that God’s involvement was essential
for the success of the military, the
entire sequence begins with the divine command
to go into battle. This divine command
can be seen as typical in the royal inscriptions
of the Assyrians. It was also important to consult
the deity about timing and strategies.
During the time of Saul and David this type of
information was usually gained through the
priest’s manipulation of oracular devices (see
comments on 1 Sam 14:10; 22:10; and 23:9-12).
Now, instead of asking questions of a priest to
receive oracular responses, the questions are
being posed to the prophet, who, as a representative
of God, offers the prophetic oracles
as responses from God.
20:23, 28. god of the hills, god of the valleys.
In the polytheistic setting of the ancient Near
East, gods were generally considered as having
defined territorial jurisdiction, just as political
leaders would have. This jurisdiction
could be divided up along national lines (each
nation having its patron deities) or by topographical
areas or boundaries (rivers, mountains,
lakes, plains), as here construed. The
fact that Israel was a mountainous country
and that the capital cities, Samaria and Jerusalem,
were both in mountain regions, would
fuel the speculation that Yahweh’s jurisdiction
was in the mountains.
1 KINGS 20:24—21:1 382
20:24-25. planned strategy. The tactics that
will be used for the second campaign are significantly
different. In the first round the
Aramean coalition attacked Samaria directly.
This was intended as siege warfare. In the second
phase the emphasis was not on starving
the people out or on breaching the walls of a
city, but on pitched battle in open terrain
where the Arameans intended to take full advantage
of their chariotry and cavalry. Whether
because of the different battle tactics or
because of the failure of the first campaign,
the Arameans assigned a new group of field
commanders and filled the ranks with new recruits.
20:26. Aphek. Identification of the site of this
battle is complicated by the fact that there are
several different towns named Aphek in ancient
Israel (perhaps as many as five). The one
that has most commonly been proposed as the
site for this battle is located just east of the Sea
of Galilee on the route from Damascus to Israel.
The problem with this is that it is hard to
imagine the Arameans choosing a site that far
from Samaria or the Israelites going that far
afield to engage them. Somewhere in the vicinity
of the plain of Jezreel is most logical,
and the use of Aphek as a muster point for the
Philistines at the battle of Gilboa would likewise
raise this possibility (compare the comments
on 1 Sam 28:4 and 29:1).
20:30. escape to Aphek. Since the site of Aphek
has not been identified, it is impossible to
comment on the archaeological record of the
fortifications. The collapse of walls is not specifically
attributed to siege and breach, or to
divine intervention. One of the principal tactics
for bringing about the collapse of walls
was tunneling beneath them. In fact it has
been suggested that the very purpose of dry
moats (dug to bedrock) and earthen ramparts
was to prevent tunneling to undermine the
walls. If the foundation of the wall could be
weakened, the superstructure would collapse.
20:31. sackcloth and ropes. Sackcloth is a familiar
sign of mourning. The sarcophagus of
Ahiram depicts mourning women with what
is likely sackcloth wrapped around their hips
over their skirts. The ropes are probably a
symbol that they consider themselves captives.
Both Assyrian and Egyptian reliefs depict
captives from Syria with a tether bound
around the neck.
20:33. taken up into chariot. A vassal would
have run by the wheel of the chariot (as in the
Aramean Bir-Rakib inscription), whereas an
equal is taken up into the chariot. By referring
to Ben-Hadad as his brother and taking him
up into his chariot, Ahab is expressing his
willingness to renegotiate their former relationship.
It is likely that previously Ahab was
considered a vassal to Ben-Hadad, in which
case there would have been a suzerainty treaty
between them. This would have required
Ahab to pay tribute and be under the general
authority of Aram. In this new “brother” relationship
there would be a parity treaty between
them that would not require tribute. It
would put them on equal terms, providing
mutual support militarily and opening up
trade routes and merchant opportunities on
an equal footing. Ahab’s leniency is seen in his
settling for equal status rather than pushing
his advantage to make Ben-Hadad his vassal.
20:34. terms of treaty. The return of conquered
territory would have restored the traditional
boundaries between the two nations. The other
concession by Ben-Hadad concerned trade
opportunities. One of the actions taken when
a major city came under the control of a new
king was to construct a marketplace for his
merchants in a square set up in his honor. A
colony of merchants would then take up residence
in the city to carry on their trade. This
practice is illustrated by the courtyard outside
the city gate of Dan. There the archaeologists
excavated a series of buildings that has been
identified as a bazaar area set up to honor the
Aramean conqueror, whose stele (now referred
to as the “House of David Inscription”)
was prominently featured there.
20:35-40. actions of the prophet. The initial
encounter with the man who refused to
wound him made it clear that even an act of
mercy that disobeyed God’s command
brought forfeiture of life. The wound the
prophet requests is apparently one to the
head, which would then make very realistic
the bandage that he wore. While the bandage
serves as his disguise, the wound may have
gained him access to the king. It is interesting
that while the king has a reputation for mercy
(v. 31) and shows mercy to Ben-Hadad, his
judgment in this wounded man’s case is anything
but merciful. A talent of silver is exorbitant
and would suggest that the prisoner is a
very important person. For “sons of the
prophets” see comment on 1 Samuel 19:20.
1 KINGS 20:24—21:1
21:1-29
Naboth’s Vineyard
21:1. Jezreel palace. For general comments
about Jezreel see 18:45. The palace at Jezreel
was excavated in the early 1990s. The rectangular
enclosure covers about eleven acres and
is surrounded by a casemate wall with towers
at the corners. It featured a six-chambered
383 1 KINGS 21:3-27
gate, a moat and earthen ramparts. The moat
was cut from rock and averaged thirty feet
wide and at points was nearly twenty feet
deep. The moat used in Palestine was a dry
moat (called a fosse) probably intended to
prevent tunneling under the walls of the city.
Jezreel was about twenty-three miles from Samaria.
21:3. vineyard as part of inheritance. Ahab’s
offer is more than fair and even generous.
Naboth’s refusal is not just based on traditional
“family homestead” type of feelings but on
theological issues. Possession of the land had
been a gift of the covenant. Distributed to
tribes, clans and families, the patrimonial
landholdings constituted each family’s part of
the covenant promises and benefits (for more
information see comment on Lev 25:23. Documents
from both Mari and Ugarit attest to a
practice of perpetual ownership of land and
strict rules about the transfer of property—but
these are not given a religious explanation. It
is also possible that, as a royal residence,
Jezreel enjoyed a privileged status in which all
residents enjoyed certain benefits (see comment
on 2 Sam 5:9. Among these was protection
from royal expropriation of land even in
exchange for other property.
1 KINGS 21:3-27 21:7. rights of the king. This passage is believed
to represent a true distinction between
the rights extended to the king in Israel and
those current in Phoenicia. Differences involve
issues concerning (1) the ultimate ownership
of land and (2) the absolute power of
the king. In the first category, Israelites believed
that all the land was Yahweh’s land,
while the Phoenicians would have seen land
as royal fiefdoms—all land was on grant from
the king. In the second category, Israelite kingship
was designed to be less despotic than
most monarchies—the king was not above the
law. Jezebel would not have been accustomed
to such niceties.
21:9. declaring a fast. Fasts could be declared
by the king and generally were proclaimed in
the context of some sort of critical petition (see
1 Sam 7:6. For instance, in the drought that
was experienced in these times a day of fasting
would have served the purpose of praying
for rain and perhaps seeking out the offenses
that could potentially have brought the
drought. Just as David arranges for the deaths
of Saul’s family members to rectify the offense
in 2 Samuel 21, so here Naboth’s death would
be an attempt to bring an end to whatever situation
was the basis for the fast.
21:9. seating arrangement. The prominent
seating of Naboth would reflect his status in
the community and sets him up for the contention
that his actions were capable of affecting
the entire community. The two false
witnesses are seated near him so that they can
claim to have heard his words.
21:11-13. Naboth’s crime. Cursing the king
usually entails a forthright renunciation of
loyalty to the king (as in Judg 9:27-28 and
2 Sam 16:7-8 by fixing blame for the situation
squarely on his shoulders. Cursing God is
likewise associated with disloyalty to him and
involves maligning or discrediting him, at
times by fixing blame. Isaiah 8:21 features the
combination of cursing both God and king in
the context of fixing blame for hardship or crisis.
As the community is being led in this fast
to seek the cause of their crisis, these two
planted witnesses claim that they heard
Naboth fixing blame for the crisis on God and
the king. This is judged as treasonous, and he
is sentenced to death by the officials, who
have been prompted to respond to the case in
that way. An Alalakh text indicates that if a
man is put to death for treason, ownership of
his property reverts to the palace.
21:19. dogs licking blood. Dogs were scavengers
who roamed the streets and alleys feeding
on garbage. That anyone’s (let alone a
king’s) body should be so exposed meant that
there would be no honor in death or even a
proper burial. Improper burial was popularly
thought to jeopardize an individual’s afterlife
(for further information see comment on
1 Kings 16:4. Israelites considered that a person’s
body (“flesh”) and spirit were in principle
inseparable. Thus the individual was both
spirit and flesh. Because of this the dead
corpse was very carefully treated, as it was
still considered part of the person’s existence.
First-millennium Assyrian records also demonstrate
these concerns, as Ashurbanipal punishes
his opponents by having their bodies
thrown in the streets and dragged around.
From the same period an Assyrian curse declares
“let dogs tear his unburied body to
pieces.”
21:27. Ahab’s response. Sackcloth and fasting
were considered some of the basic elements of
repentance as well as mourning in ancient Israel.
Fasting is little attested in the ancient
Near East outside the Bible. It generally occurs
in the context of mourning. In the Old
Testament the religious use of fasting is often
in connection with making a request before
God. The principle is that the importance of
the request causes an individual to be so concerned
about his or her spiritual condition
that physical necessities fade into the background.
In this sense the act of fasting is designed
as a process leading to purification and
1 KINGS 22:1-48 384
humbling oneself before God Ps 69:10. Sackcloth
was made of goat or camel hair and was
coarse and uncomfortable. In many cases the
sackcloth was only a loin covering. The sarcophagus
of Ahiram depicts mourning women
with what is likely sackcloth wrapped
around their hips over their skirts.
22:1-40
Battle at Ramoth Gilead
22:1. chronology: Battle of Qarqar. Since the
alliance of Ahab and Ben-Hadad at the end of
chapter 20, three years have gone by. It is generally
assumed that the reason their alliance
remained strong was because of the threat of
the Assyrian king Shalmaneser III who was
making his way westward. He finally posed a
threat to southern Aram in 853, where he was
met by a coalition of twelve western nations
at the Battle of Qarqar. Shalmaneser lists
Ahab of Israel and Hadadezer of Damascus
as two of the most significant parties in the alliance
which was led by Iarhuleni of Hamath.
Qarqar is on the Orontes River about 150
miles north of Damascus, but only 25 miles
north of Hamath. Though Shalmaneser
claims victory, study of subsequent history
suggests that the western coalition succeeded
in their major objective. It was not until ten or
twelve years later, after the confederacy had
eroded, that Shalmaneser finally shows any
indication of control in the region. It is most
likely the general success against Shalmaneser
that gave Ahab the confidence to take military
action against the Arameans and try to
regain Ramoth Gilead.
22:12-38. Micaiah and Ahab. See comments
on 2 Chronicles 18.
22:38. pool in Samaria. In the excavations of
Samaria a large pool (sixteen by thirty-three
feet) was discovered inside the northwest corner
of the wall by the palace, but it is impossible
to say whether this is the pool referred to
here. It is uncertain whether the prostitutes
are bathing in the pool or the blood or both.
22:39. palace of inlaid ivory. Ivory decor was
very popular at this time for inlays in furniture
and for wall panels. One of the principal
sources of ivory was elephant tusks, which
were imported from Aram (where Syrian elephants
were not yet extinct). Elephant hides
and tusks, as well as live elephants, were at
times included in tribute payments. Excavations
at Ashurnasirpal’s palace at Kalah produced
some very fine ivory carvings
decorating the walls. Over five hundred ivory
fragments have also been found in the excavations
at Samaria dating to the ninth and eighth
centuries B.C. Many feature Egyptian and
Phoenician artistic motifs.
1 KINGS 22:1-48
22:41-50
Jehoshaphat of Judah
22:42. chronology. Thiele’s dates for Jehoshaphat
are 872-848, with other systems
generally coming within two years of that. No
reference to Jehoshaphat has yet been found
in extrabiblical inscriptional material from the
ancient Near East.
22:46. male shrine prostitutes. For more information
concerning cultic prostitution, see the
comment on Deuteronomy 23:17-18. The term
used here occurs in both feminine and masculine
forms and refers, perhaps euphemistically,
to ones who have been set apart for
particular functions. This same term is used in
Akkadian literature to refer to those who have
been consecrated as functionaries serving at
the shrines or temples. The prostitute was
among those functionaries, as was the wet
nurse and the midwife. It is unclear what
functions the males might have served.
22:48. fleet of ships. Trade by means of seagoing
vessels was already taking place in the
first half of the third millennium B.C. By
mid-second millennium a fleet of ships from
Ugarit numbered 150. Excavations of a sunken
merchant ship (off the coast of Uluburun,
Turkey) from the period give a good idea of
the variety of items being shipped. Trading
ships of the first millennium were single-masted
with a crow’s nest and could feature either
one or two banks of oars. Typical length
would be about fifty feet, though larger ones
are known.
22:48. Ophir. Gold from Ophir is mentioned
in an eighth-century inscription from Tell
Qasile. The precise location of the site is unknown.
The fact that it was shipped in at Ezion
Geber suggests an Arabian location,
though sites in India and East Africa have
been considered.
22:48. Ezion Geber. Ezion Geber was a port
city located at the head of the Gulf of Aqaba
and may be either Tell el-Kheleifeh (which
some identify as Elath) or on the island of
Jezirat Far’on (Coral Island), the only site in
the region with evidence of an ancient harbor
area. The latter has been substantiated by underwater
archaeological work that shows
massive walls and jetties (though not Iron
Age) and a small amount of Iron Age pottery.
The technology used for the artificial harbor is
similar to that found at Phoenician Tyre.
1 KINGS 22:51—2 KINGS 2:1
385 1 KINGS 22:51—2 KINGS 2:3
22:51-53
Ahaziah of Israel
22:51. chronology. Thiele’s chronology for
Ahaziah places him in 853-852. He is not mentioned
in any extrabiblical records.
2 K I N G S
1:1-18
Ahaziah, King of Israel
1:2. lattice of the upper room. The excavations
in Samaria have demonstrated that the
royal palace at this time did have a second story.
The style of architecture featured open areas,
and the lattice described here would have
been a wooden grid offering both shade and
air circulation.
1:2. Samaria. Samaria was the capital city of
the northern kingdom of Israel. For more information
see the comment on 1 Kings 16:24.
1:2. Baal-Zebub. For many years it has been
suggested that this name is an intentional corruption
of Baal Zebul (Chief Baal), often identified
in Ugaritic literature as lord of the
underworld. This would explain the Greek
form used in Matthew 10:25; 12:24; and elsewhere,
“Beelzebul,” and the attachment of the
title to Satan in the New Testament. “Zebub”
means “flies,” and if it is a complimentary title,
it may refer to the ability to drive away
flies who carry disease and infection. A deity
named El-Dhubub is known at Ugarit and
may mean something similar. Incantations
known from Ugaritic invoke Baal Zebul to exorcise
demons of disease. Ahaziah, however,
is not requesting an incantation effecting healing
but only an oracle providing information
concerning whether or not he will recover.
This is also what is offered by Elijah in verse 6.
1:2. Ekron. The Philistine town of Ekron (Tel
Miqne) is about a sixty-mile trip from Samaria.
For more information on the site see comments
on Judges 1:18 and 1 Samuel 5:10.
1:8. Elijah’s clothing. See comment on
1 Kings 19:19 for a discussion of Elijah’s mantle.
The text here, however, makes no specific
mention of Elijah’s mantle but describes him
as distinguished by hairiness, which could refer
either to his garment or his person. The latter
is more likely here, because what the NIV
translates “belt” is everywhere else a loincloth,
which would not be visible if he wore
another garment. Certainly another option
would be that he is cloaked in the hairy mantle
but can be seen to be wearing only the
leather loincloth beneath the cloak.
1:10. fire from heaven. The storm gods of the
ancient Near East are typically equipped with
lightning bolts which are their means of sending
fire. Assyrian kings throughout this period
speak of the gods as a burning flame and of
sending fire before them. Esarhaddon (seventh-
century Assyria) speaks of his march and
attack in terms of an unquenchable fire. All of
this is the way that the deity was believed to
enter into battle. Fire brought about by his
thunderbolts was one of his principal weapons.
1:17. chronology. Ahaziah’s brother, Joram,
succeeded him and reigned, according to
Thiele, from 852 to 841. As a result, Judah and
Israel had kings with virtually identical
names ruling over the same period of time.
1 Kings 22:51—2 Kings 2:3
2:1-18
Elijah Taken Up
2:1. Gilgal. There are several sites named Gilgal,
and it is difficult to be certain which is intended
here. The best known is in the region of
Jericho (see comment on Joshua 4:19, but it
would be unusual for their trip to lead them
over to Bethel first and then back to Jericho.
Additionally, verse 2 speaks of going down to
Bethel, which would not make sense with this
Gilgal. The other possible Gilgal is the one in
the vicinity of Geba and Micmash (see comment
on 1 Sam 13:4, which is just a few miles
south of Bethel and would require a descent
to go toward Bethel.
2:2. Bethel. Bethel was the location of one of
the calf shrines and was an important religious
center. Its history included the patriarchs
Gen 28, the conquest and settlement
Josh 8; Judg 1, and Samuel 1 Sam 7, and,
for at least a short time, it housed the ark
Judg 20:26-28.
2:3. company of the prophets. One could be
trained for the profession of prophet, and
there was a prophetic guild in this early period
of Israel’s history, usually identified as the
“sons/company of the prophets.” Typically
2 KINGS 2:4-19 386
these prophets would use various procedures
in order to prepare themselves for receiving
prophetic oracles. Music played an important
role in inducing a trancelike state (ecstasy)
that was seen as making one receptive to a divine
message. In the Mari texts there is an entire
class of temple personnel who were
ecstatics and who often provided prophetic
messages. Akkadian texts also use the designation
mar bari (son of a baru) to designate a
member of the guild of diviners who sometimes
offered prophetic oracles.
2:4. Jericho. The trip from Bethel to Jericho
was about twelve miles (mostly downhill) and
would have taken about half a day. A settlement
had reoccupied the site during the time
of Ahab (see comment on 1 Kings 16:34.
2:6. Jordan. The Jordan is about five miles beyond
Jericho. This would be about the place
where Joshua crossed the Jordan.
2:9. double portion. By asking for a double
portion, Elisha is not asking for twice as much
as Elijah had, but for twice as much as any
other successor would receive. This is the normal
inheritance right of the firstborn, who
would “carry the torch” for the family. Elisha
is requesting that he receive the status as the
principal successor to Elijah.
2:11. location of Elijah’s ascension. Throughout
his career Elijah has been mirroring some
of the events in Moses’ life. As they have now
crossed to the east side of the Jordan, they are
going toward Mount Nebo (where Moses
died), which is about ten miles from the Jordan.
The text does not name Nebo, or even
suggest they were on a mountain, but it does
place them in roughly the same vicinity.
2:11. chariot and horses of fire; whirlwind.
The word translated “whirlwind” is typically
connected directly to God’s activity (the storm
of Jonah 1 and at times to his presence (Job
38:1). The chariot imagery is more difficult to
assess, because no role is given to the chariot
and horses in the passage. In ancient Near
Eastern imagery, major deities are at times accompanied
by charioteers. There is a deity
known as Rakib-El, who is the charioteer of
the Canaanite god El. He is textually associated
with Hadad, the storm god, but too little is
known to elaborate any further on that interesting
connection (chariot with storm, as
here). In Akkadian literature, Bunene, the advisor
to the sun god Shamash, is designated
the charioteer. Connection to a sun god offers
possible explanation for a chariot of fire. The
charioteer would be responsible for transporting
the deity, especially into battle. In Israelite
religious belief, Yahweh is sometimes portrayed
or manifested in ways familiar to ancient
Near Eastern thought. For instance, in
Elijah’s contest with the Baal prophets, Yahweh
is shown to be a God who controls fertility
and responds with fire, and figurative
language often associates him with the sun
Ps 84:11. Here his portrayal may share elements
with Hadad, the storm god who is accompanied
by a charioteer. These similarities
suggest the possibility that familiar imagery
was being used to clarify the involvement of
deity in this unprecedented event.
2 KINGS 2:4-19 2:12. my father. The title “father” is used to
designate the leader of a group in both Hebrew
and Akkadian. Likewise a “son” is
therefore a member of that group.
2:12. chariots and horsemen of Israel. It is uncertain
whether Elisha is exclaiming at what
he is seeing or is ascribing this title to Elijah. If
it is the latter (as 13:14 suggests), the title may
be indicating an identification of Elijah’s status
as the charioteer, a close associate of the
deity (cf. Bunene in the comment on 2:11) and
the one that brings him into battle.
2:12. tearing clothes. Along with placing ashes
in the hair, the tearing of clothing was a
common form of mourning in the ancient
Near East. One example outside the Bible is
found in the Ugaritic Epic of Aqhat (c. 1600
B.C.) in which the sister of the hero tears her
father’s garment as she foretells a coming
drought. Such an act often implied grief over
the death of a relative, friend or prominent individual.
2:13. prophet’s mantle. Elijah had cast his
cloak over Elisha to select him for the task in
19:19. The cloak referred to here is an outer
garment, not the same as the robe discussed
in 1 Samuel 15:27. The distinctive prophet’s
cloak is most likely made of animal skin and
is hairy in appearance (see Zech 13:4, though
not all cloaks were so made. Very little is said
about prophetic garb in the ancient Near East,
so comparison is difficult. It may be of interest
that Assyrian inscriptions beginning at
this period portray a few individuals wearing
lion-headed cloaks. Some of these individuals
are involved in ritual activities (dance) and
accompany deity. It is guessed that they may
be exorcists. Elijah’s mantle is here indicative
of his spirit and power that Elisha is inheriting.
22:19-22
Waters of Jericho
2:19. bad water. The history of the water
problem at the Ain es-Sultan spring by Jericho
can be reviewed in the comments on
Joshua 6:26 and 1 Kings 16:34. An alternative
387 2 KINGS 2:20—3:9
to the parasite theory suggested in those
comments is that the geological shifts that
could possibly have been related to the fall of
Jericho brought the spring water into contact
with radioactivity in the rock layers that polluted
the water and caused sterility.
2:20. new bowl and salt. The use of a new container
suggests one untainted by impurities,
thus indicating that this is a ritual undertaking.
“Flask” is preferable to NIV’s “bowl,”
though the word is used only here in the Bible
and is of uncertain meaning. Salt is used to
combat the curse because curse is connected to
rebellion and salt is seen as symbolically counteracting
rebellion (see comment on Judg 9:45.
2 Kings 2:20—3:9
2:23-25.
Boys and Bears
2:23. age of mockers. Two different descriptions
are used for this group. The first (v. 23)
uses a noun and adjective combination that
elsewhere refers to children or prepubescent
youths. The second (v. 24) typically refers to
the younger generation, from babies (e.g.,
Ruth 4:16 to middle-aged men (e.g., 2 Kings
12:8; Rehoboam was over forty, and these are
his peers). This is probably a group of young
teens. It was Elisha’s curse but God’s judgment.
2:23. baldhead. If Elijah was a hairy man (see
comment on 1:8), Elisha’s baldness would be a
stark contrast and perhaps suggest to some
that he could never have the same powers as
his master. This taunt would therefore be a
disavowal of his prophetic office and calling
and would be strikingly refuted by the immediate
fulfillment of his curse. Therefore in
verses 19-22 Elisha removed a curse, while in
23-24 he effectuated a curse.
2:24. bears. Syrian bears were not yet extinct
in this period and inhabited the forested regions
in Israel. Bears were typically found in
the hilly wooded areas of the central hill country,
where caves and forests provided their
habitat. The forested areas would be closer to
Bethel than to Jericho. Ravaging wild beasts
were often seen as punishment sent from God
(see comment on 17:25).
2:25. Elisha’s journey. The trip from Jericho to
Bethel is about twelve miles, while Bethel to
Mount Carmel is nearly seventy-five miles.
From Mount Carmel back to Samaria is nearly
forty miles.
3:1-27
War with Moab
3:1. chronology. Joram’s succession has been
previously mentioned in 1:17, but there it was
related to the second year of Jehoram, son of
Jehoshaphat. Here it is correlated to the eighteenth
year of Jehoshaphat. This led Thiele to
identify a period of coregency between Jehoshaphat
and his son. The year, according to
Thiele, is 852.
3:2. sacred stone of Baal. Standing stones
were often used in shrines and temples in the
niche where the idol otherwise would stand.
Sometimes these could have reliefs of the deity
inscribed on them, but often they would be
blank. Such stones have been found in many
excavations in Israel, including those at Dan,
Gezer and Arad.
3:4. Mesha of Moab. Mesha is known from
the inscription (the Moabite Stone) that details
the past control of Israel over Moab and celebrates
Mesha’s breaking free of that control.
The four-foot-high inscription was found at
the site of Dibon, just north of the Arnon river,
in 1868. It commemorates the building of a
sanctuary, and it mentions Omri by name and
refers to his son (Ahab, or perhaps his grandson,
Joram) without naming him. It makes reference
to the Moabite national god Chemosh
who had used Israel for punishment of his
land but now had brought victory. The next
verse makes reference to Mesha’s successful
revolt against Israelite control (during the
reign of Ahaziah?), so the events of the Moabite
stone precede the events of this chapter.
3:4. tribute. While one hundred thousand
lambs is an immense amount of tribute, it
pales in comparison to the over eight hundred
thousand sheep that Assyrian king Sennacherib
claims to have taken from Babylon.
3:6-8. battle strategy. The allies cannot easily
come against Moab from the north because
Mesha has fortified the Medeba plains north
of the Arnon. As a result they march south
through Jerusalem, Hebron and Arad, around
the south end of the Dead Sea (through the
desert of Edom) and come at Moab from an
unexpected direction. The march from Samaria
to Arad is about eighty-five miles. From
there it may be as many as fifty more to Kir
Haresheth if a fairly direct route is taken.
3:8. desert of Edom. The desert of Edom is difficult
to identify, but the comment in verse 9
that they had a seven-day march suggests that
it refers to the area east of Edom. Perhaps they
skirted to the south of the Wadi Zered and
moved around to attack Moab from the east.
3:9. lack of water. From the time they left
Jerusalem, they would have been traveling
through arid, inhospitable land with few water
sources. Dehydration comes very quickly
in this climate and can be deadly.
2 KINGS 3:11-27 388
3:11. presence of a prophet. It was typical procedure
in the ancient Near East for an army to
be staffed with some religious personnel
(priests or prophets) for the purpose of making
oracular requests, reading omens, making
appropriate sacrifices and representing God’s
presence with the army.
3:11. pouring water on the hands of Elijah.
Elisha is here identified as the personal attendant
of Elijah. Though he performed menial
tasks, his mere association with the already
legendary prophet offered some hope for divine
aid.
2 Kings 3:11-27 3:13. prophets of father and mother. Joram’s
father and mother, Ahab and Jezebel, had favored
the prophets of Baal and Asherah. It is
interesting that Joram does not disavow those
prophets or the gods they serve, but only replies
that Yahweh was the one who had instigated
the campaign, so he must be dealt with.
This may suggest that oracles had been
sought from Yahweh by this northern king
and that the oracles had answered favorably
concerning this military action, though, alternatively,
the alliance may have taken shape
only because Jehoshaphat consulted Yahweh
concerning his involvement (see 2 Chron
18:4-7). This divine direction, however it
came, is now interpreted by Joram as Yahweh’s
intention to bring about their destruction.
3:15. harpist. The translation of “minstrel”
would be preferable here since the instrument
is not mentioned. It is most likely a lyre of the
same type that David played for Saul. Typically,
especially in this early period, prophets
would use various procedures in order to prepare
themselves for receiving prophetic oracles.
Music played an important role in
inducing a trancelike state (ecstasy) that was
seen as making one receptive to a divine message.
In the Mari texts there is an entire class of
temple personnel who were ecstatics and often
provided prophetic messages. The lyre usually
had two arms rising up from the sound box.
The strings were attached to the crossbar at the
top of the instrument. Examples of lyres have
been found at Canaanite Megiddo.
3:17. provision of water. It is likely that the
army was in the vicinity of the Wadi Zered.
Like all wadis, Zered fills up seasonally with
the runoff from the higher elevations. As a result,
it can suddenly course with water even
though no rain has been experienced at the
lower elevations. The digging of pits in the
wadi would be a means of capturing the runoff
for their use lest it all surge right past
them. Prophetic knowledge of rain in high elevations
that would bring water into the area is
also demonstrated by Deborah (see comment
on Judg 4:14-16.
3:22. water appearing as blood. It is not hard
to imagine the water having the appearance of
blood in a sandstone water course under a rising
sun on a hot, hazy day—especially if the
Moabites had no reason to think there would
be any water scattered in the pits throughout
the wadi. But if they actually thought it was
blood, where were the corpses? If they come
charging in expecting plunder, it is more likely
that the Moabites see what appears to be a
deserted camp. They therefore take the appearance
of the water as an omen that internal
rivalries have resulted in the desertion of the
camp as the armies fought one another. In fact
a Mesopotamian omen series of popular beliefs
contains the indication that if a river carries
blood, internal strife will lead an army to
do battle with itself, brother against brother.
The imagery of blood flowing like water is
used in Assyrian descriptions of battles.
3:25. treatment of Moab. The ecological destruction
was intended to cripple the economy
for years. The springs and fields could eventually
be cleared of stones, but needing to do so
would make it a long, slow process to reestablish
a productive agriculture. Sometimes
springs would find other, less usable outlets
and fields would be so damaged as to have
greatly reduced fertility. The cutting down of
trees would have even more devastating effects
on the ecological balance. Not only
would shade and wood supply be lost, but
topsoil erosion would increase and the loss of
forestation’s contribution to the environment
would accelerate the development of wasteland
conditions. Some fruit trees (such as the
date palm) take twenty years of growth before
they become productive. Agricultural devastation
and deforestation were typical tactics of
invading armies seeking to punish those they
conquered and as an attempt to hasten their
surrender. The Assyrian records and reliefs especially
detail punitive measures that include
felling trees, devastating meadowlands and
destroying canal systems used for irrigation.
3:25. Kir Haresheth. This is a designation for
the capital city in the southern section of Moab,
otherwise known as Kir-Moab, and identified
with modern Kerak, seventeen miles
south of the Arnon along the King’s Highway.
There has been no major excavation at the site,
but surface surveys show some slight remains
from the Iron Age.
3:27. child sacrifice. Evidence of child sacrifice
has been recovered from Phoenician sites
in North Africa (Carthage) and Sardinia, and
it was also practiced in Syria and Mesopota-
389 2 KINGS 4:1-29
mia during the Assyrian period (eighth to
seventh centuries B.C.). Dedicating children
to a god as a form of sacrifice is found in several
biblical narratives. They can be explained
as a means of promoting fertility
Mic 6:6-7 or as a way of obtaining a military
victory Judg 11:30-40, as here. In no case,
however, does Yahweh consider this an acceptable
sacrifice Deut 18:10. An eighthcentury
B.C. Phoenician inscription speaks of
sacrifices made to Molech before battle by the
Cilicians and their enemies.
2 KINGS 4:1-29
4:1-7
Provision of Oil for Destitute
Woman
4:1. company of the prophets. See comment
on 2:3.
4:1. debt slavery. Because of the fragile nature
of the environment in much of the ancient
Near East, farmers and small landowners often
found themselves in debt. Their problems
could magnify if a drought and resulting
poor harvests continued over more than one
year, and they could be forced to sell their
land, goods and eventually even their family
and themselves into debt slavery. Israelite
law takes this situation into account by providing
a fair period of labor service to the
creditor as well as a time limit on servitude
for the debt slave. No one could serve more
than six years, and when slaves were freed
they went out debt-free. This would have
been a good solution for some, but without
their land to return to, many may have chosen
to remain in the service of their creditor
or to move to the cities to find jobs or to join
the military.
4:2. oil. The oil was olive oil, used as shortening
in cooking. It was usually mixed with the
grain before baking but was sometimes
spread over the dough.
4:8-37
Elisha and the Shunammite
Woman
4:8. Shunem. Shunem was located at the eastern
end of the Valley of Jezreel on the southwest
slope of the hill of Moreh. The town is
listed in Egyptian itineraries and shows remains
from the Iron Age.
4:10. room on the roof. The typical Israelite
house of the Iron Age was what is referred to
as the “four-room house.” On the ground
floor it featured a room that stretched the
whole width of the house. The front section
was divided into three parallel rooms perpendicular
to the back room. The center of these
three was often an open courtyard area. Most
of these houses are believed to have had second
stories, though these are rarely preserved
for archaeologists’ view. The particular architectural
terminology used in this verse remains
obscure.
4:16-35. giving son, taking son, reviving son.
In the Ugaritic Epic of Aqhat, the upright
king, Danil, was given a son (Aqhat) by the
gods. Falling into disfavor with the gods, his
life is taken, but then apparently restored
again, revived by the gods. Though none of
the details of the Aqhat narrative show any
similarity to the account here, the basic motif
concerning the power of deity to give, take
and give back is a familiar one.
4:18-20. cause of death. The death of the son is
usually attributed to sunstroke, though other
suggestions range from cerebral hemorrhage
or cerebral malaria to meningitis. The few details
given make it difficult to achieve any confidence
in diagnosis.
4:23. New Moon or Sabbath. Keyed to their
use of a lunar calendar, ancient Israelites
marked the first day of the month, with its
“new moon” phase, as a festival day (every
29-30 days). As on the Sabbath, all work was
to cease (see Amos 8:5, and there were sacrifices
to be made Num 28:11-15. In the monarchy
period, the king became a prominent
figure in these celebrations (see Ezek 45:17.
New Moon festivals were also prominent in
Mesopotamia from late in the third millennium
down to the Neo-Babylonian period in the
middle of the first millennium B.C. This would
have been a convenient opportunity for people
to consult a seer to seek an oracle, which
might explain the connection between Elisha
and these holy days.
4:25. Mount Carmel. Since there is no information
concerning where Elisha is staying in
the Carmel range, it is difficult to be precise,
but the distance from Shunem to the area of
Carmel is about twenty miles.
4:27. taking hold of feet. Taking hold of the
feet was a gesture of self-abasement and entreaty.
Though this gesture occurs nowhere
else in the Old Testament, in Akkadian literature
a wide range of fugitives or supplicants
take hold of the king’s feet to demonstrate
their submission or surrender and make their
petitions.
4:29. tucking cloak into belt. In order to make
sure that a longer garment did not interfere
with more strenuous activity, the lower edge
of the cloak could be turned up and tucked
into the belt.
2 KINGS 4:29—5:5 390
4:29. laying staff on boy’s face. There is no
other reference to a prophet being equipped
with a staff (the rod of Moses is a different Hebrew
word), and the other passages where
this word is used speak only of a nondescript
stick used for support—often a crutch or cane.
From verse 31 it would appear that Elisha and
Gehazi considered it possible that the staff
would revive the boy. In Akkadian incantation
texts a staff is sometimes the instrument by
which exorcisms against the asakku demons
(bringing disease and fever) are effected. Since
it was the boy’s head that hurt, the staff is laid
across his face.
4:34. Elisha’s procedure. In Mesopotamian
incantation literature the touching of part to
part is a means by which demons exercise
power over their intended victims—it is the
idiom of possession. In this belief, vitality or
life force can be transferred from one body to
the other by contact of each part. By imitating
the procedure believed to be used by demons,
the prophet is able, through the
power of Yahweh (notice the prayer), to
drive the demons out and restore the boy’s
life. This is often considered to be one of the
clearest cases of sympathetic magic in the Bible.
4:35. sneezing seven times. The word translated
“sneezed” occurs only here and its
meaning is uncertain. From the context, other
possibilities would include “convulsed” or
“moaned.”
2 Kings 4:29—5:5
4:36-41
Poison Stew
4:36. Gilgal. Uncertain location; see comment
on 2:1.
4:38. pot. This is a wide-mouthed cooking pot
that could be made of either pottery or metal.
4:39. ingredients of stew. The poisonous ingredient
is generally considered the yellow
gourds known as colocynths, popularly referred
to today as apples of Sodom. They can
be fatal.
4:41. adding flour. Flour or meal was believed
to possess magical power able to remove evil
magic. It is often used in magical incantations
and rituals in the ancient Near East, but not
quite in this way. Sometimes a flour paste is
used to make a figurine that is then used in a
magical ritual. Other times the flour is sprinkled
in a circle around something that the ritual is to
be performed on. As is often the case, Elisha is
using procedures that would have some familiarity
with the world of magic, but never quite
in the common way or with the ritualistic elements.
4:42-44
Feeding the People
4:42. Baal Shalishah. Baal Shalishah is traditionally
located at Bethsarisa on the plain of
Sharon about fifteen miles west-northwest of
Joppa. Other interpreters, however, favor a
site closer to Gilgal such as Ein Samiya in the
eastern part of the hill country of Ephraim
about six miles northwest of Bethel.
4:42. gift for Elisha. The gift is comprised of
the firstfruits that would generally be given as
an offering to the sanctuary for use by the
priesthood. As a man of God, Elisha apparently
qualified as a recipient of these gifts.
5:1-27
Elisha and Naaman
5:1. Aram/Syria. The land of Aram, north of
the land of Israel, was known by the Greeks as
Syria. Current evidence suggests that the
Arameans inhabited the upper Euphrates
throughout the second millennium, first as
villagers and pastoralists, then as a political,
national coalition. During this period they are
alternately allies and the most troublesome
foes of Israel.
5:1. leprosy. Those studying the language
have concluded that the term often translated
“leprosy” is more accurately rendered “lesion,”
or, less technically, “scaly skin.” Such
patches could be swelled or weeping, as well
as flaking. Similar broad terminology also exists
in Akkadian, where the Babylonians likewise
considered it an unclean condition and
the punishment of the gods. Clinical leprosy
(Hansen’s disease) has not been attested in the
ancient Near East prior to the time of Alexander
the Great. None of the most prominent
characteristics of Hansen’s disease are listed
in the ancient texts, and the symptoms that are
listed argue against a relationship to Hansen’s
disease. The condition discussed in the text is
not presented as contagious. Descriptions
would suggest that modern diagnoses would
include psoriasis, eczema, favus and seborrheic
dermatitis, as well as a number of fungaltype
infections. The great cultural aversion to
skin diseases may be that in appearance and
sometimes odor they resemble the rotting skin
of the corpse and are therefore associated with
death. This natural revulsion adds considerably
to the victim’s outcast status when combined
with the quarantine that is ritually
rather than medically motivated.
5:5. Naaman’s gift. The gift accompanying
Naaman is exorbitant—a king’s ransom. Ten
talents equals thirty thousand shekels, about
391 2 KINGS 5:6-24
seven hundred fifty pounds of silver. The six
thousand shekels of gold equals about one
hundred fifty pounds (one gold shekel
equaled fifteen silver shekels). Converted to
today’s buying power, it would be in the vicinity
of three-quarters of a billion dollars. One
can get an idea of the proportions by understanding
that a typical wage would have been
ten silver shekels per year, and one gold shekel
would purchase one ton of grain.
5:6. request to foreign king for healing. A
number of examples exist of kings sending to
other kings for help in the area of healing sickness.
Babylonian exorcists were prized by the
Hittites, and Egyptian doctors were famed for
their healing skills, especially in their treatment
of eye diseases.
5:7. tore robes. The tearing of robes, especially
royal robes, was a sign of mourning. This
would have signaled a national crisis or tragedy.
We are never told which king of Israel this
is, though much of Elisha’s interaction is with
Jehoram.
5:10. trip to the Jordan. Since Elisha is probably
in Samaria (see comment on verse 24), the
trip to the Jordan would have been about forty
miles. There is no easy, direct route from Samaria
to the Jordan. He probably would have
gone back the way he came: north to Dothan,
through the Dothan Valley to the Valley of
Jezreel, from Jezreel through the Gilboa pass
to Beth Shan and then on to the Jordan.
5:10. washing in the Jordan. In the Mesopotamian
namburbi rituals protective purification is
accomplished by dipping seven times in the
river facing upstream and seven times facing
downstream. This ritual also includes releasing
gifts for the god Ea into the river. The flowing
water was believed to carry the impurities to
the netherworld. Again, Elisha’s chosen procedures
are ones that would ring a note of familiarity
to those who lived in this world of
magical rituals. On the medical level there are a
number of locations in Israel (e.g., near Tiberius)
that boast of hot springs capable of restoring
healthy skin from any number of
conditions. Nevertheless, the text refers specifically
to the Jordan River, which could not be
confused with a mineral spring.
5:11. expected procedure. Naaman obviously
had expected different methods to be used.
The elevation of the hand here (“elevation”
preferred rather than “waving”) often accompanied
invocations or incantations. Praying
with raised hand is referred to in the Aramaic
Zakkur inscription and is depicted in numerous
reliefs (right hand, palm inward, elbow
bent). There is a series of Akkadian incantations
called shuilla (raising of the hand). The
extant copies date to about this period. These
compositions include invocation and praise of
deity leading up to a prayer seeking appeasement,
protection and the removal of evil. It
would have been unusual in the ancient
worldview for rituals to be performed without
the presence of the specialist reciting incantations,
accompanied by appropriate gestures,
and orchestrating the procedures. The
absence of the specialist leads Naaman to
think that any body of water could serve the
purpose of cleansing. He expected Elisha, the
practitioner, to make the difference, while Elisha
is careful to remove himself from such a
role.
5:12. Abana and Pharpar. The variant reading
Amana is probably to be preferred in light of
Mount Amana in the Anti-Lebanon range and
the Amana River (today known as the Barada)
that flows into the plain of Damascus from its
flanks. The Pharpar is less certain, though it
may be the river el-Awaj, which flows down
from the flanks of Mount Hermon to the
marshes southeast of Damascus.
5:17. carrying earth back. Naaman makes it
clear that his reason for carrying the dirt has
to do with sacrifices. This suggests that he intends
to build an altar of the earth that he has
brought back with him (the word for “earth”
here is the same that is commanded for use in
altar construction in Ex 20:24; see comment
there for further information).
5:18. temple of Rimmon. Rimmon (=Ramman,
“thunderer”) is believed to be a title of
the storm god, Hadad, the head of the
Aramean pantheon. Though this association is
confidently made, there has been no occurrence
of this title outside the Bible (but see
Hadad Rimmon in Zech 12:11. The limited
excavations in Damascus have not unearthed
the temple referred to here, but a basalt
orthostat (an engraved standing stone) from
this period found incorporated into the substructure
of the Umayyad mosque suggests
that the mosque was built over the site of this
temple.
2 KINGS 5:6-24 5:22. company of the prophets. See comment
on 2:3.
5:22-23. Gehazi’s request. Considering what
Naaman had been prepared to offer, Gehazi’s
request is extremely modest, yet it is still a
considerable sum. A talent of silver is three
hundred years of wages (for someone making
thirty to thirty-five thousand a year, that
would be like getting about ten million dollars),
and Naaman doubles it. Gehazi is trying
to set himself up for life.
5:24. the hill. The word NIV translates “hill” is
a technical term for the acropolis area usually
2 KINGS 5:26—6:18 392
connected to a royal city. This suggests that Elisha
is currently living in Samaria.
5:26. rebuke to Gehazi. Whether the money
was from Naaman’s personal wealth or from
the treasury of the Aramean king, Gehazi
could have reasoned that he was simply taking
back what had been plundered from Israel.
But Gehazi does not have charity or
replenishment of the national coffers in mind.
Elisha’s reference to olive groves, vineyards,
livestock and servants all reflects what Gehazi
could purchase for himself with the money.
His newfound wealth would have bought
him a life of luxury and leisure. Thus Gehazi
was reducing the high prophetic calling to a
mercenary vocation that exploited divine
power for personal gain.
5:27. transfer of disease. In the ancient world,
witches and sorcerers were believed to be able
to impose disease through hexes and curses.
Rituals to remove various ills (the namburbu
rituals for instance) usually involved transferring
the evil to an object of some sort and then
disposing of the object. One would have
thought that in the ritual washing, Naaman’s
disease would have been transferred to the
water and carried away. Naaman, however,
has also been in contact with the gifts he
brought, and here they are treated as a means
of transfer of the evil from Naaman to Gehazi.
This resembles what we would call contagion
(though no medical contagion connected to
the infections of skin diseases could have been
contracted through natural means so quickly).
5:27. Gehazi’s doom. See the comment on leprosy
at 5:1. This is not a death sentence, for
this condition is not life threatening or even
health threatening. It could be categorized as
a social disease in that its main consequence is
that the victim is excluded from society as an
undesirable outcast. Comparison to “snow”
most likely concerns the flakiness rather than
the color (“white” is added in the NIV).
2 KINGS 5:26—6:18
6:1-7
Recovery of the Axhead
6:1. company of the prophets. See comment
on 2:3.
6:2. poles (beams) for houses. Their problem
is that the place where they assemble to be instructed
by Elisha is too small, so they determine
to work together to build a more
adequate facility. The Jordan valley, being
heavily forested, would be the natural place to
find the necessary wood (acacia, tamarisk and
willow would be the most likely).
6:5. iron axhead. Though this period is already
well into the Iron Age and iron is becoming
more widely available as technology
and smelting procedures are being improved,
implements of iron remain expensive and
valuable.
6:6. “floating” axhead. One category of magic
involved rites of contact and transference.
Through contact with magically endowed objects,
properties or characteristics were believed
to be transferred from one object to
another. The biblical text does not mention
what type of wood Elisha cut, but in Mesopotamian
practice tamarisk wood was often used
in such rituals. Though some may be reluctant
to see God’s prophet making such extensive
use of what appear to be magical practices,
the fact remains that these would have appeared
as magical to the ancient observer; see
comments on 4:34; 4:41; and 5:11.
6:8-23
Blinded Arameans Captured by
Elisha
6:9-11. prophets giving military information.
In the examples of prophetic activity in the ancient
Near East, military advice is commonly
given by prophets to kings. The information
given by Elisha is far more specific than the
examples known from other literature.
6:13. Dothan. Located at Tell Dothan, this is an
imposing site covering about twenty-five
acres. It is ten miles north of Samaria on the
main route used by merchants and herdsmen
going north to the Jezreel Valley. The area
around the city (the Dothan Valley) provided
choice pasture land, so it developed into a major
city site as early as the Early Bronze Age
(3200-2400 B.C.) and would have served as a
natural landmark for travelers. Though it is
not mentioned in extrabiblical material, archaeology
of the site has confirmed a major
settlement on the site for Iron Age II.
6:17. horses and chariots of fire. The text does
not say the horses and chariots fill the mountains
(plural), but the mount (singular) and
that they surround Elisha. This suggests that
the “mount” is the tell on which the city of
Dothan is located (some two hundred feet
above the surrounding plain). They represent
a protective bodyguard for the prophet. Yahweh
is often portrayed as the “Lord of
Hosts”—the com-mander of the heavenly
armies. One contingent of his chariotry is here
to engage in battle. For more on the horses
and chariot of fire see comment on 2:11-13. For
information about Yahweh as a divine warrior
see comment on 1 Samuel 4:3-7.
6:18. blindness. The word for blindness here
is used elsewhere only for those gathered out-
393 2 KINGS 6:19-32
side Lot’s house in the town of Sodom (Gen
19). It is a term related to an Akkadian word
for day-blindness and also serves in Hebrew
(as in Aramaic) to refer to night-blindness
(pertinent to Gen 19. Both of these conditions
are seen in Akka-dian texts as requiring magical
remedies. Day-blindness (hemeralopia)
and night-blindness (nyctalopia) have vitamin
A deficiency as their principal cause, and
vitamin B deficiency may contribute to the
sense of confusion evident in both passages. It
is therefore of interest that liver (rich in vitamin
A) figures prominently in the magical
procedures used in Mesopotamia to correct
the condition. In an interesting section of the
Epic of Tukulti-Ninurta the Assyrian king reports
how the gods took his side in the battle.
Shamash (the sun god and the god of justice)
is said to have blinded the eyes of the enemy.
6:19. trip from Dothan to Samaria. The tenmile
trip would have taken some time when
trying to lead a debilitated army of confused
men who cannot see very well.
6:21. “father” as title. The title “father” is used
to designate the leader of a group in both Hebrew
and Akkadian. Likewise a “son” is
therefore a member of that group. The king’s
use of the title indicates his recognition of Elisha’s
status and reflects his respect for the
man of God.
6:22-23. treatment of prisoners. “Captives of
the bow” is an expression found in Akkadian
texts to describe persons who have been taken
as part of the plunder. They are then at the
disposal of the victor, who can employ them
in slave labor, sell them or set them free. It is
Elisha’s intention to make use of this opportunity
to create friendly relations with the
Arameans. The feast laid before them is a banquet
or even a ceremonial meal usually accompanying
a special occasion or establishing
a treaty agreement.
2 KINGS 6:19-32
6:24—7:20
Siege of Samaria
6:24. Ben-Hadad. Aramean history at this time
is still in need of much clarification, with at
least part of the problem caused by several
rulers with the name of Ben-Hadad (meaning
“son of [the god] Hadad”). The issue is further
complicated by the fact that Shalmaneser III’s
inscriptions name the ruler of this time Hadadezer
(see comment on 2 Sam 8:3. The first
Ben-Hadad has been referred to in 1 Kings 15.
He ruled during the first part of the ninth century,
though no precise dating is possible. In
2 Kings 8 the king murdered by Hazael
(about 842) is named Ben-Hadad, and Hazael
is later succeeded by his son, also named
Ben-Hadad 2 Kings 13:24. The name
Bir-Hadad occurs in an inscription dedicated
to the god Melqart, but again it is unclear
which Ben-Hadad this refers to. It has been
suggested that the sequence may be
Ben-Hadad I 1 Kings 15, Ben-Hadad II (1
Kings 20), Hadadezer (Shalmaneser Inscription,
considered by some a variant name of
Ben-Hadad), Ben-Hadad III (Melqart inscription,
2 Kings 8, Hazael, Ben-Hadad IV (2
Kings 13). There is no other material from the
ancient Near East to help unravel this at this
time. If this passage is in its proper chronological
place, Ben-Hadad III would be the necessary
identification. If the arrangement is
viewed as more thematic than chronological,
the besieging king may be the successor of
Hazael.
6:25. siege leading to famine. The whole idea
of siege is to drive the population to the extremities
of hunger and thirst so that they capitulate
without a fight. Famine in this case is
not an environmental condition, but the results
of the siege when food supplies have
been exhausted.
6:25. prices of undesirable foods. The “donkey’s
head” would have been one of the least
desirable things imaginable to eat for food, yet
here it is selling for exorbitant prices. Recall
that the standard wage was only about one
shekel per month. The second item, literally
“dove’s dung” (NIV note), may really be pigeon
manure, which has been known to be
used for food in dire times, or it could refer to
pods from a thorny variety of acacia, as it does
occasionally in Akkadian. Whether it was being
used for food or fuel, even a few ounces of
it cost many months pay. In the Cuthean Legend
of Naram-Sin (who ruled in Mesopotamia
toward the end of the third millennium), six
and a half quarts of barley (less than a week’s
worth of meals) was said to be worth fifty
shekels of silver (five years pay) during time
of siege.
6:29. cannibalism. Cannibalism is a standard
element of curses in Assyrian treaties of the
seventh century. It was the last resort in times
of impending starvation. This level of desperation
could occur in times of severe famine (as
illustrated in the Atrahasis Epic) or could be
the result of siege (as during Ashurbanipal’s
siege of Babylon, about 650 B.C.) when the
food supply had become depleted, as mentioned
in this text and anticipated in the treaty
texts. Siege warfare was common in the ancient
world, so this may not have been as rare
an occasion as might be presumed.
6:32. elders. The elders represent the influen-
2 KINGS 7:1—8:6 394
tial families of a town or tribe. They are sitting
with Elisha as one likely to receive an oracle
concerning a suggested course of action or a
proclamation that deliverance is near. Meanwhile
the unidentified king has lost patience
with what has apparently been a long wait for
the oracular information (v. 33) and has decided
that the siege is punishment from Yahweh.
In Israel the distinction was not always sharply
drawn between the prophet as proclaimer
and the prophet as instigator. This confusion
occurs because the widespread belief in the
ancient world still persisted in Israel that the
utterance of words by skilled individuals had
the power to coerce the gods to act accordingly.
The Israelite king has decided that Elisha
must have had some role in inducing Yahweh
to take this action against Samaria.
7:1. change in prices. A seah is about seven
and a half quarts and would be enough to
make about a week’s worth of meals for a single
adult, so the cost is still inflated (but see
comment on 6:25 to see how much better it is).
Information on prices is provided in Babylonian
literature. Whereas in normal circumstances
a shekel would buy about a hundred
quarts of barley, here it buys only fifteen. During
Ashurbanipal’s siege of Babylon, barley
was going for ten quarts for a shekel. Basic
subsistence level for a family of four would be
about four quarts of barley per day.
7:2. officer. The term used here is thought to
originally have described the third man in a
chariot crew who was responsible for holding
the shield to protect the driver and the archer.
As time goes on it is used outside of chariotry
contexts and probably refers to an armor-bearer
or, in an administrative role, the king’s adjutant.
7:2. floodgates of heaven. The text uses the
poetic phrase “windows of heaven” to describe
the openings through which the rain
came down. This is not scientific language but
reflects the perspective of the observer, much
as we would speak of the sun setting. The
only other occurrence of such a term in ancient
Near Eastern literature is in the Canaanite
myth of Baal building his house, where the
“window” of his house is described as a rift in
the clouds. But even there it is not associated
with rain. The officer is speaking generally of
God’s provision, because the issue under discussion
is food, not water.
2 KINGS 6:29—7:6 7:3. leprosy. For information on the skin conditions
translated here as “leprosy” see the
comment on 5:1. These outcasts have even
fewer resources at their disposal than the people
of the city.
7:6. Hittite and Egyptian armies. The Hittites
had left their Anatolian homeland several centuries
earlier and had resettled in regions
north of Aram, centered in the city-states of
Carchemish and Karatepe. It is likely that
even Hamath would still be considered a Hittite
state at this time. There was already a history
of warfare between these Hittite states
and the Arameans. Egypt is more difficult
here, for there is little evidence to suggest
Egypt was active or interested in the Levant
during this period. Additionally, the reference
to kings (plural) of Egypt (obscured by the
NIV) would be odd. Some have suggested that
rather than Egypt (Hebrew: ms[rym) the text
refers to Musri (ms[ry), though there has been
no consensus on where that might be located.
The party referred to here should be understood
as the same Musri appearing in the inscriptions
of Shalmaneser III from this period.
Musri is included among the allies from the
“Land of Hatti” that fought against Shalmaneser
III at Qarqar in 853 and is listed right
after Jehu of Israel in the tribute list on the
Black Stela of Shalmaneser III from 841. If this
Musri is Egypt, as many suppose, then it demonstrates
that Egypt was active in the region.
If it is a location in north Syria, its identity remains
unknown. Some favor this option because
it is also named as a neighbor of Arpad
(north of Aleppo in North Syria) in the Aramaic
Sefire treaty of the eighth century,
though others see this Musri as the king’s
name rather than a place name.
7:10. gatekeepers. The gates of an enclosed
city were always locked at night, and, of
course, they have been barred during the
length of the siege.
7:15. Aramean retreat. The leaders of Samaria
suspect a ruse well known in the ancient
world—an ambush set by appearing to have
given up and gone home. Perhaps the most
well-known application of this ruse was its
use by the Greeks against Troy in the war several
centuries earlier recorded in the Iliad. The
fleeing Arameans were trailed as far as the
Jordan, some forty miles away.
2 KINGS 7:1—8:6
8:1-6
The Shunammite Woman’s Land
8:2. land of the Philistines. Though Samaria
typically experiences slightly more rainfall
per year than the southern coastal plain (land
of the Philistines), the alluvial flood plain of
the coast is less dependent on the rainfall and
would be the logical area to try to weather a
famine.
8:3-6. confiscation of land. Land that had
been deserted typically reverted to crown
395 2 KINGS 8:6—9:1
property until a claim was made. The fact that
the woman is making the claim suggests that
her husband had died, in which case she
would be able to claim the land on behalf of
her son, who would be the rightful heir to the
property.
8:6. income from land. Generally a person
would not expect to receive back income from
the land for the period of absence. That would
be considered the reimbursement to those
who had kept the land up and worked it.
8:7-15
Hazael Becomes King of Aram
8:7. Damascus. A trip from Samaria to Damascus
was about 125 miles and would have
taken a little over a week on foot. Damascus is
the capital of Aram and the royal seat. For
more information on the site see comment on
2 Samuel 8:5.
8:7. Ben-Hadad. For the confusion concerning
the identification of any given Ben-Hadad see
the comment on 6:24. Since this is the time of
Hazael’s accession to the throne, the year is
842 B.C. Shalmaneser indicates that Hazael
murdered Hadadezer.
8:8. Hazael. Hazael is referred to in the
records of his contemporary, Shalmaneser III
of Assyria, where he is identified as a usurper.
He reigned from 842 to about 800 B.C. He is
also named on a couple of fragmentary Aramaic
and Assyrian inscriptions. When the
western coalition that had withstood Shalmaneser
III at Qarqar fell apart during the
840s, Hazael remained anti-Assyrian and held
out for a number of years both in pitched battle
and under an unsuccessful siege of Damascus
(though he paid heavy tribute). From
836 on Shalmaneser was busy elsewhere
(mostly in Urartu) and then was succeeded by
weak rulers, leaving Hazael free to focus his
attention on Israel for most of his reign. For information
concerning his military actions
against Israel see comment on 10:32.
8:8. consulting Yahweh. Even though the
Arameans did not worship Yahweh, they
would not have denied his existence or power.
The polytheism of the ancient world was an
open-ended system in which divine power
was respected no matter what the source.
Likewise prophets were held in high esteem
and a chance to consult one in time of sickness
was not to be missed. Though it is possible
that the religious personnel connected to the
worship of Baal might have been offended
(see comment on 1:2), people would often take
that risk to get oracular information from the
divine realm.
8:9. gift. As in the case of Naaman, the gift offered
is exorbitant. In the ancient world gifts
to deity were often attempts to manipulate
and obligate, and this must be viewed in the
same way. Since prophets were believed to
have influence over the gods they represented,
this was the king’s way of procuring a favorable
oracle. He was trying to buy not a
falsified report but the prophet’s words of
power that would carry divine power in their
train.
8:12. treatment of conquered cities. The tactics
listed here are all standard procedure for
eliminating the possibility of future rebellion.
The burning of fortified cities would destroy
any hope that one might be used for a defensible
rallying point for later revolution. The execution
of men, children and even unborn
babies decimates any present or future army.
Ninth-century Assyrian conquest accounts
speak of burning the young boys and girls.
The practice of ripping open pregnant women
is mentioned very rarely. It is a practice attributed
to Assyrian king Tiglath-Pileser I (about
1100) in a hymn praising his conquests. It is
also referred to in passing in a Neo-Babylonian
lament.
8:13. dog. Dogs were considered general
pests, making this comparison a common one
in statements of humility or self-depreciation.
Similar use is found in the Lachish letters and
the Amarna correspondence.
8:16-24
Jehoram of Judah
For information on this section see comments
on 2 Chronicles 21.
2 KINGS 8:6—9:1
8:25-29
Ahaziah of Judah
For information on this section see comments
on 2 Chronicles 22.
9:1-29
Jehu’s Coup
9:1. anointing of kings. Anointing a king was
common practice in some parts of the ancient
Near East. Among the Egyptians and Hittites,
anointing was believed to protect a person
from the power of netherworld deities. Much
of the evidence comes from Hittite sources describing
enthronement ceremonies. There is
no evidence of kings being anointed in Mesopotamia.
In Egypt the pharaoh was not
anointed, but he anointed his officials and his
vassals. His anointing of them established
2 KINGS 9:1-20 396
their subordinate relationship to him and indicated
his protection of them. In the Amarna
texts there is reference to a king of Nuhasse (in
modern Syria) being anointed by the pharaoh.
This model would fit the idea of Jehu’s anointing
as an indication that he would have the
support of the prophets and, presumably, Yahweh.
In 2 Samuel 2:4, when the people anoint
David, some sort of contractual agreement between
David and the people he will govern is
suggested. In Nuzi, individuals entering a
business agreement anoint one another with
oil, and in Egypt, oil anointment is used in
wedding ceremonies. In Israelite practice,
anointing was a sign of election and often
closely related to endowment by the Spirit.
Additionally, throughout the ancient world
anointing symbolized an advance of a person’s
legal status. Both concepts of protection
and change of status may correlate to the
king’s anointing, for it would offer him protection
on the throne and identify him with
the divine realm.
2 Kings 9:1-20 9:1. Ramoth Gilead. The site of Ramoth
Gilead has not been identified with certainty,
but most accept Tell Ramith for its size, location
and Iron Age pottery found in surveys. It
has yet to be excavated. If this is the correct
identification, it is located on the King’s Highway
at the juncture where the road south from
Damascus would turn west to cross the Jordan
near Beth Shan and enter the Jezreel Valley to
connect with the main route of the Trunk
Road (see sidebar on Trade Routes in Genesis
38).
9:6-10. prophets and inspired coups. In the
southern kingdom of Judah, succession to the
throne was permanently established by the
covenant with the Davidic line. The northern
kingdom, Israel, had come into being by
means of a prophetic pronouncement (1 Kings
11:29-39), but there was no guarantee of dynastic
succession. Each of the major dynasties
(Jeroboam, Baasha, Omri, Jehu) rose and fell
in accordance with prophetic pronouncement.
Sometimes the designated king was content to
wait for the proper time (Jeroboam), while in
other cases, such as this one, the prophetic
proclamation initiated a coup. In the ancient
Near East priests often play significant political
roles, but no prophets from the ancient
Near East are known to have played the same
role as these Israelite kingmakers. Nonetheless,
throughout the ancient world it was believed
that prophets not only proclaimed the
message of deity but in the process unleashed
the divine action. In Assyrian king Esarhaddon’s
instructions to his vassals, he requires
that they report any improper or negative
statements that may be made by anyone, and
he specifically names prophets, ecstatics and
dream interpreters. It is no wonder, then, that
a prophet negatively disposed toward a king
must somehow be controlled lest he bring
about all sorts of havoc. One can perhaps understand
why a king would be inclined to imprison
such a prophet, whose very words
might incite insurrection or impose doom.
9:14. battle at Ramoth Gilead. The sequence
of events is very complex here, because this is
841, the same year that Shalmaneser III of Assyria
invaded Aram and engaged in a series of
military encounters with Hazael. According to
Shalmaneser’s records, Hazael met him in
pitched battle at Mount Hermon and was defeated.
Hazael then safely retreated to Damascus,
which was unsuccessfully besieged.
Upon failing to overthrow Damascus, Shalmaneser
vented his fury on the area of Hauran,
just east of Ramoth Gilead, from where he
marched to Mount Carmel and received tribute
from Jehu. The march from Hauran to
Carmel must have gone through the Jezreel
Valley. If these events are all to fit together,
one would have to suppose that Aram had
moved against Ramoth Gilead in the early
spring and was met by the combined forces of
Judah and Israel. Shalmaneser typically left
for his campaigns about May first, and it is
about 550 miles from Assyria to Damascus, so
he would not be arriving until maybe
mid-June. As soon as Hazael received word
that Shalmaneser was coming, he rushed
north and met the Assyrian army at Mount
Hermon. Jehu, still at Ramoth Gilead, likewise
got the news of the Assyrian advance and was
faced with the question of what Israel’s position
would be. Gathering the support of the
pro-Assyrian party and strengthened by the
prophetic anointing, he proceeded with the
coup. During the period that Shalmaneser
was failing in his siege of Damascus and laying
waste the area of Hauran, Jehu was exterminating
the house of Ahab and the followers
of Baal. Once he established his control, he
willingly gave Shalmaneser access across
Jezreel and paid tribute at Carmel.
9:14-16. Trip from Ramoth Gilead to Jezreel.
It is about forty-five miles from Ramoth
Gilead to Jezreel. Jezreel is a fifteen-acre site
situated at the southeastern entrance to the
Jezreel Valley between the Hill of Moreh and
Mount Gilboa. It was here that Ahab had built
a winter capital. Excavations have unearthed
a large royal enclosure from this time period
occupying a large portion of the mound (see
comment on 9:30).
9:17-20. sending messengers to approaching
397 2 KINGS 9:21-32
rider. The rapid approach of a small chariot
contingent only allows for a few possibilities,
and none of them are good. They are either in
flight from the enemy or are coming with evil
intent. The rider sent out could serve either as
a messenger to bring word back to the king or
as a negotiator. What is unusual is that in such
an uncertain situation the kings would ride out
(apparently with no bodyguard) to meet Jehu
(v. 21) and thus expose themselves to danger.
2 KINGS 9:21-32 9:21. Naboth. For the background of the
events concerning Naboth see comments on
1 Kings 21.
9:22. idolatry and witchcraft. This accusation
is given as a cause for deposing a queen mother
as early as the mid-second millennium,
when the Hittite king Murshili II opposed his
late father’s Babylonian wife on the claim that
she practiced sorcery. It should be remembered
that both of these kings are related to Jezebel
in that she is the mother of Jehoram and
the grandmother of Ahaziah.
9:27. Beth Haggan-Gur/Ibleam-Megiddo.
Ahaziah takes the road south from Jezreel.
This is the direction of home (Judah) but is
also the direction toward the northern capital
city, Samaria, where he could expect to find
protection. The road south skirts the eastern
edge of the Jezreel Valley along the foot of the
Gilboa mountains. Beth Haggan is where the
road climbs out of the valley to the plain of
Dothan and then into the hills of Samaria.
Ibleam is at the top of the rise at the northern
end of the plain. It is nearly ten miles from
Jezreel. In full flight in a chariot this distance
could have been covered in less than half an
hour. But he is still fifteen miles from Samaria.
When the decision is made to head for Megiddo,
he must turn to the northwest, but it is
only twelve miles away and could likewise offer
sanctuary to the wounded king. It is also
an easier road on level ground as it travels
along the southwestern edge of the Valley of
Jezreel. Beth Haggan is modern Jenin and is
referred to in the Egyptian execration texts
and called Gina in the Amarna texts. There is a
seven-acre tell there with Iron Age pottery.
Ibleam is named in Thutmose III’s annals and
is identified with Khirbet Belameh. Neither of
these sites has been excavated.
9:30—10:17
Extermination of Ahab’s Family
9:30. Jezebel’s actions. In the ancient world
powdered kohl (either galena [lead sulfide] or
stibnite [antimony trisulfide]) mixed with oil
or water was used as makeup to outline the
eye and accentuate its almond shape. Hairdressing
may have included scenting, coloring
or plaiting. Jezebel’s purpose was to be
seen as attractive in every way: physically, socially
and politically. There is a familiar motif
of a woman looking out the window that is
represented beautifully in ivory carvings
found at Nimrud, Samaria and Arslan Tash (in
which she is adorned with an Egyptian wig).
In literature the woman is gazing into the distance
awaiting news of a husband or son who
has gone off to war (see comment on Judg
5:28). In contrast, the ivories are often thought
to represent a prostitute, perhaps connected to
the worship of Astarte. This could then be a
subtle reminder of Astarte and the foreign
worship sponsored by Jezebel (note the accusation
Jehu made against her in v. 22).
9:30. Jezreel palace. The palace at Jezreel was
excavated in the early 1990s. The rectangular
enclosure covers about eleven acres and is
surrounded by a casemate wall with towers at
the corners. It featured a six-chambered gate,
a moat and earthen ramparts. The moat was
cut from rock and averaged thirty feet wide
and at points was nearly twenty feet deep.
The moat used in Palestine was a dry moat
(called a fosse), probably intended to prevent
tunneling under the walls of the city. Jezreel
was about twenty-three miles from Samaria.
9:31. calling Jehu “Zimri.” The dynasty of
Omri, of which Ahab and Jezebel were a part,
had seized power from the usurper Zimri (see
1 Kings 16. By alluding to this incident, she
may be warning Jehu that his coup will not
necessarily lead to a secure hold on the throne
but that he in turn is likely to be overthrown.
Her question, “Is it peace?” not only suggests
negotiation but also queries whether he really
believes his destruction of the house of Ahab
will bring peace for the country or for him.
The alternative would be to ally himself with
her and thus take advantage of some continuity.
If her makeup has been applied to make
her alluring, she may be suggesting that he
take over the harem of the former king and
thereby establish his legitimacy (for this practice
see comment on 2 Sam 3:7. The loss of the
harem to a claimant to the throne is described
in the annals of Sennacherib as a sign of being
deposed.
9:32. eunuchs. Eunuchs were those officers
entrusted with the care and supervision of the
royal harem. Having been castrated, they
posed no threat to the women of the harem
and could not engender children by the harem
women who might be mistaken for royal
heirs. It should be noted that the Hebrew
word used here may not be limited to eunuchs—
some believe it extends more broadly
2 KINGS 9:36—10:26 398
to administrative officials. It is logical in this
context, however, to think of the queen being
accompanied by keepers of the harem.
9:36. devoured by dogs. Assyrian practices
(especially Ashurbanipal) include leaving
corpses in the street for dogs to devour (as
well as pigs, jackals and birds). On one occasion
the corpses were chopped up and fed to
dogs. Treaty curses also included invoking
this doom on rebels. The intention of this
atrocity was typically to eliminate any possibility
of proper burial and thus to doom the
individual’s spirit to wander restlessly rather
than enjoy a peaceful afterlife. Perhaps most
interesting is the Akkadian text in the Maqlu
collection of incantations that places a curse
on a sorceress (see v. 22) that dogs would tear
her to pieces. For more information see comment
on 1 Kings 16:4.
2 KINGS 9:36—10:26 10:1. Jezreel. See comment on 9:14-16.
10:6. wiping out predecessor’s line. Leaving
any living relatives of a king who had been
forcibly deposed from the throne by assassination
was an invitation to civil war. The relatives
would be honor-bound to avenge the
death of the previous king, and they would be
certain to find those who would support their
bid to regain the throne. Such annihilation of
ruling families was common practice both in
Israel and in the ancient Near East at large.
10:8. heads in baskets. The Assyrians made a
practice of piling up the heads of those that
had been killed in battle or punished for their
rebellion. It was common in this period for
such piles to be placed just outside the city
gates as a warning to the inhabitants that rebellion
was treated harshly.
10:11. group executed. The term translated
“close friend” here is a technical term used
both in Akkadian and Ugaritic sources describing
those who enjoy the sponsorship of
the court. They are royal wards who enjoy
court privileges and were probably non-Israelite.
Additionally Ahab’s family, administration
and religious personnel were executed.
10:12. Beth Eked of the Shepherds. This location
must be somewhere along the nearly thirty-
mile route between Jezreel and Samaria, but
it has not been identified with any confidence.
If it refers to a place where shepherds congregated
or gathered their sheep, somewhere
around the plain of Dothan would be logical.
10:12-14. treatment of Ahaziah’s relatives.
Since Jehoram of Israel was the uncle of Ahaziah
of Judah, all of these relatives of Ahaziah
are at least indirectly associated with the
bloodline of the house of Ahab. That is sufficient
to bring a death sentence on their heads.
The well here is a cistern that would have
been very natural in an area where shepherds
gathered. It was just such a cistern in which
Joseph’s brothers imprisoned him around this
same area of Dothan.
10:15. alliance with Jehonadab. Jehonadab is
the leader of the Rechabites, a rather obscure
clan in Israel that apparently lived an ascetic
lifestyle and was known for its commitment to
a seminomadic existence (some think because
of their vocation as itinerant craftsmen) and
for its religious conservatism (see the reference
to them in Jer 35 some two centuries later).
10:18-27
Extermination of the Cult of Baal
10:19. the great Baal (enthronement) sacrifice.
Part of the rhetoric that accompanied the
promises of new kings in the ancient world
was that they would be more devoted to the
national or local gods than their predecessors.
This often included commitments to repair, restore,
enlarge or embellish the sanctuary. This
strategy would gain the support of the priesthood
and the pious populace, and, hopefully,
bring divine approval of the new reign as
well. It was politically correct for the king to
take his place as royal patron and foremost of
the supporters of the local deity. It is possible
that Jehu is calling for an enthronement celebration
in which he will take the throne as the
vassal of Baal, whose enthronement as king of
the gods would likewise be recognized. To be
absent from such an event could easily be considered
treason.
10:21. temple of Baal in Samaria. Excavations
in Samaria have not yet located any remains
from Ahab’s temple of Baal. It has been suggested
that the temple contributed to the concept
being promoted by Ahab and Jezebel that
the city was the sacred precinct of Baal. This
would mean it functioned as an independent
political unit, just as Zion often did in the
south. Therefore, even after Jehu had been
made king of Israel and Ahab’s line had been
wiped out, control of Samaria, especially the
temple precinct, had to be approached separately.
10:22. robes from the keeper of the wardrobe.
These robes would have been cultic vestments
for the worship of Baal (see Zeph 1:8. It is additionally
likely that the occasion and the use
of the sacred robes would have prohibited any
weapons from being worn—a distinct advantage
for Jehu’s men.
10:26. sacred stone. Standing stones often occupied
the place of the sacred niche in
Canaanite sanctuaries in place of an image.
These stones were often plain but occasionally
399 2 KINGS 10:27—13:10
had a figure of the deity carved in relief on the
face of the stone.
10:27. use as latrine. It was the practice to rebuild
temples on the sites where they had
traditionally been because it was believed
that the god had revealed the location and it
was holy ground. By making it into a latrine
area (or perhaps a garbage dump), Jehu was
insuring that it would never be the site of a
temple again. This greatly reduced any possible
resurgence of the official Baal cult in Samaria.
2 Kings 10:27—13:10
10:28-36
Jehu of Israel
10:32. Hazael’s actions against Israel. No military
details are given here, but the text describes
the loss of the entire Transjordan
region to Hazael. After 838 the Assyrians were
absent from the west for several decades, and
this allowed the Arameans to begin to build
their own little empire. This continued during
the reign of Jehu’s successor, Jehoahaz (see
comments on 2 Kings 12—13).
10:34. Jehu in Assyrian records. The fact that
Jehu quickly paid tribute to Shalmaneser III
upon his accession to the throne of Israel suggests
that he probably enjoyed the support not
only of the religiously conservative Yahwist
party but also of the pro-Assyrian faction of
the government (see comment on 9:14). This
party saw the breakdown of the western coalition
as leading inevitably to defeat by the Assyrians
and was tired of the perpetual
warfare. Jehu is portrayed in the uncomplimentary
posture of prostration on the Black
Stela of Shalmaneser that reports the tribute
he brought to the Assyrian king in 841. His
tribute consisted of items of silver and gold
and some javelins.
11:1-21
Athaliah
For information on this section see comments
on 2 Chronicles 22—23.
12:1-21
Joash of Judah
For information on this section see comments
on 2 Chronicles 24.
13:1-9
Jehoahaz of Israel
13:1. chronology. According to Thiele, Jehoahaz
of Israel came to the throne in 814 B.C. in
the twenty-third year of Joash of Judah. He
reigned until 798 B.C. This was a period when
the Assyrians had focused their attention elsewhere.
As a result the Arameans under Hazael
were trying to enlarge their control of the area.
13:3. Hazael’s control of Israel. Hazael was
king of Aram-Damascus around 842-800. He
is also known from an ivory fragment from
Arslan Tash in Syria and from a cylinder seal
found at the Assyrian city of Assur. The Assyrians
claimed to have taken booty from
Hazael. The Aramean king fought with the
Assyrian king Shalmaneser III in 841 and was
defeated, although the Assyrians were unsuccessful
in taking Hazael’s leading city of Damascus.
The Assyrian threat diminished after
836, and Hazael was able to concentrate on attacking
Israel and Philistia.
13:5. deliverer from Aram. The “deliverer”
(coming from the same Hebrew root as Messiah)
in this case is not mentioned by name. The
phrase is reminiscent of the deliverers in the
period of the judges. It may have been a
neighboring ruler, such as Zakur of Hamath
or Adad-Nirari III of Assyria, both of whom
were powerful at this time. Even Joash of
Judah has been suggested as a possibility.
13:6. Asherah pole. One common feature of
Canaanite worship and of syncretistic Israelite
worship on “high places” and in city shrines
is the erection of Asherah poles. There is some
uncertainty about whether these were simply
wooden poles, erected to symbolize trees and
perhaps containing a carved image of the fertility
goddess, or whether they were part of a
sacred grove. The reference in 17:10, which refers
to Asherah poles beside “every spreading
tree,” seems to indicate that these were poles
erected for cultic purposes rather than planted
trees. As the consort of El, Asherah was a popular
goddess whose worship is mentioned in
Ugaritic texts (1600-1200 B.C.). The Asherah
cult continued to be prominent in Phoenicia in
the first millennium B.C., when it presumably
was introduced into Israel during the dynasty
of Omri and Ahab. Her prominent appearance
in the biblical narrative indicates that her cult
was a major rival to Yahweh worship. For
more information see the comments on Exodus
34:13 and Judges 6:25.
13:10-25
Jehoash of Israel
13:10. chronology. By Thiele’s reckoning, Jehoash
began his reign in 798 B.C. (the thirty-
seventh year of Joash of Israel) and ruled
for sixteen years (until 782). During this period
the Assyrians became more active, and
2 KINGS 13:14—14:28 400
their influence in the west occupied the attention
of the Arameans (see comment on
13:22-25). Joash is mentioned by name in the
inscriptions of the Assyrian king Adad-Nirari
III (810-783).
13:14. chariots and horsemen of Israel. This
phrase, also found in 2 Kings 2:12, appears to
have been a popular slogan during the period
of the Aramean wars. Elisha was active in
the military affairs of Israel and had gained a
reputation for mediating Yahweh’s participation
in Israel’s wars. In the mythology of
the period there were deities who served as
the charioteers to bring the divine warrior
into battle (see comment on 2:11). This title
may have recognized Elisha’s role as a similar
one—when he came, Yahweh came with
him.
13:15-19. arrow symbolism. Although the acts
here performed by Elisha resembled non-Israelite
magical phenomena, and no explicit reference
to the God of Israel is mentioned, there
is an undercurrent of divine will. This particular
ritual, apparently in imitation of belomantic
(divination by means of arrows) practices,
is not attested in Mesopotamian sources, although
bows and arrows were often used in
their magic rituals.
13:22-25. encounters with Aram. Here the biblical
text concurs with Assyrian sources. During
the reign of the Assyrian king
Shamshi-Adad IV (824-811 B.C.) the Assyrians
were concerned with campaigning in Babylonia
to the exclusion of the west. Thus the
Aramean states were able to thrive. By the
reign of Adad-Nirari III (811-783) the Assyrians
shifted their emphasis to the west once
again. A number of commemorative inscriptions
of Adad-Nirari describe the defeat of
Damascus and Arpad (other powerful
Aramean states) and the collecting of tribute.
Jehoash is also recorded as having given tribute
to the Assyrians in a stele from Tell
al-Rimah. Thus Damascus was weakened by
Assyria enough to allow for the deliverance of
Israel, which in turn became a client state of
Assyria.
2 KINGS 13:14—14:28
14:1-22
Amaziah of Judah
For information on this section see comments
on 2 Chronicles 25.
14:23-29
Jeroboam II of Israel
14:23. chronology. Jeroboam II became king in
782 by Thiele’s chronology. He may have been
coregent with his father Jehoash for eleven
years previous to this (793), which was counted
as part of his reign. During this time Israel
was free of threat from both Aram and Assyria,
allowing prosperity and expansion in a
time of relative security.
14:25. restoration of borders. Jeroboam’s expansion
restored Israel to the size it had been
during the reign of Solomon. Lebo-Hamath
(modern Lebweh [Ematu in the Ebla texts;
Lab’u of Assyrian sources]) on one of the
sources of the Orontes is in the northern Baqa’
of Lebanon, forty-five miles north of Damascus.
This was the southern border of the
land of Hamath and therefore the northern
border of Canaan, and designates the northern
corner of the empire. The name appears in
city lists of the Egyptian king Thutmose III
(fifteenth century B.C.) and the annals of
Tiglath-Pileser III of Assyria (eighth century
B.C.). The Sea of Arabah (or Wadi Arabah,
Amos 6:14, now the Dead Sea, was the southern
border of the kingdom.
14:25. Gath Hepher. Gath Hepher is only
mentioned here as the home of Jonah. It has
been identified with el-Meshed, a site a few
miles northeast of Nazareth.
14:27. preclassical prophecy. In the early periods
of the monarchy the prophets primarily
addressed the king and his court, much as
their ancient Near Eastern counterparts did.
These prophets have been termed “preclassical.”
Beginning in the eighth century, however,
the prophets increasingly turned their
attention to the people and became the socialspiritual
commentators that we most readily
identify with the prophetic institution; these
are the classical prophets and the writing
prophets. Their role was not to predict as
much as it was to advise of God’s policies and
plans. In this context, Jonah is in the role of the
preclassical prophet, while in the book of
Jonah, his role is more like the classical prophet
developing at this time. For more information
about prophecy in the ancient Near East
see comment on Deuteronomy 18:14-22.
14:27. blotting out. The phrase “blotting out”
stems from the image of washing a papyrus
scroll clean in order to use it again, typical of
Egyptian practice. Moreover, erasing the
name of an ancestor from an inscription in
Mesopotamia angered the gods. Thus Yahweh
decided not to erase Israel’s name (i.e., destroy
it) but promised salvation.
14:28. Damascus, Hamath, Yaudi. Damascus
and Hamath were well-known Aramean polities
(for more information see comments on
2 Sam 8. Yaudi, however, is not so easily
identified. Yaudi is likely the Iaudi of Assyrian
401 2 KINGS 15:1-27
sources, which is always identified with
Judah. Assyria was in no position to oppose
Israelite expansion from about 773 to 745 B.C.,
during the reign of Jeroboam.
15:1-7
Azariah (Uzziah) of Judah
For information on this section see comments
on 2 Chronicles 26.
15:8-12
Zechariah of Israel
15:8. chronology. The brief reign of Zechariah
was in 753 B.C. He was a contemporary with
Azariah (Uzziah) of Judah (c. 792-740 B.C.).
2 KINGS 15:1-27
15:13-16
Shallum of Israel
15:13. chronology. Shallum succeeded Zechariah
in 752 B.C. and reigned for only one
month. Azariah was still on the throne of
Judah.
15:16. Tirzah. Tirzah was a royal residence of
Jeroboam I. It probably became the capital
city of the northern kingdom in the time of
Baasha and remained the capital until Omri
gave the position to Samaria. It has been
identified as Tell el-Farah seven miles northeast
of Shechem on the road to Beth Shan. It
is favored by good elevation, a consistent
water supply (two springs that feed the wadi
Farah) and a strategic location on the trade
route. It also has ready access to the fords of
the Jordan at Adam. The gate and fortifications
were rebuilt from the Middle Bronze remains,
and there is evidence of central
planning in the building of new residences
throughout the city. Its political importance
may also be inferred from its mention in Shishak’s
list of conquests during his invasion of
Palestine.
15:16. Tiphsah. Tiphsah (or Tappuah) may
have later been called Thapsacus in Syria, a
city on the bend of the northern Euphrates
River. The name Thapsacus is not attested until
the Greek writer Xenophon in the fourth
century B.C. The city of Tiphsah is also listed
as one of Solomon’s cities 1 Kings 5:4. Tiphsah’s
distance from Israel shows that Menahem
had great influence during a period of
Assyrian decline.
15:16. treatment of pregnant women. The
practice of ripping open pregnant women is
mentioned very rarely. It is a practice attributed
to Assyrian king Tiglath-Pileser I (about
1100) in a hymn praising his conquests. It is
also referred to in passing in a Neo-Babylonian
lament.
15:17-22
Menahem of Israel
15:17. chronology. Menahem’s reign is attributed
by Thiele to the years 752-742 B.C. Like
the three previous Israelite kings, he was a
contemporary of Azariah of Judah. His reign
overlaps with the beginning of the Neo-Assyrian
empire under Tiglath-Pileser III.
15:17-22. Menahem in Assyrian inscriptions.
Menahem is mentioned along with
other Levantine kings in the Assyrian annals
as paying heavy tribute to Tiglath-Pileser III
(also known as Pul or Pulu). He also appears
on an Assyrian stele found recently in Iran.
The tribute list includes silver, gold, tin, iron,
elephant hides, ivory, blue-purple and
red-purple garments, multicolored linen garments
and camels. Menahem, presumably,
did not send all of these items but only a portion
of them.
15:23-26
Pekahiah of Israel
15:23. chronology. Pekahiah, son of Menahem
of Israel, began his reign in 742 B.C. and
reigned for two years. Azariah was still the
monarch in Judah.
15:25. citadel of the royal palace. This term is
also found in Isaiah 13:22, where it is parallel
to “palaces of pleasure.” There the context appears
to refer to a specific structure within the
palace complex. It is likely a type of fortification.
The Assyrian kings constructed major
palatial complexes that were often called “fortresses
of the king.” They would provide a defensible
area inside the city in case the walls
were breached or there was a revolt within the
city.
15:27-31
Pekah of Israel
15:27. chronology. The text states that in Azariah’s
last year as king of Judah, Pekah became
king of Israel. He is credited with
twenty years of rule. Thiele dates his reign
from 752 to 732 B.C., thus making him a contemporary
of Menahem and briefly Pekahiah.
If this is true, then there was more than
one person who claimed to be monarch in Israel
during this period, which would be consistent
with the turmoil described by the
writer(s) of 2 Kings. The writer(s) of 2 Kings
may have dated Pekah’s reign from the es-
2 KINGS 15:25—17:1 402
tablishment of a separate kingdom on the
east of the Jordan. This complexity has yet to
be unraveled.
15:25-31. Pekah and Assyrian campaigns. Pekah
is found in the Assyrian annals of
Tiglath-Pileser III as Paqaha. The Assyrian
king claims that when the Israelites overthrew
Pekah, Tiglath-Pileser replaced him with
Hoshea, the last king of Israel (732 B.C.). Subsequently,
the Assyrians demanded heavy
tribute from Israel. Pekah is also mentioned
on a jug fragment from Hazor. The text simply
reads, “wine belonging to Pekah.”
2 KINGS 15:25—17:1
16:1-20
Ahaz of Judah
For information on verses 1-9 see comments
on 2 Chronicles 28.
16:10. Ahaz and Tiglath-Pileser at Damascus.
This meeting took place after Damascus fell in
732. Ahaz, as a loyal vassal, was expected to
be present to reaffirm his submission and join
the celebration over the king’s victory.
16:10. Damascus altar. The reproduction of
this altar appears to result from Ahaz being
impressed with it rather than from Assyrian
compulsion. Judging from what is known of
Assyrian practice of this time, it appears that
they did not force their vassals to adopt the
worship of their chief god, Assur. Thus it
should be considered artistic innovation rather
than ritual syncretism. Currently no archaeological
or textual information exists to provide
for an informed delineation of the features.
16:14. bronze altar. See comment on 2 Chronicles
4:1. This is the main altar of the courtyard,
used for all of the animal sacrifices.
16:14. rearrangement of altars. The bronze altar
had been positioned directly east of the
temple, that is, in front of the entrance. Ahaz’s
new altar had originally been placed between
the entrance to the courtyard and the bronze
altar, but now became the central focus as the
bronze altar was moved out of the east-west
axis to a side location north of the new altar.
The new altar thus effectively replaced the
bronze altar.
16:15. divided functions. The rituals performed
on the new altar are characteristically
Israelite. There is no cultic innovation here,
nor are foreign rituals being incorporated into
Israelite practice. The new altar picks up all of
the prescribed functions of the sacrificial system.
The one function that is left to the bronze
altar is one that is not described in Israel’s ritual
literature. The verb that is used (NIV:
“seeking guidance”) means to examine or inspect,
and may suggest sacrifices in which the
entrails of sacrificed animals were examined
for omens. It is unclear why Ahaz should reserve
that function for the traditional altar.
16:17. tribute. The activity described here is part
of the process of tribute gathering. Basins for
transporting water from the main laver stood
on carts featuring side panels and wheels. Similar
objects have been found in Cyprus dating to
about the time of Solomon. The bronze bulls
that supported the laver (see 2 Chron 4:2-5 for
description) would have gone far to make up
the quota of bronze that was wanted for the
tribute payment. In the ninth century Assyrian
king Ashurnasirpal received bronze bulls as
part of a tribute payment.
16:18. adjustments for the king of Assyria. It is
difficult to be certain whether the described actions
are undertaken in order to gather additional
tribute for the Assyrians or whether they
reflect changes that will underline and confirm
Ahaz’ submission to Assyrian suzerainty. The
reference is to obscure architectural terms.
17:1-6
Hoshea of Israel
17:1. chronology. Hoshea became king in 732
THE WESTERN CAMPAIGNS OF TIGLATH-PILESER III, 734-732
From early in his reign (starting about 743) Tiglath-Pileser was active in Syria attempting to control the
trade routes through this economically strategic region. By 738 he had collected tribute from most of the
major parties in the area (including Damascus, the port cities and Samaria). During the next few years he
was occupied in Urartu (in the Lake Van area to the north), and by 735 he had brought control to that
region. In 734 he began what is known as the second western campaign. His initial objective was to march
through the region as a show of power to reiterate his control (especially of the trade route) and collect
tribute. His route took him down the Great Trunk Road to Gaza. No opposition is noted in any of the
sources. In 733 the Assyrian armies returned, with Damascus as the main target. Though the Arameans
suffered serious losses, Damascus successfully withstood a forty-five-day siege by the Assyrians. In this
campaign Tiglath-Pileser ranged down into the region of Israel. Large sections of Israel were annexed and
made into Assyrian provinces, and fortified cities such as Hazor and Megiddo were destroyed. Over thirteen
thousand Israelites were deported, but no replacement inhabitants were shipped in, thus depleting
the population of Lower Galilee for several generations. The final stage of the campaign came in 732,
when Damascus fell and was annexed. In Israel Pekah was executed in favor of the pro-Assyrian Hoshea.
403 2 KINGS 17:4-10
B.C. as a result of the Assyrian decimation of
much of the northern kingdom. The synchronisms
between the northern and southern
kingdoms during this period are very complex,
and there are no easy resolutions. It is
generally supposed that there were several
coregencies that are one cause of the apparent
confusion. Assyrian king Tiglath-Pileser III
claims in his annals to have put Hoshea on the
throne of Judah.
2 Kings 17:4-10 17:4. relations between Hoshea and Assyria.
Because of the reestablishment of Egyptian
power in the Levant, Hoshea saw fit to negotiate
with Egypt in order to be free of Assyrian
power. The Egyptian king So has not been absolutely
identified, but Osorkon IV who ruled
in the eastern delta region of Egypt (Tanis,
Bubastis) from 730 to 715 B.C. has been considered
a likely match. Nonetheless, Hoshea’s
appeal to Egypt was unsuccessful. It is not
certain exactly when Hoshea was arrested by
the Assyrians (or deported). The records of the
brief reign of Shalmaneser V (ruled 727-722)
are comparatively poor. Sargon II (ruled
721-705) mentions the Samarians (i.e. Israelites)
but not a king, suggesting that the king
may have already been deported.
17:5-6. the fall of Samaria. The Assyrian
sources describe the “ravaging” of Samaria (c.
724-721), which may have denoted the entire
land. Some archaeological evidence for the destruction
has been found at the Israelite city of
Shechem. This accords with the typical Assyrian
strategy of wasting the territory of a particular
state and then surrounding the main
city, which had now been cut off from its resources.
Both Sennacherib and Nebuchadnezzar
II used this policy against Jerusalem. The
fact that the siege of Samaria lasted three
years although the Assyrians were unmatched
in siege warfare shows that it was heavily fortified.
The city fell in 722/721. Although Shalmaneser
V is given credit for the conquest of
Samaria in the Bible, his successor Sargon II
claimed the credit in the Assyrian annals. Sargon
also claims to have rebuilt the city.
17:6. policy of deportation. The Assyrian deportation
policies had been in effect for nearly
four centuries by this time. Sargon claimed to
have deported 27,290 people from Samaria.
The record is not clear as to whether these
were all men and whether they came from the
land of Samaria or just the main city. The Assyrian
king claimed that he took enough men
to form a regiment of fifty chariots. The Assyrians
also had a policy of relocating other conquered
peoples into Samarian territory
(though Tiglath-Pileser appears to have departed
from that policy by not repopulating
Galilee in 733). Sargon claims to have repopulated
the city of Samaria with other deportees.
The deportation policy was intended to remove
from conquered peoples anything that
they might rally in defense of. If they have no
land and no nation, and their ethnic identity
has been compromised (through forced assimilation),
there is no identity to fight for.
17:7-41
The Sins and Fate of Israel
17:9. high places. The picture portrayed in the
biblical narrative is that prior to the construction
of the temple in Jerusalem, sacrifice and
religious ritual commonly took place at local
shrines or bamoth. They were constructed for
this purpose and in most cases appear to be an
installation that could be entered and within
which cultic activity took place (see the comment
on 1 Sam 9:12-13. Many of them may
have had an urban setting, although this does
not preclude their existence outside city walls
on near by hills. Their actual appearance and
the furnishings associated with the high places
are unknown, but the large number of references
to them as sacrificial sites suggests
that some may have been quite elaborate.
Eventually the monarchy and the Jerusalem
priesthood attempted to suppress the use of
the high places because of their desire to emphasize
Solomon’s temple as “the place which
Yahweh will choose” and to eliminate the syncretism
that thrived at the high places. For
more information on high places, see the comments
on Deuteronomy 12:2-3.
17:10. sacred stones. Standing stones or mas[s[ebot
were apparently a common feature of
Canaanite religion and also appear as memorials
in a number of Israelite covenantal contexts
(see Ex 24:3-8; Josh 24:25-27. Their
association with Asherah, Baal and other
Canaanite deities is the basis for their being
condemned as a rival and threat to Yahweh
worship. Archaeologists have discovered sacred
stones at Gezer, Dan, Hazor and Arad. In
the latter two cases, they are clearly within a
sacred precinct and part of the cultic practices
at these sites. The Hazor stones include incised
representations of upraised arms and a
sun disk. The stones at Dan are in the gateway,
and the clear remains of the presentation
of votive offerings were evident.
2 KINGS 17:10-24 17:10. Asherah poles. One common feature of
Canaanite worship and of syncretized Israelite
worship on “high places” and in city
shrines is the erection of Asherah poles. There
is some uncertainty about whether these were
simply wooden poles, erected to symbolize
2 KINGS 17:11-31 404
trees or perhaps containing a carved image of
the fertility goddess, or whether they were a
part of a sacred grove. The reference here to
Asherah poles beside “every spreading tree,”
seems to indicate that these were poles erected
for cultic purposes rather than planted trees.
As the consort of El, Asherah was a popular
goddess whose worship is mentioned in
Ugaritic texts (1600-1200). Her prominent appearance
in the biblical narrative indicates
that her cult was a major rival to Yahweh worship.
Pictures on seals excavated in Palestine
show Asherah as a stylized tree in the Iron
Age. For more information see the comments
on Exodus 34:13 and Judges 6:25.
2 Kings 17:11-31 17:11. burning incense as pagan ritual. Incense
was used for a variety of reasons in the
extrabiblical world. The Phoenicians used it to
prepare the body of the king for future life.
One inscription from Byblos has a king describing
himself as lying on incense. It was
also used in the cult of the dead at Canaanite
Ugarit. In Mesopotamia, incense was used for
dedicatory and propitiatory offerings. They
believed that the incense helped transport
prayers to the deity, who would then inhale
the incense. All of these practices were condemned
by the writers of Scripture.
17:16-17. unacceptable worship practice. The
molten images of calves or bulls were typical
cult items in Canaan. Calf images have been
found at a number of sites in this region (for
more information see comments on 1 Kings
12:28). Worship of the starry hosts refers worship
of the celestial gods (sun god, moon god
and Venus particularly; in Babylonia, Shamash,
Sin and Ishtar respectively), who were
primary in most ancient religions. Controlling
the calendar and time, seasons and weather,
they were viewed as the most powerful of the
gods. They provided signs by which omens
were read and they looked down on all. The
Zodiac is not yet known at this time. For information
concerning Baal see comments on
Judges 2:11-13. Evidence for “passing [or
burning] children through the fire” outside of
Scripture is scant but known in the Assyrian
and Aramean world (see comment on Deut
18:10). Divination and enchantments were
also well-known in Mesopotamia. Divination
assumed that there was knowledge to be
gained about the activities and motives of the
gods through the use of various indicators
(such as entrails of sacrificed animals). Thousands
of omens and incantations have been
uncovered in the past one hundred and fifty
years of archaeological research.
17:24. resettlement of Samaria. Although the
king of Assyria is not mentioned here, Assyrian
sources claim that Sargon II reorganized
the area in 720 B.C. These same texts do not
cite the specific people groups that were deported
to Samaria. However, some Arab tribes
were transported to Samaria within five years
of the reorganization. Babylon was under Assyrian
control during this period. Cuthah is
identified with Tell Ibrahim, twenty miles
northeast of Babylon. Avva is now identified
with the town of Awa (Ama, Akkadian, Amatu
in eastern Babylonia). Hamath was the major
Aramean city on the Orontes River in
Syria. Sepharvayim has been tentatively identified
as Sipirani, south of Nippur, though
Shabarain in Syria is still a possibility. Whatever
the case, Assyrian policy was to resettle
an area with a diverse population.
17:25. god-sent lions. Ravaging wild beasts
were considered one of the typical scourges
that deity would send as punishment. As early
as the Gilgamesh Epic in Mesopotamia the
god Ea had reprimanded Enlil for not sending
lions to ravage the people rather than using
something as dramatic as a flood. The gods
used wild beasts along with disease, drought
and famine to reduce the human population.
A common threat connected to negative
omens in the Assyrian period was that lions
and wolves would rage through the land. In
like manner devastation by wild animals was
one of the curses invoked for treaty violation
(see also Deut 32:24.
17:25-29. syncretism in Samaria. Assyrian inscriptions
from the age of Sargon II state that
the new settlers were taxed as if they were Assyrians.
Furthermore, they were instructed in
the proper way to revere God and king. Most
groups in antiquity believed that gods had jurisdiction
over precise geographic areas. Thus
Yahweh had ownership of Samaria and was
worthy of worship. Nonetheless the settlers
brought their own deities. In the open-ended
thinking that accompanied ancient polytheism,
there was always room for more gods. If
a god had demonstrated power, it would be
dangerous not to acknowledge him (see comment
on Josh 2:11. Sargon had effected a religious
syncretism in the area, with the express
purpose of lessening the impact of nationalistic
tendencies.
17:30-31. list of gods. The deity Succoth
Benoth is not known from Mesopotamian
sources. Benoth may be Banitu (fem. “the creator”),
often used as a term for Ishtar. Nergal
was the Mesopotamian god of plagues and of
the underworld. His principal cult center was
in fact at Cutha (twenty miles northeast of
Babylon). Ashima is known from an inscription
from Teima in Arabia as well as from
405 2 KINGS 18:1—19:2
some Aramaic personal names, but nothing is
known about the deity. The Avvites are now
identified with the town of Awa (Ama, Akkadian,
Amatu in eastern Babylonia). Nibhaz
and Tartak have been identified with the
Elamite deities Ibnahaza and Dirtaq (Dakdadra).
Adrammelech is thought to represent
Addir-Melek. Addir is a title meaning
“mighty one” and is applied to both Baal and
Yahweh. Melek means king and would refer
to the divine king. Lastly, Anammelech is believed
to represent an assimilation of the
Canaanite goddess, Anat (or her male counterpart,
An) with Melek (a title often applied
to the West Semitic deity Athtar). Little is
known of these last two gods, but some associate
them with the god Molech (see comments
on Lev 18:21; Deut 18:10.
18:1—20:21
Hezekiah of Judah
18:1. chronology. See comments on 2 Chronicles
29.
18:4. bronze serpent, Nehushtan. Nehushtan
is not attested outside Scripture. The term is
apparently a conglomeration of the Hebrew
terms for bronze (neh[oshet) and serpent (nah[
ash). Figures of serpents crafted in copper or
bronze have been found in numerous locations
in the ancient Near East. They were apparently
cultic images. Often the image of the
serpent is held by a deity. It was especially
prevalent in Syro-Palestine in the late second
and first millennia B.C. Nehushtan appears to
have been a deity of healing (especially snake
bites), possibly considered an intermediary
between Yahweh and the people of Israel (see
comment on Num 21:8-9. A well-known
bronze bowl from Nineveh with Hebrew
names on it depicts a winged snake on a pole
of some sort.
2 Kings 18:1—19:2 18:8. defeat of the Philistines. The Philistine
seaports had been in Assyrian control since
Tiglath-Pileser III (745-727 B.C.). Hezekiah
likely invaded this area in 705 after the death
of Sargon II of Assyria in battle. Counting on
the vulnerability of Assyria, Hezekiah probably
commandeered anti-Assyrian groups in
the area to begin open rebellion against the
powerful state. The purpose of the attack was
to loosen Assyria’s hold on the trade routes to
Egypt. Sargon’s successor, Sennacherib, however,
was able to establish pro-Assyrian governors
in Philistia.
18:11. places of northern deportation. The areas
of deportation of the Samarians are not all
precisely known. Halah was a city and province
northeast of Nineveh. Sargon’s capital
was built there using enemy captives as laborers,
probably including Israelites. Habor
(Habur) was a large tributary of the Euphrates
in eastern Syria. The area had a large Aramean
population. Gozan (Tell Halaf) was a city by
the headwaters of the Habur River and was
the chief city of the Assyrian province of Bit
Bahian. Israelite personal names have been
found in the Assyrian documents from Gozan.
These areas had suffered a decline of population
because of the constant Assyrian incursions
in the region in previous centuries. In
this region the deportees were probably farming
the king’s lands. The “cities of the Medes”
were probably regions of Media in northwest
Iran that were controlled by Assyria. Sargon’s
campaigns to Media are well documented.
Sargon’s inscriptions record the resettlement
of the fortress cities of Harhar and Kishessu
by deportees. These Israelites would have
been serving in a military capacity on the
front line.
2 KINGS 18:11—19:9 18:14-16. Hezekiah’s tribute. The inscriptions
of Sennacherib state that Hezekiah paid thirty
talents of gold (about one ton) and eight hundred
talents of silver (about twenty-five tons).
The Assyrian texts are more detailed, as they
claim that Hezekiah was required to send his
daughters, concubines, male and female musicians,
ivory, elephant hides and various other
objects.
18:17. Sennacherib’s officials. Tartan, Rabsaris
and Rabshakeh appear in some translations,
while the NIV refers to them as “supreme
commander,” “chief officer,” and
“field commander.” The NIV is correct that
these are titles rather than names. They are
well-known from Assyrian texts. The first,
Tartan (Akkadian, turtan), the “field marshal,”
was the chief military officer. He represented
the king and was sometimes the
crown prince. The second, Rabsaris (Akkadian,
rab sha reshi), the “chief eunuch,” was
probably the representative of the separate
military division, the king’s bodyguard. The
third, Rabshakeh (Akkadian, rab shaqe), the
“chief cupbearer,” is thought to be the provincial
governor.
18:17-37. Sennacherib threatens Jerusalem.
For information see comments on 2 Chronicles
32.
19:2. Shebna the secretary. Shebna was a
high-level bureaucrat during the reign of
Hezekiah. He was at one point a “royal steward,”
a position of uncertain function. The
royal steward was probably the top civil servant
in the administration. The office is documented
numerous times in the text as well as
in the corpus of official seals and their bullae
2 KINGS 19:8-32 406
(see sidebar in Jer 32. Shebna was later demoted
to scribe or secretary (presumably because
of some unknown scandal). A tomb has
been found near Jerusalem with a fragment of
a personal name (with Yahweh as an ending)
and the title royal steward. Some believe this
to be the tomb of Shebna referred to in Isaiah
22:15-16.
19:8. Sennacherib against Libnah. Libnah
was in the Judean Shephelah eight miles
northeast of the fortress city of Lachish. It is
probably to be identified either with Khirbet
Tell el-Beida or Tell Bornat (five miles further
west), strategically located by the Wadi
Zeita guarding the best route to Hebron
from the coast. The Assyrian annals describe
Sennacherib besieging Gath and Azekah,
and wall reliefs at Nineveh show the siege of
Lachish. Libnah was in this vicinity, showing
that the Assyrian monarch was slowly
moving toward the intended victim, Jerusalem.
19:9. Tirhakah. Tirhakah (Nubian: Taharqa)
was a Kushite king of Egypt in the Twenty-
Fifth Dynasty (reigned 690-664 B.C.). For geographical
identification of Cush see comment
on Numbers 12:1. Although no extrabiblical
text confirms this, the biblical title “King of
Kush” may have been given to him while he
was crown prince. He was an energetic builder
in Egypt, refurbishing temples and city
walls at Memphis (his royal residence),
Thebes and Napata. He left numerous inscriptions
throughout Egypt. Tirhakah campaigned
vigorously in the Levant preceding
674 B.C. In that year, Esarhaddon of Assyria attacked
Egypt, only to be driven back by Tirhakah’s
forces. Three years later, however,
Esarhaddon captured Memphis, causing the
Egyptian monarch to flee to the south. Another
Assyrian force came in 666 B.C., causing
him to flee to Nubia. He was still recognized
as king of Egypt until his death in 664.
19:12-13. list. Gozan was in Syria, where deportees
from Israel had been sent (see comment
on 18:11). Haran was west of Gozan
along the Balikh River in present-day Turkey.
Rezeph (Rasappa) mostly likely was the city
that became an Assyrian provincial capital in
Syria east of Emar and west of Mari along the
upper Euphrates. The Aramean tribe of
Bit-Adini (Eden) in northwest Syria had been
conquered by Shalmaneser III (reigned
858-824 B.C.) and resettled in Telassar, which
was most likely Til-Ashshuri (“mound of the
Assyrians”), a site in the Zagros Mountain
range near the Diyala River in Iraq. Hamath
and Arpad were major Aramean city-states in
Syria conquered by Tiglath-Pileser III (reigned
745-727 B.C.). Sepharvayim has been tentatively
identified as Sipirani, south of Nippur,
though Shabarain in Syria is still a possibility.
Hena and Ivvah are unknown.
19:15. enthroned between the cherubim. The
cherubim were winged creatures associated
with the Israelite ark of the covenant and Yahweh’s
presence. They also accompanied Yahweh
in his travels through the heavens (see Ps
18:11). They appear in Assyrian mythological
texts as Karibu, angelic intercessors. In Assyrian
art they are shown as various composite
creatures with one or more faces (human, bovine,
aquiline, lionlike) and two or four legs.
For more information see comment on Exodus
25:18-20.
2 KINGS 19:8-32 19:23. cutting down the cedars of Lebanon.
Isaiah is paraphrasing the boasting of the Assyrian
king Sennacherib. The Assyrian royal
annals of the ninth and eighth centuries B.C.
employed the motifs of traveling through difficult
passes, cutting mighty trees and supplying
the army with water. Sennacherib claimed
to have felled the Lebanon cedars and used
them to build his royal palaces and public
buildings in Nineveh.
19:28. hook in the nose. This image has parallels
in Assyrian literature and iconography.
Esarhaddon is depicted on a stele from Zinjirli
in Syria as leading Baal of Tyre and
Tirhakah of Egypt by a rope tied to a ring
through their lips. Ashurbanipal claims to
have pierced the cheeks of Uate’ (king of Ishmael)
with a sharp edged tool and put a ring
in his jaw. Thus Isaiah is again mocking Assyrian
practices.
19:29 renewed agriculture. The verse implies
that the countryside had been ravaged by the
Assyrian army. That the Assyrians intentionally
devastated an enemy’s countryside is
well attested in their annals. Tiglath-Pileser III
destroyed the surroundings of Damascus by
cutting its orchards. His annals describe similar
destruction during his campaigns in Babylonia.
In spite of all this, Isaiah tells Hezekiah
that the “aftergrowth” would be sufficient for
two years, before normal fieldwork resumed.
19:32. no arrow or ramp. Sennacherib has a
detailed description in his annals concerning
the sieges of forty-six cities and towns of
Judah. Furthermore, the Assyrian king
claims to have “caged up” Hezekiah in Jerusalem
and surrounded the city with “earthwork.”
However, nowhere in the annals does
Sennacherib claim to have begun a siege at
Jerusalem, as he did at the other towns. He
continues to describe the tribute sent to him
by Hezekiah but not the capture of the city itself.
For more information see the sidebars in
407 2 KINGS 19:35—21:18
2 Chronicles 32.
19:35. deity wiping out enemy. In one of
Ashurbanipal’s inscriptions he claims that
Erra (the deity representing plague) struck
down Uaite (Arab king of Shumuilu) and his
army for failing to keep the terms of their treaty
agreement.
19:37. Nisroch. No divinity by this name is
known from Mesopotamia. It may be an intentional
alteration of a deity’s name, such as
Marduk, Nusku or Ninurta. This event took
place on the twentieth day of the tenth month
in the year 681, twenty years after the siege of
Jerusalem.
19:37. Ararat. Ararat (or Urartu) was a powerful
kingdom in present-day Armenia around
the vicinity of Lake Van, Lake Urmia and Lake
Sevan. Esarhaddon mentions his brothers
who fought against his succession but does
not state where they sought refuge. However,
Esarhaddon demanded from the king of Shurpia
in southern Ararat that he extradite runaway
Assyrians, some of whom may have
been the brothers in question. The kingdoms
of Ararat posed a constant threat to the Assyrian’s
northern border for about three centuries
(c. 900-600 B.C.). Excavations there have exposed
a thriving civilization with sophisticated
iconography and literature.
20:3. Hezekiah’s prayer. A prayer of the Assyrian
king Ashurnasirpal I (mid-eleventh
century B.C.) is preserved in which he asks for
healing from an illness on the basis of his
faithfulness to the goddess Ishtar. Besides
identifying himself as humble, reverent and
beloved by the deity, he speaks of the many
rituals that he has faithfully carried out. He
mentions his tears and anxiety, and begs for
gracious healing. The text of Hezekiah’s
prayer is found in Isaiah 38:9-20; see comments
there.
20:7. poultice of figs. Fig cakes may have been
used as condiments and for medicinal purposes
at Ugarit. Both later rabbinical Jewish and
classical sources (e.g., Pliny the Elder) shared
the belief that dried figs had medicinal value.
Poultices were sometimes used for diagnosis
rather than for medication. A day or two after
the poultice was applied, it would be checked
for either the skin’s reaction to the poultice or
the poultice’s reaction to the skin. One medical
text from Emar prescribes the use of figs
and raisins for such a process. They helped
determine how the patient should be treated
and whether or not he would recover.
20:11. shadow of the stairway of Ahaz. The
“shadow of the stairway of Ahaz” may have
been a type of sundial. The Qumran Scroll of
Isaiah 38:8 renders this phrase “on the dial of
the Ahaz roof chamber.” A similar idea may
be a house model excavated in Egypt that contains
two flights of stairs for telling time. On
the other hand the structure may have been
simply steps leading to a roof or higher structure
where shadows were cast at a certain
time of the day. The text here does not mention
that the structure was used to tell time.
Alternatively it may have been something that
was used to worship astral deities. If it does
represent a mechanism for telling time, it
would be the only mention of such a device in
the Old Testament. Sundials are known in the
Old Testament world from Babylon and
Egypt, with archaeological samples going
back to the fifteenth century B.C.
20:12. Merodach-Baladan. Merodach-Baladan
(or Berodach-Baladan) is the Marduk-apla-
idinna II of Assyrian and Babylonian
sources. He was a Chaldean sheikh of the
Bit-Yakin tribe who was allied with Tiglath-
Pileser III of Assyria against another Babylonian
ruler (c. 731 B.C.). Ten years later Merodach-
Baladan took the throne of Babylon, and
Sargon II was unable to remove him until 710
B.C. Once again he became a local Chaldean
sheikh and was vassal to the Assyrian king.
Upon Sargon’s death in battle in 705 B.C.
Merodach-Baladan helped to instigate a rebellion
against Assyrian rule. It is here that the
narrative of 2 Kings is likely to be placed.
Based upon Hezekiah’s actions against Assyrian
rule, he apparently did act in concert with
Merodach-Baladan’s strategy. The Babylonian
sheikh deposed the Assyrian appointee to the
Babylonian throne and ruled from nearby
Borsippa (703 B.C.) until he was deposed by
Sennacherib, the new king of Assyria, in the
same year. Merodach-Baladan fled to Elam,
where he soon died.
2 KINGS 19:35—21:18
21:1-26
Manasseh of Judah
For information on this section see comments
on 2 Chronicles 33.
21:13. plumb line. The measuring line and
plummet were ordinary tools used for the
construction of mud-brick buildings throughout
the Near East. A site was surveyed with a
measuring line (usually a rope, cord or
thread). The chief builder used a plumb line,
weighted with tin or a stone, to test the integrity
of the structure.
21:18. garden of Uzza. The garden of Uzza has
not been located with any certainty. Some
have speculated that it was at the cemetery located
in the village of Siloam, east of the City
of David. However, Uzza may be a short form
2 KINGS 23:1-8 408
of Uzziah, the leper king of Judah. Thus this
may have been Uzziah’s private garden that
was used by later kings.
22:1—23:30
Josiah of Judah
For information on this section see comments
on 2 Chronicles 34.
23:1. function of the elders. The elders (patriarchal
family heads) played a major role in the
early tribal organization of Israel and evidently
still had a function during the monarchy.
Elders had been given authority in their local
communities and may still have played a limited
role in the political leadership during the
monarchy. City elders also played a limited
role in preserving stability and enacting laws
in their communities in Babylonia. However,
they did not initiate policy, as the central monarchy
controlled the power source of the state,
the economy and the armed forces.
23:2. public reading of documents. Even after
the invention of the alphabet, many of the
people in the ancient Near East were illiterate,
and thus the public reading of documents had
an important function. Assyrian sources describe
heralds standing at city gates reading
royal pronouncements to groups of onlookers.
23:3. pillar. The king stood near a pillar or column
(platform, according to the Jewish writer
Josephus). It may have been a standing structure
in the temple reserved for royalty. No
clear parallels for this custom exist elsewhere
in the Near East.
23:4. constellations and starry hosts. Worship
of the starry hosts refers to the worship of the
celestial gods (sun god, moon god and Venus
particularly; in Babylonia, Shamash, Sin and
Ishtar respectively), who were primary in
most ancient religions. Controlling the calendar
and time, seasons and weather, they were
viewed as the most powerful of the gods.
They provided signs by which omens were
read, and they looked down on all. By the end
of the second millennium a major compilation
of celestial omens, the seventy tablets of the
work known as Enuma Anu Enlil, had been
compiled and was consulted for nearly a
thousand years. Stamp seals from Israel in this
period show that astral deities were very popular.
There were many constellations recognized
by the Mesopotamian astrologers
(many, though not all, the same we recognize
today, transmitted through the Greeks), but
the Zodiac is not yet known at this time. For
more information see comment on 2 Chronicles
33:5.
23:4. Kidron Valley to Bethel. Kidron Valley
was east of the City of David. Bethel was
about ten miles along a main transportation
route due north of Jerusalem. Bethel had been
the site of the shrine of the golden calf until a
century earlier, when the northern kingdom
had fallen to Assyria. Josiah also desecrates
the altar there (see vv. 15-16), so that is an appropriate
place to dump the desecrating ashes
of these religious articles.
23:5. pagan priests. The term “pagan, idol
priests” (Hebrew, komer) has many parallels
in the ancient Near East, especially from Assyria.
Kumru priests are known from Old Assyrian
Period documents from Cappadocia (c.
2000-1800 B.C.) and from a single document
from Mari during the reign of the Assyrian
king, Shamshi-Adad I (reigned 1814-1781
B.C.). An Arabian queen was given the title of
kumirtu priestess in an inscription of the Assyrian
king Ashurbanipal (668-631 B.C.). Kumra’
is also the word for priest in Aramaic in the
first millennium B.C. It is plausible that these
priests mentioned here served the shrines of
West Semitic deities such as Baal and Asherah,
though some consider them renegade priests
of Yahweh.
23:6. scattering of the dust over graves. The
sequence of burn-grind-scatter-eat is also
found in a Ugaritic text to indicate total destruction
of a deity—every destructive action
is being carried out. The scattering of the dust
on the graves is a final act of desecration on
the image.
23:7. male shrine prostitutes. The Hebrew
term, qedeshim, refers to “sacred males.” Little
is known about this practice, but it was thoroughly
condemned and may well have had to
do with cultic prostitution (see Deut 23:18-19.
Cognate terms are found in Akkadian and
Ugaritic, where they are also not clear in terms
of function. The root means to be ritually
clean. A qadishtu in Akkadian was a woman of
special status. She had particular functions in
the temple (midwife, wet-nurse and devotee
of the god of the temple) none of which appear
to be obviously of a sexual nature. A similar
situation can be found at Ugarit. The
condemnation of the males here in 2 Kings
23:7 may have had to do with the fact that
they were devotees of foreign deities.
23:7. weaving for Asherah. Apparently the
women were weaving types of coverings or
vestments to adorn the Asherah statue (or
pole). The fashioning of woven and embroidered
garments used to place on the statues of
gods in Mesopotamia is well known.
2 KINGS 23:1-8 23:8. desecrating high places. Desecration of
sacred places occurs when forbidden cultic
practices are performed there. The laws for
409 2 KINGS 23:8-13
preserving the purity of Yahweh’s sacred places
are outlined in the book of Leviticus, but
these desecrate the temple because they represent
things not acceptable in Yahweh’s presence.
Other actions may cause desecration to
the shrines of other gods. There were, however,
certain common desecrating actions. Turning
what had once been a sacred area into a
graveyard (see v. 14) or a latrine (see 10:27)
would bring permanent desecration.
23:8. Geba to Beersheba. Geba (modern Jaba)
was a small village in the territory of Benjamin
about six miles north of Jerusalem. No
excavations have been conducted there, but
surface surveys have found Iron Age remains
on the site. It overlooks the strategic pass
across the deep canyon of the Wadi Swenit
from Micmash that leads from the north into
the region of Jerusalem. It probably functioned
as a border shrine city. It is paralleled
with Beersheba, the southernmost town in
Judah. Archaeologists found a dismantled
horn altar there that may have been destroyed
during the period of Josiah. At any rate the
phrase here makes it clear that Josiah purged
the entire land of Judah (from north to south)
of foreign worship practices.
2 KINGS 23:8-13 23:8. shrines at the gates. At Dan standing
stones were found at a shrine just inside the
city gate, and the clear remains of the presentation
of votive offerings were evident. It is
thought that the standing stones represented
some of the deities of cities that had fallen to
Israel. The votive offerings would be in fulfillment
of vows made to those deities (perhaps
for their aid in overthrowing the city the Israelites
were fighting against). For more information
on standing stones see comment on
17:10.
23:8. gate of Joshua. The gate of Joshua is not
mentioned elsewhere in Scripture, and its precise
location is not known. It may have been
an alternative name for one of the Jerusalem
gates. This was presumably the gate of the
governor of the city, who was the highest official
in the city administration. A seventh-century
B.C. seal from Judah has been found with
an inscription in a cartouche reading “governor
of the city.” There is an artistic scene on
the seal that is reminiscent of Assyrian symbolism.
23:9. eating unleavened bread. The term here
for unleavened bread is either a generic term
for grain offerings or unleavened cakes to be
eaten at the Passover celebration. Since leaven
was associated with spoilage, and therefore
impurity, unleavened bread was used in most
sacred ceremonies.
23:10. Topheth, Ben Hinnom, Molech.
Topheth was the cultic installation where children
were offered to the god Molech. The
word is thought to signify the hearth where
the child was placed. The Hebrew term has
parallel terms in both Ugaritic and Aramaic
with the meaning “furnace, fireplace.” Scholars
have thought that Topheth was at the edge
of the valley of Ben Hinnom before connecting
with the Kidron Valley. The valley of Ben Hinnom
has been identified with Wadi er-Rababi
southwest of the City of David. Many consider
Molech to be a netherworld deity featuring
rituals with Canaanite origins focusing on
dead ancestors. An eighth-century B.C. Phoenician
inscription speaks of sacrifices made to
Molech before battle by the Cilicians and their
enemies. The name Molech appears to be related
to the Hebrew term mlk (“to rule”). Sacrifices
to Molech were done at the installation
of Baal, which may mean that the term was an
epithet of Baal himself, as well as other deities
Jer 32:35.
23:11. horses and chariots dedicated to the
sun. White horses were used in important
ritual functions in Assyria and were usually
associated with Ashur and Sin, major deities
in the Assyrian pantheon. White horses were
dedicated at the feet of a certain deity. Moreover
a number of Assyrian deities rode a
horse-drawn chariot on festival days. In Assyrian
mythology the sun (god) was carried
across the sky in a chariot driven by his charioteer
Rakib-il. In the syncretism referred to
here, Yahweh was probably being worshiped
as a sun god, and the chariot and horses represented
his vehicle. Archaeological evidence
is provided by Iron Age horse
figurines with solar disks and by the Taanach
cult stand, which portrays a horse with
a sun-disk on its back. This would have
some similarity with the golden calf imagery
where the calf served as a pedestal or the ark
of the covenant that functioned as a footstool.
None of these portray deity, but they
represent his throne.
23:12. upper room of Ahaz. The upper room
typically functioned as an audience chamber,
so these were in a prominent location in the
palace.
23:13. hill of corruption. The Hebrew phrase
for “Hill of Corruption” is probably a wordplay
on “Mount of Ointment, or Olives.” It
has been precisely identified as the hill rising
above the modern Arab village of Silwan.
23:13. Solomon’s idols. The amenities that Solomon
had provided for his foreign wives included
the construction of altars and shrines
for their worship of their own gods (see the
comments on 1 Kings 11:5-7.
2 KINGS 23:14—24:2 410
23:14. covered with human bones. It is presumed
that the human bones were thrown
onto the refuse so no one would try to retrieve
the items. This was because of the taboo of
coming into contact with dead bodies (see
comment on Num 19:11.
23:16. exhumation. Josiah is fulfilling the
prophecy in 1 Kings 13:2. In both Mesopotamia
and Israel the worst criminals were not
accorded a proper burial, and their bones
were either burned or discarded. This was the
worst possible thing for an individual, since
one’s spiritual existence was intertwined with
their physical existence (for more information
see comments on Num 3:12-13 and Joshua
8:29). Thus if one’s bones were destroyed, the
individual’s existence was also extinguished.
23:21-30. Passover celebration. For information
see comments on 2 Chronicles 35.
23:31-35
Jehoahaz of Judah
23:31. chronology. Jehoahaz began and ended
his short reign of three months in 609 B.C., not
long after the final collapse of the Assyrian
empire at Harran and on the verge of the
monumental struggle between Egypt and
Babylon for supremacy in the Near East.
23:33. relations with Egypt. The Levant was
an unstable area after the collapse of Assyria in
612-610 B.C. Egypt and Babylon now fought a
furious war for supremacy in the area. Egypt
apparently tried unsuccessfully to lift the siege
of the last Assyrian center at Haran in 610-609
B.C. Josiah of Judah tried to block Egypt’s invasion
of Syria but was wounded at the battle of
Megiddo and subsequently died. Because of
the power vacuum in the area, Judah became
an Egyptian protectorate (609-608 B.C.). Four
years later the Egyptians, although delayed,
now traveled north and battled the Chaldeans
at Carchemish, suffering a tremendous defeat
(605 B.C.). The Chaldeans followed by invading
Egypt in 601-600 but suffered heavy casualties.
At any rate, Judah was only temporarily
under the leadership of Egypt.
23:33. Riblah in Hamath. Riblah (modern Tel
Zerr’a) was an important administrative and
military town near Kadesh on the Orontes River
in Syria about twenty miles south of the major
Aramean center of Hamath. The Assyrians had
set up a fortress here in the eighth century. Later
Nebuchadrezzar II of Babylon used it as headquarters
during his campaigning in the west.
23:33. tribute imposed on Judah. This is considerably
less than the fine imposed upon
Hezekiah (three hundred talents of silver and
thirty talents of gold; 2 Kings 18:14. The percentage
of silver (seven thousand five hundred
pounds) to gold (seventy-five pounds) is
also different (100:1 instead of 10:1).
2 KINGS 23:14—24:2 23:34. name changing. The name change was
somewhat minimal, as the theophoric element
(God’s name contained in the name) was altered,
from El- (generic for god) to Jeho- (for
Yahweh). The name change probably had to do
with a loyalty oath to a new overlord, which the
Assyrian kings had also done. In the previous
generation, Psammeticus I of Egypt (father of
Necho) was renamed Nabushezibanni by the
Assyrian king Ashurbanipal when he was installed
as a district ruler. Notice also the name
change for Daniel and his friends Dan 1:6-7.
23:36—24:7
Jehoiakim of Judah
23:36. chronology. Jehoiakim’s reign of eleven
years was from 609 to 598 B.C. During this
time, Nebuchadnezzar of Babylon fought a
fierce battle at the Egyptian border in 601-600
with unclear results. Both armies were severely
depleted, and the Chaldean king was unable
to invade Egypt. This may have
encouraged Jehoiakim to rebel against Babylon.
24:1. Nebuchadnezzar and Jehoiakim. Nebuchadnezzar
II took the throne of Babylon in
605 B.C. after his victory against Egypt at the
Battle of Carchemish in the same year. From
that time on Jehoiakim was vassal to Babylon
during most of his reign. The Babylonian
Chronicle states that the Chaldeans were able
to wrest control of the Levant from Egypt after
this. Nebuchadnezzar attempted to follow up
with an invasion of Egypt (601-600). This attack
apparently crippled the Chaldeans for a
brief period, possibly causing Jehoiakim to
ally himself with Egypt. Nebuchadnezzar’s
response was to attack Judah with garrison
troops from the west. Jehoiakim was captured
and shackled (see 2 Chron 36:6, but appears
to have avoided exile since he died in Judah.
24:2. invading raiders. The Chaldeans were
the designation of the Semitic-speaking people
of Nebuchadnezzar II of Babylon. They
are mentioned in Assyrian records as inhabiting
Babylonia by the beginning of the first
millennium B.C. Though we are most familiar
with the Arameans connected to the Aramean
state north of Israel, there were also eastern
Arameans, a Semitic-speaking people who inhabited
much of the Tigris-Euphrates Valley,
who often appear alongside the Chaldeans. It
appears that the Chaldeans were more of a
town-based group, while the Arameans were
seminomadic. According to Babylonian sourc-
411 2 KINGS 24:7—25:7
es, the Moabites and Ammonites were subjects
of Babylon and were thus required to
send troops against a recalcitrant neighbor.
24:7. Babylon versus Egypt. Nebuchadnezzar
II attempted to follow up his victory over the
Egyptians at Carchemish by invading Egypt
in 601-600. They met at the Wadi of Egypt
(probably the Wadi el-Arish on the eastern
edge of the Nile Delta region). There was evidently
a fierce battle, and the troops of Nebuchadnezzar
were unable to conquer Egypt.
However, the Babylonians were able to regroup
for another campaign in the Levant
soon thereafter, and the Egyptians were unable
to muster a defense against them.
24:8-17
Jehoiachin of Judah
24:8. chronology. Jehoiachin’s brief reign was
in the last month of 598 and the first two
months of 597. Since Jehoiachin appears to
have come to the throne while Nebuchadnezzar’s
army was on the way to Jerusalem, his
father, Jehoiakim, can be seen as instigating
the trouble that brought the Babylonians west.
24:10-11. 597 siege of Jerusalem. In response to
Judah’s rebellion, the Chaldeans attacked
Jerusalem in 597. The Babylonian Chronicle
states that the siege lasted a mere three months,
probably the entire reign of Jehoiachin. Although
Nebuchadnezzar took credit for the
victory in his annals, he did not preside over
the campaign but left it to his generals. The relative
ease with which the city was captured
may be explained by the fact that it was during
winter and food would have been scarce. The
city’s population would have been much larger
than normal, since those in the outlying areas
of Judah sought refuge in Jerusalem.
24:12. Jehoiachin’s imprisonment. The quick
surrender by Judah may be the reason why the
Babylonians were somewhat lenient in their
treatment of the Judahites. The deportation of
a rebellious monarch was common treatment
by both the Assyrians and Babylonians. They
were looked upon as rulers that had broken a
loyalty oath with the Babylonians (or Assyrians)
and were duly punished. The conquerors
normally installed a monarch who was sensitive
to their cause, often from the same royal
house in order to preserve some sense of continuity
with the local population.
2 KINGS 24:7—25:7 24:14. deportation. Though we have no
records from Babylon concerning deportation
practices, it can be assumed that they inherited
Assyrian administrative practices to a certain
extent. It was typical policy to deport influential
people (rich and the military) as well as
skilled workers, who could be employed
cheaply in Babylon. The “poor of the land”
were either not useful or were not considered a
threat by remaining in the land of Judah.
24:17. name changing. As with Jehoiakim,
Mattaniah was required by the Babylonians to
change his name. The Babylonian Chronicle
simply states that Nebuchadnezzar II appointed
a king of his choice in Judah and that the
new king “was after his heart,” meaning that
he had been “domesticated” by the Babylonians.
As before, the Babylonians thought it in
their own best interest to give the king another
Hebrew name, so as not to incite rebellion.
24:18—25:26
Zedekiah of Judah and the Fall of
Jerusalem
24:18. chronology. Zedekiah, the last king of
Judah, reigned from 597 to 586. Necho II (r.
610-595), Psammeticus (r. 595-589) and Apries
(r. 589-570) were rulers of Egypt, while Nebuchadnezzar
II (r. 604-562) ruled the Chaldean
empire.
25:1. siege of Jerusalem. The Babylonians evidently
used a siege “wall” (as opposed to a
ramp) to attack Jerusalem in 587-586. Assyrian
sources describe Esarhaddon using the same
type of contraption for his conquest of Shurbia,
a Urartian kingdom south of Lake Van, in
672. Esarhaddon claims that his troops
“climbed over the siege wall to do battle.”
This siege wall was probably made higher
than the city wall, so as to allow the soldiers to
climb atop the defender’s wall. As with the
Assyrians during Sennacherib’s siege of 701,
the Babylonians systematically destroyed the
Judahite fortresses on the countryside, including
Lachish (see Jer 34:7. Another purpose in
removing the military threats surrounding
Jerusalem was to discourage any Egyptian interference.
25:4. flight of army. It can be assumed by the
context of this difficult verse that the king and
his bodyguard attempted to escape by the
east. The “men of war” may refer to the Babylonian
soldiers who made a breach in the city
wall, causing Zedekiah to flee.
25:5. plains of Jericho. The king took the Arabah
Road (see v. 4), the road from Jerusalem to
Jericho, which was in the steppe land of the
Jordan Valley rift. The plains of Jericho are
stretches of flat and dry ground east of Jericho.
It was an open area, which made it easy
for the Babylonian troops to retrieve the fugitives.
25:7. Zedekiah’s treatment. Blinding was a
common treatment of rebellious slaves (even
2 KINGS 25:8-30 412
subject kings) in the ancient Near East. The
Assyrian vassal treaties mention blinding as a
curse for a future violator of a loyalty oath.
Other Assyrian sources mention the blinding
of one eye of prisoners of war, in order that
they could still be used as a work force but
would have been rendered incapacitated in
war. Zedekiah was put in a “house of punishment,”
corresponding to an Assyrian word for
prison.
25:8-10. fall of Jerusalem. Nebuzaradan, the
commander of the Babylonian armed forces,
was the “chief cook” mentioned in a list of
high officials of Nebuchadnezzar II. The title
“chief cook,” like that of “chief cupbearer,”
was an archaic term for those in high positions
in Assyrian and Babylonian courts. They
were often sent on military and diplomatic
missions (e.g, the Rabshekah was the “chief
cupbearer” to Sennacherib, 2 Kings 18:17.
Nebuzaradan was responsible for the destruction
of the city of Jerusalem, for sending Judahite
high officials to be executed (vv. 8-12,
18-21) and for the deportation of a number of
the Judahites a few years later (c. 582 B.C.; Jer
52:24-30). Typical of Assyrian and Babylonian
practice, Nebuzaradan destroyed the major
public centers in the city and the protective
walls of the city to make it vulnerable to further
attack.
2 KINGS 25:8-30 25:13-17. plunder of Jerusalem. The writer of
2 Kings is probably reciting this list of items
from nonextant official temple records of
Judah. It can be compared to 2 Kings 17:15-20,
where the original manufacture of the items
was recorded. The large list of bronze objects
may be a booty count. The items in 2 Kings 17
that were omitted here had been sent to Assyria
in previous years (e.g., twelve bronze
bulls were sent by Ahaz to Tiglath-Pileser III;
2 Kings 16:17. No Babylonian sources describe
the inventory taken from Jerusalem.
25:22. governorship. It is possible that Gedaliah
had previously been in the service of King
Zedekiah, based upon a seal impression of the
late seventh century B.C. from Lachish that
reads, “belonging to Gedaliah, the Royal
Steward.” Alternatively, however, that bulla
may refer to another Gedaliah of this period
(see Jer 38:1. The name Gedaliah is also found
on an ostraca from Arad. He was probably a
ranking member of the “pro-Babylonian” party
in Jerusalem. Similar to the Assyrians, the
Babylonians desired to found an administrative
core with a strong Babylonian presence in
Judah. Contrary to Assyrian practice, however,
the Babylonians did not repopulate Judah
with people from other parts of the empire.
25:23-25. Mizpah. This was the capital of what
was left of Judah. Mizpah is an eight-acre site
located about eight miles north of Jerusalem.
For information concerning its earlier history
see comments on 1 Samuel 7:5 and 2 Chronicles
16:6. Recent reassessment of excavation
reports have identified an occupation level
from this period. One of the artifacts found at
the site was a seal belonging to “Jaazaniah, the
servant of the king”—likely the same individual
mentioned in verse 23.
25:27-30
The Release of Jehoiachin
25:27-30. Jehoiachin in Babylon. The thirty-
seventh year of Jehoiachin’s exile was 560
B.C. Evil-Merodach (Babylonian, Amel-
Marduk, “the man of Marduk”) ruled Babylon
from 562 to 560. He was the son and successor
of Nebuchadnezzar II. He was assassinated by
his successor Neriglissar. Very few sources remain
from his brief reign. Jehoiachin was given
the “seat of seats” by Evil-Merodach, implying
that there were other royal prisoners in Babylon.
The Unger Prism gives a list of kings who
were prisoners in Babylon during the reign of
Evil-Merodach. They include the kings of Tyre,
Gaza, Sidon, Arvad and Arpad. Jehoiachin is
mentioned on a rations list from Babylon, confirming
the biblical information that he was fed
at the king’s table.
413 1 CHRONICLES 1:1—4:21
1 C H R O N I C L E S
1:1-54
Genealogies of Adam Through
Jacob and Esau
1:1-4. Adam’s sons. More detail of this section
of the genealogy may be found in Genesis 5.
1:5-27. Noah’s sons. More detail of this section
of the genealogy may be found in Genesis 10
and 11.
1:13. peoples of Canaan. For more information
on these people groups see comment on
Exodus 3:8.
1:29-54. non-Israelite descendants of Abraham.
Comments on these genealogies can be found as
follows: Hagar (Ishmael) in Genesis 25:12-18;
Keturah, Genesis 25:1-6; Esau, Genesis 36.
1 CHRONICLES 1:1—4:21
2:1—7:40
Genealogies of the Twelve Tribes
2:42-55. prominence of Caleb. Caleb and
Joshua were the only representatives of the exodus
generation to enter the land of Canaan.
Caleb was given a special land grant within
the tribe of Judah’s holdings in the vicinity of
Hebron Josh 14:6-15. Since the genealogies
are being used for land claims, it is important
for Caleb’s standing to be recognized.
3:1-16. royal line of David. The other prominent
line in the tribe of Judah was, of course,
the royal line. A number of these names are
represented in variant forms from those that
were used in Kings: Abijah/Abijam; Joram/
Jehoram; Azariah/Uzziah; Shallum/Jehoahaz;
Jehoiachin/Jeconiah. Most of these can
be explained in one of three ways: (1) variations
within spelling of the divine name in
the name; (2) variant words with the same
meaning; or (3) throne name versus personal
name.
3:17-24. postexilic descendants of David. Most
of these individuals are unknown outside of this
list. Exceptions are Zerubbabel, of whom considerably
more is known (see comment on Ezra
3:2), and Hattush (v. 22) who is known only as
one who returned with Ezra Ezra 8:2.
4:21. linen workers at Beth Ashbea. The reference
to Mareshah earlier in the verse leads to
the suspicion that Beth Ashbea too should be
located in the Shephelah between the Jerusalem
hills and the coastal plains, but it is impossible
to be more specific at this time.
Guilds of craftsmen were typically connected
with particular towns that had chosen to specialize
in that industry. Knowledge of the craft
would be passed on from generation to generation.
An Alalakh text lists over sixty such
house industries as early as the fifteenth century
B.C. Textile production was a common industry
that was done on a small scale in most
homes, but also could support large industrial
centers. Linen technology required the processing
of flax as well as spinning, dying and
weaving facilities.
4:21. men of Cozeba. If it can be identified at
all, Cozeba is likely a variant spelling of Achzib
in the Shephelah. This has tentatively been
associated with the modern site of Tel el-Beida,
about five miles from Mareshah.
4:21. king’s potters at Netaim and Gederah. It
can be assumed that the palace or temple
sought to attract to itself the best artisans of
the trades that they had need of. Sponsorship
would have included providing supplies,
workshops, equipment and perhaps some
slave labor to help with menial tasks. Addi-
SIGNIFICANCE OF GENEALOGIES TO POSTEXILIC AUDIENCE
Though most of the material of Chronicles covers the history of the preexilic period, it is written for those who
returned from the Babylonian exile in the sixth and fifth centuries, and reestablished themselves in the land.
Genealogies to them represented the charter of their identity. Their covenant with the Lord had established
them as an elect people of God living in the land promised by him. Their family lineage was their certificate of
membership. It was their heritage and their legacy. Often in the ancient world genealogies served sociological
rather than historical functions. Instead of offering a strictly sequential report of the order of generations, they
were designed to use continuity with the past as an explanation of the current structure and condition of society.
Israel carried along with this an additional theological emphasis and significance that was inherent in their
genealogical reports. Continuity with the past would give meaning to their current theological situation. Individuals
in the ancient world found their identity not in their individualism but in their solidarity with the
group. This included not only those that made up their contemporary kinship group but extended throughout
the generations. The genealogies were their way of fitting themselves into this pangenerational solidarity.
Every generation is not necessarily represented. One might compare the selective list of heroes of the faith in
Hebrews 11. Americans today take pride in being able to trace their ancestry back to those who crossed on the
Mayflower or those who signed the Declaration of Independence. The difference is that in Israel these connections
gave rights and privileges rather than being simply status symbols.
1 CHRONICLES 4:41—6:49 414
tionally they would receive rations, clothing
and other needs. The towns mentioned here
are again to be found in the Shephelah, but
there is no consensus concerning their specific
identification.
4:41. Meunites. A number of very different
opinions exist concerning the identification of
this group. The first is that it should be identified
with the Minaeans of South Arabia. Their
control of the incense trade had extended up
into the region of Palestine by the fourth century.
Others would identify the group with
the Mu’unaya mentioned in the inscriptions
of Tiglath-Pileser III. A third possibility links
them to the town of Maon south of Hebron in
the hill country of Judah.
4:42-43. new Simeonite territory. The new territory
occupied by the Simeonites is due south
of their assigned territory in the Negev but
probably still west of the Arabah and east of
Kadesh-barnea. Moving to this area entails a
migration of perhaps forty or fifty miles.
1 CHRONICLES 4:41—6:49 5:1. Reuben’s forfeiture. For information on
this incident see Genesis 35:21-22.
5:8-9. area of settlement. The Reubenite settlement
is in Transjordan alongside the north
half of the Dead Sea from the Arnon River
(Wadi Mujib) on the south to the Medeba plateau
and Mount Nebo on the north. An area
often held by the Moabites, it is about twenty
miles square.
5:10. Hagrites. The inscriptions of Tiglath-
Pileser III mention a tribe of Arameans called
the Hagaranu that some have associated with
the Hagrites. At this time, however, little is
known of them.
5:16. territory of Gadite settlement. Gilead
and Bashan are two areas that cover nearly
one hundred miles (north-south) of Transjordan.
Gilead is the hilly section of Transjordan
between the Jabbok on the south almost to the
Yarmuk on the north. Bashan is in the area
(known today as the Golan Heights) bordered
by Mount Hermon to the north, Jebel Druze
(Mount Hauran) to the east, the Sea of Galilee
to the west and the Yarmuk region to the
south. Bashan proper, more limited to the region
of the (upper?) Yarmuk, is a broad, fertile
plateau region noted for its grazing. Salecah
(v. 11) is about sixty miles east of the Sea of
Galilee, south of Mount Hauran. The pasturelands
of Sharon refer to a location in Transjordan
that remains unidentified. The Moabite
Inscription also refers to such an area, but
does not locate it.
5:19. battle against the Hagrites and allies.
The allies with the Hagrites are Arabian tribes.
Jetur (by Roman times, Itureans, northeast of
Galilee, see Luke 3:1 and Naphish are known
from Ishmael’s descendants Gen 25:15. The
region of Naphish is referred to in a seventhcentury
letter to the Assyrian king Ashurbanipal.
Nodab (perhaps Adbeel in Gen 25:13
may also be listed in Assyrian records
(Tiglath-Pileser III) as a tribal group in Transjordan.
Aside from these passing references,
nothing is known of these peoples or of this
battle.
5:21. plunder. The numbers of livestock and
human captives are incredibly large. In comparison,
the totals from twenty years of campaigning
by the extremely successful
Shalmaneser III produced 110,610 prisoners,
nearly 10,000 horses and mules, over 35,000
cattle, nearly 20,000 donkeys, and nearly
185,000 sheep. Sennacherib’s campaign to
Babylon netted 20,000 people, 11,000 donkeys,
5,000 camels, and 800,000 sheep.
1 CHRONICLES 5:19—9:3 5:26. Assyrian relocation of Transjordanian
tribes. Tiglath-Pileser III (originally named
Pulu) invaded Upper and Lower Galilee in
733 B.C. and reported that he deported 13,520
people (see comment on 2 Kings 15:29. In this
campaign the northern kingdom of Israel was
reduced to only Samaria and its surroundings,
which survived independently for another
twelve years. The relocation sites focus on the
middle Euphrates, where Gozan (Guzanu=Tel
Halaf, about one hundred miles east of
Carchemish) is located on the Habur River.
Halah is identified as Halahhu of the Assyrian
inscriptions, which was located about eight
miles northeast of Nineveh.
6:31-46. Levitical musicians. David’s three
chief musicians, Heman, Asaph and Ethan,
all have long and distinguished pedigrees
going back to their ancestor Levi through
various lines. In the ancient world there were
musicians’ guilds that serviced shrines and
sanctuaries. As early as the third millennium
in Egypt there were priests that oversaw the
musicians who performed in worship. Hittites
and Babylonians both had musicians
among temple personnel. Many religious situations,
from individual rituals to ceremonies
to festivals, were accompanied by
musical performance (both vocal and instrumental).
For more information see comment
on Amos 5:23.
6:48-49. respective duties of Levites and
Aaronide priests. The Aaronide priests were
more directly involved in the performance of
sacrifices and the duties connected to the
holy place. The Levites were more directly
connected with the other aspects of the sacred
enclosure. These would include controlling
access to the sacred area and providing
for the supply and upkeep of the sanctuary
415 1 CHRONICLES 6:55—12:2
(see details in 9:22-33).
6:55-56. distinction between villages and
pasturelands. The land immediately surrounding
Hebron was part of the grant to the
Levites. This verse clarifies, however, that the
settlements in the Hebron region, including
the arable land around them, was still the portion
of Caleb.
6:64. Levitical cities. For information on the
Levitical cities see comments on Numbers
35:1-5 and Joshua 21:3-40.
7:28-29. territory of Ephraim and Manasseh.
Ephraim’s settlements ranged from Bethel in
the south to Shechem in the north and did
not include either the coastal plain (Gezer
was the western limit) or the Jordan Valley.
Manasseh was positioned north of Ephraim,
and included the Samarian hills (up to Gilboa)
and the Carmel range skirting the
southern end of the Jezreel Valley (thus including
Taanach and Megiddo). Manasseh
territory included the Jordan Valley (Beth
Shan) and the coastal plain (Dor) up to the
Carmel promontory.
9:1. royal genealogical lists. There would be
a number of reasons to keep genealogical
lists in the official palace archives. First,
whether land possession was on the basis of
royal grant or divine grant, it was tied to
families. Therefore property disputes often
had to be settled by reference to genealogical
records. Second, conscription for government
service, whether in labor corvees or for
military duty, was conducted on the basis of
census figures, as was taxation. Census
records typically would have been organized
by genealogical categories.
9:3. significance of resettlement lists. This list
is composed of those who settled in Jerusalem.
It is distinct from the previous lists because
they all addressed ancestral holdings
being resettled. The reason Jerusalem had so
few to live in it is that many of the families of
Jerusalem had been decimated in the Babylonian
destruction of that city. For people of other
tribes to live in Jerusalem, they would have
to neglect (if not give up) their ancestral lands
in their tribal territories. Willingness to make
that sacrifice in order to repopulate Jerusalem
merited special notice.
9:22-27. gatekeepers. One of the most important
tasks assigned to priestly personnel was
controlling access to the temple precinct, the
inner circle of the “sacred compass” (on this
concept see comments on Lev 16:2 and Num
18:1-7). Defiling the sanctuary with impurity
required a purification offering (“sin” offering,
see comment on Lev 4:1-3 and could
bring punishment on the individual as well
as the people. The gatekeepers had to prevent
unqualified intrusion. There were also
many valuable items in the temple precinct.
Gold and silver were plentiful and a temptation
to the unscrupulous individual who
may not have feared divine retribution for
trespass or theft of temple property. These
valuables also had to be guarded. Misappropriation
of that which was sacred required a
reparation offering (“guilt” offering, see
comment on Lev 5:14-16. The gatekeepers
were charged with guarding against these offenses.
9:28-33. other Levitical duties. All sorts of skills
were useful within the priestly ranks. Accounting
for the sacred vessels (remember, mostly
made of gold) involved inventory procedures,
a control and record of usage, and care for and
storage of the vessels. The consumables also
had to be inventoried and replenished, and
there were special sacred recipes for some of
the mixtures that were used (see comment on
Ex 30:23-25.
10:1-14
The Death of Saul
For comments on the details of this section see
1 Samuel 31.
11:1-9
David Becomes Kings and
Conquers Jerusalem
For comments on the details of this section see
2 Samuel 5.
11:10-47
David’s Mighty Men and Their
Exploits
For comments on the details of this section see
2 Samuel 23:8-39.
1 CHRONICLES 6:55—12:2
12:1-40
David’s First Army
12:2. ambidextrous warriors. Left-handedness
was not acceptable in the ancient world because
it was generally associated with evil or
demons. As a result, anyone who was
left-handed became ambidextrous because the
use of the left hand in many situations was
not approved. In battle, however, the ability to
use either hand could become a distinct advantage.
For instance, battle strategies were
often designed to force the enemy to be moving
to their left while fighting. For a righthanded
soldier, this would put his shield (in
1 CHRONICLES 12:15—21:30 416
his left hand) away from the enemy and expose
him to attack. An ambidextrous soldier
could easily switch the shield to his right hand
without compromising his ability to fight as
he moved. An ambidextrous bowman using a
tree or rock for protection would have a wider
range of target available because he could
shoot from either side without exposing himself
to the enemy.
12:15. crossing the Jordan at flood stage. The
first month begins in March, when the spring
temperatures were melting the snow in the
mountains and causing the Jordan to reach
flood stage. There is an interesting inscription
of Sargon II of Assyria (eighth century) where
he claims that he led his army across the Tigris
and Euphrates at flood stage as on dry
ground. On the one hand, this posed considerable
risk to those crossing, but on the other
hand (for that very reason), it often made surprise
attacks possible because no one would
be expecting the crossing to be made.
12:23-40. tribal alliance as foundation for
kingship. Israel was still a tribal society despite
the decision to have a king at their
head. As a result, any potential king needed
to procure the backing of the tribal leadership
and the military contingents of the
clans to support his bid for the throne.
1 Chronicles 12:15—21:30
13:1-14
Failed Attempt to Bring the Ark to
Jerusalem
For comments on the details of this section see
2 Samuel 6:1-11.
14:1-17
Victory over the Philistines
For comments on the details of this section see
2 Samuel 5:17-25.
15:1—16:43
Bringing the Ark to Jerusalem
15:1. David’s building projects in Jerusalem.
The only project the biblical text names
is the royal palace. Archaeology has, unfortunately,
not been able as yet to identify any
other buildings built in Jerusalem in the time
of David. For the royal palace see comment
on 2 Samuel 5:11.
15:20-21. music styles. The terms “alamoth”
(used in the titles of Psalm 46 with a possible
variation in Ps 48:14 and the title to 9) and
“sheminith” (psalm titles to 6 and 12) are left
untranslated in the NIV because there is still
uncertainty concerning their technical meanings.
The former term in its nontechnical use
means “maidens” and is therefore sometimes
interpreted as being in the soprano
range. The latter term means “eighth” and is
thought to suggest a certain placement on
the octave. Akkadian texts demonstrate the
knowledge of the seven-note scale and various
keys (“tunings”). Some of the Akkadian
notations also concern the intervals used for
filling out the chords (e.g., thirds).
For comments on the remaining details of this
section see 2 Samuel 6:12-23.
16:26. gods are idols. See comments on Leviticus
26:1 and Deuteronomy 4:15-18.
16:39. tabernacle at high place in Gibeon.
Outside of Chronicles there is no specific
mention of the tabernacle being at Gibeon.
Gibeon is located just six miles northwest of
Jerusalem, and 1 Kings 3:4 identifies it as the
most important high place and indicates a
functioning altar there.
16:42. instruments in worship in the ancient
Near East. See comments on 6:31-46.
17:1-27
Covenant Promises to David
For comments on the details of this section see
2 Samuel 7.
18:1-17
Establishment of David’s Kingdom
For comments on the details of this section see
2 Samuel 8.
19:1-19
Ammonite War
For comments on the details of this section see
2 Samuel 10.
20:1-3
Defeat of Rabbah
For comments on the details of this section see
2 Samuel 11:1; 12:29-31.
20:4-8
Battles with the Philistines
For comments on the details of this section see
2 Samuel 21:15-22.
21:1-30
David’s Census
For comments on the details of this section see
2 Samuel 24.
417 1 CHRONICLES 22:2—26:16
22:1-19
Preparations for the Building of
the Temple
22:2. stonecutters. The dressed stone used in
this period is known as ashlar masonry. An
iron chisel was used to dress the margin
around the edges, while the central part of the
rock face was left unworked. In the area
around Jerusalem limestone was particularly
abundant and could be quarried nearby, but
harder stone had to be brought from greater
distances. Basalt was available in quantity in
the Galilee and the Golan; granite was available
in the southern Arabah near Eilat under a
cover of sandstone. To quarry large blocks,
wooden wedges were driven deeply into
cracks and then soaked with water. As the
wood expanded it would split the rock. Heavy
blocks were moved into place by means of
lead balls being spread on the block below.
Subsequent blocks would flatten the lead balls.
22:3. iron nails and fittings. At this period
iron was being widely used but was still considered
decorative. The fittings were most
likely decorated plates or bands attached to
the door by the nails.
22:3. bronze work. Bronze was refined in a
crucible, and then molds were used to give it
its shape.
22:4 cedar wood. The principal use of cedar
was for making the intricate paneling in the
interior rooms. A second possible use was in
the beams that would have been interspersed
between the courses of stone work. Many of
the carvings that were done for the temple
used olive wood rather than cedar.
22:14. one hundred thousand talents of gold.
This is an immense amount of gold. Its weight
of 3750 tons would fetch about $45 billion at
today’s prices, but it represents far more in
buying power equivalence. This is by far the
largest amount of gold referred to in the Old
Testament. Elsewhere in Chronicles there is
mention of 3000 talents (112 tons) of gold (1
Chron 29:4). Outside of Chronicles the largest
number is 666 talents (25 tons) of gold, which
was the amount Solomon was said to receive
yearly. In Egypt the largest known donation of
gold and silver made by a pharaoh to the gods
is the 200 tons by Shishak (who got lots of it
from Jerusalem). In Assyrian inscriptions,
kings such as Tiglath-Pileser III, Sargon II and
Shalmaneser III rarely list the specific amount
of gold taken in tribute or plunder, and when
they do it is usually between ten and fifty talents.
Centuries later Persepolis was believed
to possess the richest hoard in the ancient
world. At the time of Alexander’s conquest its
treasure of gold and silver was valued at
120,000 talents (=4,500 tons) of silver.
22:14. how much gold? In 1993 the statistics
for the world mineral reserve base listed a total
of 55,435 tons. The United States Central
Bank gold reserve was about 9000 tons. A
cube of pure, solid gold that is one foot per
side weighs 1200 pounds (worth over $7 million
in today’s market). Solomon’s contribution
would have filled a standard two-car
garage floor to ceiling with such blocks (6250
of them). If the builders would have stacked
up blocks such as this they could have built
the outer walls of the two main chambers of
the temple one foot thick around three sides
(with dimensions of 90 by 30 by 30.
22:14. one million talents of silver. As with
the number in the last entry this is an enormous
amount (almost 40,000 tons) and far exceeds
anything else from biblical or
extrabiblical sources.
1 CHRONICLES 22:2—26:16
23:1—26:32
Levites and Their Duties
23:28-31. duties of the Levites. See comments
on 9:22-33.
24:6. scribe. Scribes in the ancient world
were the accountants, the historians, the journalists,
the personal secretaries, the tutors
and the librarians of their day. Much of a
scribe’s training involved language and writing,
and his apprenticeship would give him
additional specialized skills. While many
scribes were never more than clerks or middle-
class functionaries, some scribes gained
wide renown as sages, and others could rise
to the rank of prime minister, as is evident in
the texts form Ugarit.
25:1. connection between music and prophecy.
Typically prophets would use various procedures
in order to prepare themselves for
receiving prophetic oracles. Music played an
important role in inducing a trancelike state
(ecstasy) that was seen as making one receptive
to a divine message. In the Mari texts
there is an entire class of temple personnel
who were ecstatics and who often provided
prophetic messages.
26:15. storehouse. This term occurs only here
and in Nehemiah 12:25. In Akkadian the term
refers to the outbuildings at the gates of temples,
which fits well the more specific usage in
Nehemiah.
26:16. Shalleketh gate. This is the only reference
to this gate, and its positioning and function
are obscure. From the context it appears
to be on the west side (the rear) of the temple
area but is not the west gate. Since there is a
1 CHRONICLES 26:16—28:2 418
forum area to the west (see comment on
26:18), perhaps this gate led into the west end
of the forum area while the west gate led from
the forum into the temple area.
26:16-18. role of the gatekeepers. One of the
most important tasks assigned to priestly personnel
was controlling access to the temple
precinct, the inner circle of the “sacred compass”
(on this concept see comments on Lev
16:2 and Num 18:1-7. Defiling the sanctuary
with impurity required a purification offering
(“sin” offering, see comment on Lev 4:1-3 and
could bring punishment on the individual as
well as the people. The gatekeepers had to
prevent unqualified intrusion. There were also
many valuable items in the temple precinct.
Gold and silver were plentiful and a temptation
to the unscrupulous individual who may
not have feared divine retribution for trespass
or theft of temple property. These valuables
also had to be guarded. Misappropriation of
that which was sacred required a reparation
offering (“guilt” offering, see comment on Lev
5:14-16). The gatekeepers were charged with
guarding against these offenses.
26:18. court (parbar). This obscure architectural
term is thought (on the basis of the
Temple Scroll from the Dead Sea Scrolls) to
refer to an open area (similar to a forum) just
west of the sanctuary (that is, at the rear of it)
featuring free-standing pillars.
26:20. temple treasuries. See comment on
26:16-18.
1 CHRONICLES 26:16—28:2
27:1-24
Army Divisions and Officers
27:1. significance of lists. Part of the duty of
Israelites to their king and country involved
service in the army when necessary and regular
duty on the corvee labor crews. This latter
used forced labor as a form of taxation. This
list, however, concerned the organization of
the former along militia lines that were not organized
strictly by tribe. In the transition to a
standing army, the militia system called upon
each division to serve one month of “active”
duty, thereby forming a rotating standing
army in addition to the professional full-time
troops and the mercenaries.
27:24. wrath on Israel. For information concerning
this see comments on 2 Samuel 24.
27:25-34
Administration
27:25-31. king’s property. These stewards had
oversight of the estate and assets of the king.
Royal holdings existed throughout the land because
property that had no heirs reverted to the
crown. Likewise, those who had become debtors
to the king for one reason or another worked
the land for the king. Besides real property and
its produce the king also owned flocks and
herds that were grazed throughout the land.
28:1-21
Charge to Solomon to Build the
Temple
28:1 royal administration in the ancient Near
East. The categories listed in this verse include
representatives of each tribe (a vestige
of the twelve-tribe system that preceded the
monarchy), all officers of the military (both
king’s bodyguard and national army), royal
stewards, administration of the palace
(scribes, eunuchs, advisers, “cabinet” officials)
and David’s special forces (an elite
group of operatives that did not necessarily
function within an organized military structure).
No reference is made to priests or Levites,
but perhaps their presence is assumed (v.
21). Bureaucratic structures are evident in the
ancient Near East as early as the fourth millennium
B.C. Magistrates, bailiffs, judges, heralds
and inspectors all were part of urban and
village administration. But the list in this passage
is the administration of the king and
state—royal administration, not social administration.
One could compare and contrast the
Assyrian structure a few centuries later that
featured three major officials under the king,
roughly equivalent to American secretary of
state, president’s chief of staff and chairman
of the joint chiefs of staff. A second layer
would have included much of the palace administration.
28:2. footstool symbolism. The ark was a
wooden box, open at the top, approximately
three to four feet in length and over two feet
in both width and height (based on eighteen
inches per cubit). A golden cover, decorated
with two winged cherubim, sealed the ark, securing
the tablets of the law within it. Its primary
function was to store the tablets and to
serve as a “footstool” for God’s throne. In
Egypt it was common for important documents
that were confirmed by oath (e.g., international
treaties) to be deposited beneath the
feet of the deity. The Book of the Dead even
speaks of a formula written on a metal brick
by the hand of the god being deposited beneath
the feet of the god. Therefore the footstool/
receptacle combination follows known
Egyptian practice. In Egyptian festivals the
images of the gods were often carried in procession
on portable barques. Paintings portray
419 1 CHRONICLES 28:11—29:4
these as boxes about the size of the ark carried
on poles and decorated with or flanked by
guardian creatures. A similar-sized chest with
rings (for carrying with poles) was found in
Tutankhamun’s tomb.
28:11. temple architecture. Temples are typically
classified by archaeologists on the basis
of the arrangement of the chambers through
which one gains access to the inner recesses
and by the orientation of the main chamber
where the presence of the god is represented.
“Direct axis” architecture allowed one to walk
in a straight line from the altar to the inner
shrine (cella). “Bent axis” required a ninetydegree
turn between the altar and the place
where the image stood. The door through
which one entered the rectangular cella in the
direct access arrangement could either be on
the short wall (“long room”) or the long wall
(“broad room”). Solomon’s temple was of the
“direct axis” style, but it was neither long
room nor broad room because the holy of holies
(cella) was square, not rectangular. Solomon’s
temple also featured an antechamber
between the altar and the cella as well as a
portico, courtyard and many siderooms.
These were also common elements in ancient
Near Eastern temple architecture. A ninthcentury
temple at Tell Tayanat in Syria features
the exact structure of a portico with two
free-standing pillars, a long antechamber and
a small cella all on a direct axis, thirty-eight
feet by eighty-three feet (Solomon’s was thirty
by ninety).
1 Chronicles 28:11—29:4 28:15-17. temple accessories. Archaeologists
have unearthed many examples of temple accessories
in excavations throughout the ancient
Near East including a variety of braziers,
shovels and containers. For more information
on specific implements see comments
on 2 Chronicles 4.
28:18. cherubim as chariot. This verse has the
only explicit connection between the cherubim
and a chariot motif. In Ezekiel 1 and 10,
creatures that are identified with cherubim
accompany Yahweh’s mobile throne, but that
is never called a chariot. Biblical descriptions
as well as archaeological discoveries (including
some fine ivory pieces from Nimrud in
Mesopotamia, Arslan Tash in Syria and Samaria
in Israel) suggest the cherubim are
composite creatures (having features of a
number of different creatures, like the Egyptian
sphinx), often four-legged animal bodies
with wings. The cherubim appear in ancient
art with some regularity, flanking the thrones
of kings and deities, for instance on the side
of the throne picture on Ahiram’s sarcophagus.
29:1-9
Donations Toward the Temple
29:2. onyx. Sometimes translated “carnelian”
or even “lapis lazuli,” the precise identification
of this stone is unknown.
29:2. turquoise. Another possibility here is
“antimony,” and some believe it represents
the mortar that was used to set mosaic patterns
(see next entry).
29:2. stones of various colors. The reference
to stones of various colors suggests the use
of mosaics. In the classical world mosaics
were very popular. The stone was not artificially
colored, but rather stones of different
shades were imported from wherever they
could be found to give color to the mosaic.
The earliest mosaic floors were made from
colored pebbles laid out in geometric designs.
Only later did they begin cutting the
stone into cubes (tessellation) and forming
them into pictures. No examples of mosaics
in the Near East have been found earlier than
the eighth century B.C. (Gordion in Asia Minor),
though the art of inlay was known as
early as the third millennium (as in the royal
standard of Ur).
29:2. marble. Some translations call this alabaster.
Marble had to be imported from
Greece and is not evident in the ancient world
until its introduction into Phoenicia in the Persian
period. Marble capitals (the decorative
tops of pillars) are not attested archaeologically
in the Near East until the first or second
centuries A.D., though pillars of the material
referred to in this verse are mentioned in Esther
1:6, where the same material is used in an
inlaid floor. Oriental alabaster was a calcium
carbonate-like marble, unlike European alabaster,
which is gypsum. It was used for fine
vessels throughout the region during the biblical
period, as well as for columns in architecture.
In Sennacherib’s “palace without rival”
mostly white limestone was used, though he
had some access to alabaster.
29:4. amount of precious metals. This comes
out to over one hundred tons of gold and over
250 tons of silver. In Egypt the largest known
donation of gold and silver made by a pharaoh
to the gods is the two hundred tons by Shishak
(who got lots of it from Jerusalem). In Assyrian
inscriptions, kings such as Tiglath-Pileser III,
Sargon II and Shalmaneser III rarely list the
specific amount of gold taken in tribute or
plunder, and when they do it is usually between
ten and fifty talents. More comparable is
the amount of 9,000 talents of gold and 40,000
talents of silver Alexander the Great is said to
have taken from the Persian capital, Susa.
1 CHRONICLES 29:4—2 CHRONICLES 1:5 420
29:4. Ophir. Gold from Ophir is mentioned in
an eighth-century inscription from Tell
Qasile. The precise location of the site is unknown.
The fact that it was shipped in at Ezion
Geber suggests an Arabian location,
though sites in India and East Africa have
been considered.
29:7. amount of leaders’ gifts. Five thousand
talents of gold is nearly 200 tons and the
amount of silver is twice that. Another
amount of gold is measured in darics—the
coined money of the Persian empire. Clearly
the author of Chronicles has converted this
amount to his own contemporary units. A
daric is a gold coin that probably got its
name from its originator, the Persian king,
Darius the Great, toward the end of the sixth
century B.C. This was the first coining of
money in the Near East (though the Greek
world had been coining money for over a
century). The daric bore the image of an archer
and weighed about .3 ounces. Ten thousand
darics would therefore equal about one
hundred eighty-five pounds (about two and
a half talents). Perhaps the Chronicler did not
just include this with the other gold talents
because that part of the donation was given
in ingots that had already been sized for merchant
transactions. Even before money was
being coined, there was limited use of standardized
weight pieces either in ingot currency
(no decoration or consistent shape), or
ring money (in various ring shapes) as early
as the second millennium.
1 CHRONICLES 29:4—2 Chronicles 1:5
29:10-30
Solomon’s Coronation
29:21. coronation sacrifice. Burnt offerings
and fellowship offerings are two of the most
general types of sacrifices. The former often
accompanied petition, while the latter served
as an opportunity for festive celebration and a
communal meal before the Lord. Typical use
of this offering in a national context was for
ratification of treaties or covenant agreements.
Here, the sacrifices were being offered to
make petition for God’s blessing and in preparation
for a feast that would create an alliance
between Solomon and those in attendance.
29:29. sources in Chronicles. The Chronicler
cites many different sources that he used in
the compilation of his work. Most of these
have not survived, though the canonical
books of Samuel and Kings would have been
among them. The sources mentioned here are
records of three famous prophets of the period
of David, though we do not know whether
they are memoirs, anthologies of prophecies
or some other type of document. There is no
extant literature from the ancient world that is
attributed to a court prophet, except those
found in the Bible, so there is little precedent
for identifying the nature of these works.
2 C H R O N I C L E S
1:1-17
God’s Blessings on Solomon
1:3. high place at Gibeon. Located about four
miles northwest of Jerusalem, Gibeon (el-Jib)
lies in the Benjaminite hill country with several
nearby springs and an elaborate tunneled water
system making it an important local settlement.
The cultic site or high place where
Solomon made his huge offering of one thousand
sacrifices 1 Kings 3:4 may have actually
been on a promontory called Nebi Samwil,
about a mile south of Gibeon. The city’s prominence
is also found in its inclusion in Shishak’s
list of cities during his Palestine campaign.
The use of a high place is not condemned
by the biblical writer prior to the
construction of the Jerusalem temple and the
implementation of “Jeroboam’s sin” (see comments
on 1 Sam 10:8; 1 Kings 12:28-31.
1:3. Tent of Meeting. See the comments on Exodus
27:21 and 33:7-10 on the construction
and use of this sacred installation during the
wilderness period. The fact that it has been
separated from the ark is only found in this
narrative.
1:4. Kiriath Jearim. This village had served as
the storage place for the ark of the covenant
after its return from the Philistines (1 Sam
7:1-2). The town has been identified with Tell
el-Achar, nine miles west-northwest of Jerusalem,
but this is unsubstantiated by archaeological
finds or extrabiblical references. Its
association with Mahaneh Dan in Judges
18:12 puts it in that general area (see the comment
on Judg 13:25. This location places it
only six miles from Gibeon.
1:5. bronze altar. See Exodus 38:30 and 39:39
421 2 CHRONICLES 1:5-14
for the construction of this altar, which was
supposed to stand in front of the tent of meeting
(see also 2 Kings 16:14. The presence of
the tent of meeting and the bronze altar at
Gibeon while the ark was moved to Jerusalem
suggests two different, major religious centers
prior to the construction of the Jerusalem temple.
2 Chronicles 1:5-14 1:5. assembly inquiry. Inquiry usually refers
to posing an oracular question to the deity, but
no question is stated or implied here. A persuasive
variant reading understands the
search (“inquiry”) to be for the altar rather
than for an oracle from the Lord. This would
make sense prior to the temple-building activities
in the following chapters. With the anticipated
construction of a new sanctuary, it is
important to collect the relics that had been
associated with the traditional shrine. Significant
holiness would be attached to this altar
that had been used by Aaron himself several
centuries earlier. If there is an oracle being
sought here, it likely concerns the desire to
build a temple. Such work was not begun
without specific divine approval (see comment
on 2:1).
1:6. one thousand burnt offerings. In its magnitude,
this can be compared to the mass sacrifices
in Exodus 24:5-8 and 1 Kings 8:5. Such
extravagance generally marks major covenantal
events or the initiation of a new relationship
with Yahweh. The huge piles of offerings
on tables depicted in Egyptian tomb paintings
may parallel, at least in terms of quantity, the
devotion and power exemplified in Solomon’s
offerings at Gibeon.
1:7-12. incubation dreams. Though the passage
in Chronicles does not mention a dream,
1 Kings 3 provides that detail. It was common
practice for individuals or groups to travel to
shrines, make offerings and then sleep before
the altar in the hope of obtaining a dream
message from the god of that place (see the
comments on Gen 28:13-15 and 1 Sam 3:3.
The setting therefore was extremely important
to incubate a dream theophany (as in the
dream of the Ugaritic hero-king Keret). In the
vision the person is aroused by the god’s appearance
and a call to be alert to their pronouncement.
Among the many examples
from ancient Near Eastern literature, the Assyrian
king Ashurbanipal describes a dream
in which Ishtar appeared to him, and the
Neo-Babylonian king Nabonidus records several
dreams in which Marduk or Sin stood before
him in all of their glory.
1:7. God’s offer. In auditory message dreams
such as this (see comment on 1 Sam 3:4-10, it
is not unusual at all for conversation to take
place between the deity and the king. The
dream functions to validate either the kingship
or a proposed undertaking of the king.
1:8. Solomon’s acknowledgment of God’s patronage.
Similar phrasing can be found
throughout the ancient Near East as kings recognize
the deity who has established them.
The Hittite king, Muwattalli II, for instance,
cites his own unworthiness in comparison to
his father’s status and accomplishments. He
then recognizes the deity as having raised him
up and established him on the throne.
1:12. granting of wisdom. Kings of the ancient
Near East were supposed to be wise,
and it was not unusual for them to credit deity
for bestowing wisdom on them. The Assyrian
king Sargon was proclaimed to be the
wisest ruler in the world thanks to the gods
Ea and Belet-ili. The god Asshur assures Sennacherib
in a dream that his wisdom had surpassed
the wisdom of the experts.
Ashurbanipal boasts not only of his great
learning and wisdom, but of his technical
knowledge and his ability to debate the
learned. He credits Shamash and Adad for
granting him his wealth of wisdom.
2 CHRONICLES 1:8-17 1:14. Solomon’s chariots and horses. The accumulation
of such a large force of chariots indicates
his intention to emulate the grand
military displays of his neighbors and rivals.
For conflicts in open country and on broad
plains, the chariot, accompanied by detachments
of infantry and cavalry, was both a
shock weapon and a mobile platform for archers.
The huge numbers of chariots recorded in
the Assyrian annals at the Battle of Qarqar
(853 B.C., see comment on 22:1) indicate just
how important commanders considered them
in their military planning. Solomon’s contingent
of chariots is not as large as the two thousand
that Ahab contributed to the western
alliance at that battle. In the thirteenth century
the Hittites and their allies had amassed twenty-
five hundred chariots to confront Rameses
II at the Battle of Qadesh.
1:14. Solomon’s stables. The wide distribution
of stable facilities uncovered by archaeologists
throughout Israel (Megiddo, Tell
el-Hesi, Lachish, Beersheba, Hazor) suggests
extensive use of chariot corps in the armies of
Israel and Judah. The common architectural
style found in most of these stables (long hall,
divided lengthwise into three aisles by pillars,
and a single door) indicates both attention to
function and a common building program.
They featured low stone pillars with holes for
tethering, and large, shallow stone mangers
(similar to those depicted on Assyrian monuments).
Large installations would have been
2 CHRONICLES 1:15—2:2 422
necessary to house and exercise these trained
stallions. The Megiddo stables (those found
generally dated to Ahab’s time) could have
housed up to 480 horses. When other stable
facilities found by archaeologists are included,
nearly 800 stalls can be identified.
1:15. Solomon’s gold. For statistics concerning
the gold of David and Solomon, see the comments
on 1 Chronicles 22:14.
1:16-17. trade with Egypt. Solomon’s role
seems to have been as a “middleman” between
Egypt and Anatolia in the horse and
chariot trade. The Phoenicians had established
most of the commercial links and provided
the ships to carry goods throughout the
Mediterranean. With them as his trading partners
and Solomon’s strategic location on the
land link between Africa and Asia (see his
horse farms in 2 Chron 8:3-4, it would be a
natural expectation that Israel would tap the
financial markets during a period of relative
peace. As early as the Amarna period fine
horses were being imported from Egypt, and
the Hittites also imported from Egypt. Both
Assyrian and Hittite sources differentiate between
the large horses available in Egypt (Nubian
horses) and their own smaller horses.
1:16. Kue. Located in the lowlands of southeastern
Turkey in what is known in classical
sources as Cilicia, Kue emerged from the destruction
of the Hittite empire in 1200 B.C. to
become a major trading center. In addition to
its mention as one of Solomon’s trading partners,
Kue is found in the Assyrian annals as
one of the participating states at the Battle of
Qarqar (853 B.C.) and in the Karatepe inscription
of Azitawada (late eighth century B.C.).
1:17. cost of chariots and horses. The cost of
chariots found in inscriptional material ranges
from sixty to one hundred shekels per chariot.
The fact that Solomon is paying many times
that price suggests that these are not ordinary
chariots but ornamental chariots used in display
and procession contexts. These are widely
attested in both Egypt and Mesopotamia.
The luxury transportation of the day, these
were typically gilded with all variety of gold,
lapis lazuli and precious stones. The Amarna
letters refer to a chariot of the Mitannian king
that was gilded with over three hundred shekels
of gold. The price for the horses is also
high but not outrageous for a good quality animal.
In second-millennium Hittite sources a
chariot horse could be bought for twenty
shekels. But there are examples in Syria and
Babylon from early in the second millennium
to the middle of the first millennium where
two to three hundred shekels were paid.
1:17. export trade with Hittites and Arameans.
For them to receive horses and chariots
by any overland route, the Hittites (see
comment on 2 Kings 7:6 and Arameans
would have had to deal with Solomon and his
Phoenician trading partners. During the eleventh
and tenth centuries B.C., the Aramean
tribes had taken advantage of the weakness of
Assyria and Babylonia to establish small
states, such as that at Damascus (see the comments
on 1 Kings 11:23-25. Realizing that the
Assyrians were still capable of reemerging as
a major force (as they were to do in the ninth
century), it would have been good policy for
both Cilicia and Aram to continue to train and
equip strong armies, even in the face of inflated
prices.
2:1—4:22
Solomon Builds the Temple
2:1. temple building in the ancient world. Early
in the second millennium, Gudea, ruler of
Lagash, receives instructions through incubation
dreams that he is to build a temple for the
goddess Ningirsu. The text reports his gathering
of materials (wood, stone, gold and silver)
and assembling a work force. At the completion
of the work there is a dedication feast lasting
seven days. As a result of his labor, Gudea
is promised long life and a successful reign.
Similar details are given over a millennium later
when Esarhaddon is instructed to rebuild
the famous Esagila temple in Babylon. Another
interesting account of temple building is found
in the Ugaritic epic in which the god Baal is
building a house for himself. Again the elements
of gathering appropriate materials,
amassing a work force and celebration upon
completion are all present.
2:2. conscript labor. The corvee for public
works projects like the construction of the
temple would be conscripted on the basis of a
census. Considering the huge number of
projects undertaken during Solomon’s reign,
it seems likely that native Israelites as well as
resident aliens would have served in the corvee.
Indications of this are found in Jeroboam’s
position as chief of the corvee in the
Joseph tribes 1 Kings 11:28 and the stoning
by the northern tribes of another corvee officer,
Adoniram 1 Kings 12:18. The use of
forced labor was already widespread in Syria
in the second half of the second millennium.
The excesses associated with “forced labor”
are also used as one of the charges against the
Neo-Babylonian king Nabonidus in the Cyrus
Cylinder.
2 CHRONICLES 1:15—2:2 2:2. carriers. As with any labor group, there
would have been a division of labor between
423 2 CHRONICLES 2:2-7
the skilled and the unskilled. Presumably
those delegated to the task of “carrying”
would have been unskilled “strong backs,”
who would have hauled stone, timber and
building materials and tools. Such heavy labor
generally fell to prisoners of war or slaves
in Mesopotamian documents. In this case,
where resident aliens were involved, they
may have served in this capacity, but that
would depend on individual skills or background.
2:2. stonecutters. The parallel passage in 1 Kings
5:15-18 indicates the need for quarriers who
wrenched the stone from the cliffs as well as
more highly trained Phoenician Gebalites
(from Byblos) who dressed the stone for use in
the construction of the temple. The work at
the quarry was accomplished by cutting
trenches (about two feet wide all around) to
isolate the stone that was to be used. Then
wooden wedges were driven in at the bottom
and drenched with water. The resulting expansion
of the wood freed the bottom of the
stone. Though this took no great skill on the
part of the laborers, a supervisor with training
would be needed to determine where the
trenches should be cut so as to procure the
best pieces of stone. The next stage was rough
shaping. After this the true masons took over
as they dressed the stone surfaces and gave it
the proportions needed. The work was done
with such precision that no mortar was needed.
The Egyptian “satire on the trades” describes
the cramped back and thighs of the
stonecutter who destroys his arms fashioning
“costly stones” for buildings. The work of
stonecutters is depicted on some of the wall
panels decorating Sennacherib’s palace in
Nineveh.
2:2. size of work force. The total work force is
153,600 (vv. 17-18), divided into three groups:
carriers, stonecutters and officers. Numbers
such as these may reflect approximate totals
of all those who were recruited to work on the
temple over the years it took to build, rather
than the number working at any given time.
Assyrian and Babylonian kings typically got
their work force through their military campaigns.
In fact, it was the need for a work
force that sometimes instigated military activity.
In one report, Ashurnasirpal gathered
nearly fifty thousand to work on the city of
Kalhu.
2:3-16. royal correspondence. There are many
examples of royal correspondence from the
ancient Near East, which contain requests for
building supplies (such as the cedars of Lebanon),
luxury items and diplomatic exchanges.
The letter carried by the eleventh-century
Egyptian priest Wenamon contained a request
for cedar logs and made mention of the longstanding,
multigenerational relationship between
the pharaoh and the kings of the Phoenician
coast. The kings of Mari regularly
wrote to their vassals and allies, exchanging
news and describing the arrival of manufactured
goods, animals and raw materials that
they had requested or purchased. In this context,
Solomon’s exchange of letters with
Hiram, although not structured in the formal
style typical of extrabiblical correspondence,
provides a sense of business as usual.
2:4. burning incense. See the comment on Exodus
30:7-8 for the use of incense in the tent of
meeting and evidence of its use elsewhere in
the ancient Near East. The burning of incense
was a regular part of worship of the gods
throughout the ancient Near East, so this is a
necessity that would be familiar to Hiram.
2:4. consecrated bread. See the comment on
Leviticus 24:5-9 on the preparation and weekly
presentation of the “show bread.” This sacrifice
symbolized both God’s presence as well
as the promise of fertility found in the covenant.
It was common practice in the ancient
Near East to set food before the gods, though
Israelite practice in this regard was quite different
from that of her neighbors (see comment
on Lev 1:1-2.
2:4. Sabbaths, New Moons, feasts. See the
comments on Numbers 28 and 29, which discuss
Israel’s religious calendar. Though the
recognition of Sabbaths is so far unique to Israel,
observances at the New Moons and annual
festivals would have been familiar
obligations to Hiram and the Phoenicians.
2 CHRONICLES 2:2-7 2:5. basis for the claim of Yahweh’s superiority.
Similar claims of superiority for their patron
gods can be found in the Assyrian annals
for Ashur and the Enuma Elish creation story
for Babylon’s god Marduk. Such would be the
expected rhetoric for any nation in internal
documents. When one nation claims superiority
of its god(s) over the god(s) of another nation,
it is usually based on military supremacy
or acts of power. Such claims have greatest
credibility when they are found in the mouths
of those who have worshiped the other god(s)
now being considered inferior. Such is the
case in Rahab’s statement (based on military
supremacy and acts of power; Josh 2:11 and
Naaman’s exclamation (based on healing act;
2 Kings 5:15.
2:7. imported craftsmen. When Assyrians or
Babylonians went on campaigns intended to
round up a labor force, a prime objective was
to procure skilled craftsmen (see the list of
those exiled in 2 Kings 24:14, 16. On the one
2 CHRONICLES 2:7—3:1 424
hand the sheer demand often required more
craftsman than were available locally. Additionally,
however, some peoples had further
developed certain technologies because of the
natural resources that were available to them.
Craft guilds often were made up of families
that had developed their own techniques and
trade secrets that would be practiced and
passed on from generation to generation. Such
skills were desirable, and merchant trade
could establish a reputation that would put
such craftsmen in high demand.
2:7. blue and crimson yarn. These were the
most exotic and desirable dyes that were
available in the ancient world and were very
expensive. They had been used in decorating
the tabernacle and in embroidering the priestly
vestments. The “blue cloth” has more recently
been interpreted as a blue/purple or
violet color. The dye for this color was one of
the major imports of Phoenicia where it was
extracted from the murex snail (murex trunculus)
which inhabited shallow coastal waters of
the Mediterranean. An ancient refinery has
also been found at Dor along the northern
coast of Israel. One chemist estimated that a
quarter of a million snails would be needed to
produce one ounce of pure dye. This dye was
used in the manufacture of the most sacred
objects.
2:8. types of lumber. Essentially cedar and cypress
trees were to be used for the beams and
other structural supports. This usage follows
the pattern set by other ancient Near Eastern
kings like Nebuchadnezzar of Babylon for
their monumental buildings. Almug in 1 Kings
10:11-12 is red sandalwood imported from
Ophir (native to India and Ceylon) and is a
luxury hardwood used for furniture since it
can be highly polished. The algum of Chronicles
may be Grecian juniper, a tall coniferlike
fir used for timber. Typically they used hardwoods
that polished to a fine finish with nice
grain or fragrant odor. A number of these
woods are also impervious to bugs or mildew.
Iron-headed axes and two-handed copper
pullsaws were among the principal tools used
to prepare the timber. Egyptian tombs and
tomb paintings provide much information
concerning these and other tools.
2:10. payment of woodsmen. While the wages
to be paid to the Phoenician woodsmen are set
in an agreement for the totality of the project,
it may be assumed that each worker received
a daily wage/ration for his labor. These men,
while they might have belonged to a guild of
woodsmen, may have also included h~
upshu
laborers (mentioned in Amarna, Nuzi and Assyrian
texts), who depended for their livelihood
on what they could earn each day. The
125,000 bushels each of wheat and barley and
the 120,000 gallons each of wine and oil would
have served as rations for six to eight thousand
workers for three years.
2:14. engraving. Engraving could be done on
bone, ivory, shells, stone, gems, wood and
metal of various sorts. The art of engraving included
the shaping and inscribing of precious
and semiprecious stones as seals and insignia.
These cylinder seals and stamp seals were
used throughout the ancient Near East as personal
identification and the means of sealing
official documents and contracts with the
names of the participants. In the temple much
of the furniture as well as the paneling required
engraving work.
2:16. wood delivered by raft. The trade in cedar
logs from Lebanon is well attested in
Egyptian (Old Kingdom through the eighth
century) and Assyrian sources. For a time
Tiglath-Pileser III ordered the trade stopped
between the Phoenicians and their Egyptian
and Philistine trading partners, fearing the
construction of a fleet or a growth in wealth
sufficient to make them dangerous. Transport
of the logs along the Palestinian coast south
would have involved either tying them together
into rafts, which required staying very
close to shore for fear of storms breaking them
up, or loading them on ships. Assyrian reliefs
show Phoenician ships both loaded with logs
and towing them. Reliefs at Sargon’s palace
show cedar-log rafts being floated down the
river for use in his building projects, a process
that was used as early as 2000 B.C. in Gudea’s
temple project. Joppa was the closest port to
Jerusalem in antiquity and was the natural debarkation
point for the logs. From Tyre to Joppa
was nearly one hundred miles; the inland
trek from Joppa to Jerusalem was about thirtyfive
miles.
2 CHRONICLES 2:7—3:1 2:17-18. aliens as conscript labor. See the comment
on 2:2 and 2:7 on the use and acquisition
of conscript labor.
3:1. Mount Moriah. This identification is intended
to associate the site of the temple with
the sacrifice of Isaac (see the comment on Gen
22:2) even if it is in name only.
3:1. threshing floor of Araunah. See the comments
on 2 Samuel 24:18-25 for David’s purchase
of this facility. The threshing floor, like
the city gate, served as a legally significant
spot where grain was distributed, disputes
settled (see 1 Kings 22:10, and where God’s
manifestation might occur (see Judg 6:36-40.
A threshing floor would also be outside the
walls of the city and elevated to take advantage
of the winds to blow away the chaff. The
425 2 CHRONICLES 3:2-13
choice of a temple site in the ancient world
was an important matter that often absorbed a
good deal of time and energy. It was believed
that the deity was the one who would designate
the spot. No such process is indicated
here. Instead a site with already long-established
sacred traditions serves the purpose.
There are no oracles asked or any designation
of location offered through divine messages.
3:2. chronology. The building begins early in
Solomon’s reign in the mid-960s. The second
day of the second month is in the spring when
the rainy season and the early festivals are
past. The first day of the month would probably
have been the New Moon festival, so the
second day begins the work.
2 Chronicles 3:2-13 3:3-4. dimensions. The text in Chronicles describing
the physical dimensions of the temple
is incomplete, and the measurements given
are different from those found in 1 Kings 6:2
(sixty cubits long by twenty cubits wide by
thirty cubits high). Chronicles omits the
height for the main structure but lists twenty
cubits for the height of the portico in verse 4.
This measurement may then be based on simply
the foundations. There is also some variation
in terminology, but that may be explained
by the changes in language usage over time.
The cubit “of the old standard” is slightly
shorter than the common standard in Deuteronomy
3:11. Unlike Mesopotamian descriptions
of temples that intend to glorify the king
who built the temple, the biblical text gives information
sufficient for the reader to visualize
(if not precisely reconstruct) the building.
3:4. portico. The portico was the outermost
section of the three parts of the Jerusalem temple.
This would be consistent with the pattern
found in the temple at Tainat and elsewhere in
Syria and Phoenicia. It seems to be an “attachment”
rather than an integral part of the temple
complex and, unlike the two inner chambers,
has no doorway. In construction it most
resembles the great court of the palace (see
1 Kings 7:12. While the main inner chamber
and the holy of holies effectively comprise the
“house of Yahweh,” the portico matches traditional
Near Eastern architecture as the courtyard
attached to major dwelling places.
3:5. palm tree and chain designs. The use of a
palm tree motif in monumental construction
in the ancient Near East also appears most
graphically in the wall paintings of the palace
of Mari during the reign of Zimri-Lim (eighteenth
century). The palm symbolizes fecundity
and is the source of the date, a major asset
to the economy and food supply of the entire
area. The chain design is expanded in the
Chronicles version, while it only adorns the
capitals of the bronze pillars in 1 Kings 7:17. In
Egyptian temples, the palm and lotus pillars
represent the conceptualization of the temple
as a microcosm of the earth that is the domain
of the deity.
3:6. gold of Parvaim. While Parvaim is most
likely a place name, its location is unknown.
Suggestions have identified it with Yemen and
northeast Arabia, but there is no site associated
with the term. Its relation to gold may be
based on a standard of purity, either associated
with etymological links to parim, “young
bulls,” or para, a fruit-bearing tree. In both cases
the color of the blood or fruit may have given
rise to styling this gold as particularly high
grade.
3:7. carved cherubim. The description of the
wall carvings parallels 1 Kings 6:29. These
winged beings, symbolic of God’s presence,
were also embroidered into the curtains as
well as the veil covering the Holy of Holies in
the tabernacle Ex 26:1. An inscription of
Agum-kakrime in the second half of the second
millennium refers to his contributions
and building of a shrine for the gods Marduk
and Sarpanitum. The doors to this shrine are
decorated with pictures of a horned serpent, a
bison, a dog, a scorpion man and several demons,
including the protective lah
6
mu-demons.
The contemporary temple at ‘Ain Dara
in Syria also featured many carvings of
sphinxes and lions.
2 CHRONICLES 3:2-10 3:8. six hundred talents of gold. For the relatively
small chamber of the Holy of Holies
alone to be inlaid with six hundred talents
(39,600 pounds) of gold would have been
quite extravagant. It seems more likely that
this amount would have been applied as thinly
beaten sheets to the decoration of the entire
inner walls of the temple. For comparisons
concerning amounts of gold see comments on
1 Chronicles 22:14.
3:9. gold nails, fifty shekels. Contrary to the
NIV rendering, this difficult text probably conveys
that fifty shekels worth of gold was used
to plate iron nails used to attach the gold inlay
to the walls. Nails weighing fifty shekels
(14.75 ounces) would be too heavy, while fifty
shekels weight of gold nails would not be
enough to do the job.
3:10-13. sculptured cherubim. These freestanding
figures made of olive wood served
as guardians or wardens of the Holy of Holies
(compare 1 Kings 6:23-28, much as they do
the Garden of Eden Gen 3:24. The architecture
of ancient Near Eastern temples evoked
images of the Garden (as a residence or audience
hall of deity) in several particulars. Composite
winged creatures positioned by pillars
2 CHRONICLES 3:14—4:11 426
stylized to look like trees (usually date palms)
were common especially in Syria-Palestine
and the upper Euphrates region. Like those
whose wings cover the ark of the covenant
within the Holy of Holies, these gold inlaid
cherubim also function as the symbol of God’s
presence and a sort of throne. Ancient Near
Eastern iconography frequently pictures the
thrones of kings and deities flanked by composite
winged creatures. The Canaanite equivalent
for the storm god Baal was the figure of
a bull upon which he is often depicted as
standing (compare Ps 18:10 for Yahweh
“riding” the cherubim). For more information
see comment on Exodus 25:18-20.
3:14. curtain. According to the account in
1 Kings 6:31-32, the two sections of Solomon’s
temple were divided by a wooden
door, which was inlaid with gold and decorated
with carvings of cherubim, palm trees
and flowers. The Chronicler describes also
how the curtain served as a second barrier. In
New Testament times the temple also had
both doors and a curtain. Separating the holy
precincts from the secular world and its impurity
was required in the architectural design
of ancient temples.
3:15-17. free-standing pillars. For more information
see comments on 1 Kings 7:15-22.
Their placement may be compared to the sacred
architecture of the shrines at Shechem,
Hazor and Tyre.
3:16. chains with pomegranates. Pomegranates
are a symbol of fertility both in the ancient
Near East and in the promises of the
covenant Deut 8:8. Ancient reliefs show a
pomegranate-topped scepter used by kings
and priests bringing sacrifices. A recently recovered
ivory pomegranate (probably the top
of just such a scepter) contains the Hebrew inscription
“belonging to the temple of the
Lord,” suggesting its use by priests.
4:1. bronze altar. The use of bronze for sculptured
items appears to have begun during the
monarchy period. This sacrificial platform
was a square, thirty feet to a side, with smaller
levels forming steps to its altar. Like other altars,
this one functioned symbolically as
“God’s table,” upon which sacrifices were
placed in acknowledgment of Yahweh’s gifts
of fertility (see 1 Kings 8:64 and 2 Kings 16:14.
The huge size of this platform and altar most
likely precludes it being cast as a single object.
Instead it was probably constructed of wood
and overlaid with bronze (compare the smaller
altar described in 2 Chron 6:13.
4:6. basins. Archaeologists have found a
bronze stand that would have held just such a
basin dating from the twelfth century B.C. The
stand had wheels and was decorated with
winged composite creatures (see 1 Kings 7:29.
4:2-5. the “Sea.” The “molten sea” (see 1 Kings
7:23-26) has parallels in Assyrian reliefs from
the time of Sargon II (eighth century B.C.).
There two massive cauldrons are portrayed,
resting on the forelegs of bulls at the entrance
to the Musasir temple. Its practical function
was, like the laver in the tabernacle (Ex
30:18-21) and the ten basins (v. 6), for ablutions
by the priests. Additionally, some have
attributed to it a symbolic value. With its
twelve bulls representing the twelve tribes
and its monumental size (forty-five feet in circumference),
it may have evoked images of
Yahweh’s role as Creator God and Lord over
the chaotic waters of the earth. In this way,
Yahweh eclipses the Canaanite deities Yamm
and Baal and the Babylonian god Marduk,
who represent sea and storm (see Ps 29:10;
104:1-9; Is 51:9-10.
2 CHRONICLES 3:14—4:11 4:7. lampstands. The ten golden lampstands
(see 1 Kings 7:49 are a significant difference
from the single lampstand in the tabernacle
Ex 25:31-38. They were probably cylindrical
in shape, made of wood and covered with
gold leaf. Placed on either side of the temple’s
interior, their light and golden reflection
magnified the sense of splendor and glory inherent
in Solomon’s temple and God’s presence
(see Jer 52:19; 2 Chron 13:11; 29:7 for
additional references to these “specified” objects).
Along with the tables and incense altars
or braziers, these furnishings provided
the sense of this place being the “house of
Yahweh.”
4:8. tables. For information on the function of
the tables and the use of the bread see comment
on Leviticus 24:5-9.
4:8. sprinkling bowls. The golden bowls are
also mentioned in 1 Kings 7:50, but the Chronicler
supplies the figure of one hundred for
them. Their exact function is unclear, but they
may have been used to dip water from the basins
(v. 6) or to collect blood from sacrifices
(see Ex 24:6, 8; 27:3).
4:9-10. layout of the courts. This Phoenician-
style, tripartite plan is also found in the
temple at ’Ain Dara in northwest Syria. In this
way the sacred precincts will be noted as restricted
to priestly function and clearly divided
from that portion of the temple complex
that may have adjoined more secular buildings.
4:11. pots, shovels, sprinkling bowls. Completing
the list of cultic objects fabricated by
Hiram are those associated with sacrificial offering
and incense. Incense shovels have been
discovered in excavations at Tel Dan (see Lev
427 2 CHRONICLES 4:16—5:12
16:12-13). The pots were used to store ashes
from the incense altar, and the bowls held
blood from the sacrifices Ex 38:3; Num 4:14.
All of these dedicatory objects are designed to
properly deal with the remains of sacrificial
offerings. The disposal of ashes and the proper
collection and use of blood were necessary
to insure the purity of the altar and the temple.
4:16. meat forks. Archaeologists have discovered
a number of large forks and these may be
the items described by the Chronicler (see
their inclusion in the lists in Ex 27:3 and Num
4:14). The priestly portion of the sacrifice was
prescribed in Leviticus 7:28-36 to be the right
thigh and the breast. However, in the story of
the premonarchic shrine at Shiloh an instance
is found of priests drawing sacrificial meat out
of a common, boiling pot (see the comment on
1 Sam 2:13.
4:17. geography. Zarethan is located “in the
plain of the Jordan,” east of the river and halfway
between the Dead Sea and the Sea of Galilee
in Joshua 3:16 and 1 Kings 4:12. The exact
site is not yet determined, although Tell
es-Sa’idiyeh and Tell el-Meqberah are among
the suggested locations. Succoth is located at
Tell Deir Allah about a mile north of the Jabbok
River and about three miles east of the
Jordan River. Remains from this period have
been found on the site. The area on the top of
the tell is comparable to one football field,
about one and a quarter acres. It was a small
settlement that was involved in a bronze
smelting industry.
4:21. floral work. A much more graphic description
of the floral design on the lampstands
(almond blossoms) can be found in
Exodus 25:31-40 and 37:17-24. A similar example
of a blossom motif has been found on
a lampstand from Megiddo and on miniature
pillars found at Arslan Tash. The lotus pattern
is also common in Canaanite and Egyptian
decor. The sense of constant fertility,
here a reminder of the covenant, might be the
purpose for this design.
4:21. lamps and tongs. The list provided by
the Chronicler of golden sacred utensils includes
the lamps attached to the multistemmed
lampstands and the tongs used to
carry coals to and from these lamps and the
incense altars (see 1 Kings 7:49; Is 6:6. These
tongs may have also been used to remove extinguished
wicks, which would be relit and
replaced within the lamp. The quality of the
“fine” or “pure” gold used to plate even utilitarian
objects like tongs or “snuffers” is a testament
to their importance in cultic ritual.
2 CHRONICLES 4:16—5:12 4:22. wick trimmers. Wick trimmers would
have been employed to prevent the wicks,
floating in the cups containing oil on the
lampstands Ex 27:20, from sputtering or refusing
to ignite (see Is 42:3. It would have
been a regular task of the priests to tend the
lamps Ex 30:7, and they may have employed
a trimmer to insure that there was no interruption
of ritual or an extinguishing of the
light Is 42:3; 43:17). Since this is an unusual
Hebrew term, some scholars translate the
word as “musical instruments,” based on Mesopotamian
texts and Assyrian reliefs depicting
the use of music accompanying temple
ritual and the “divine meal.”
4:22. ladles and censers. The word used here
and in 1 Kings 7:50 for censers is one of two
types of fire pans—in this case one with a
long handle (see Lev 10:1; Num 16:6. Incense
and a hot coal would be placed on the implement
and carried about to cense a room or altar.
The Qumran texts mention such a firepan
used to carry fire into the temple. New Kingdom
Egyptian drawings depict the use of
handled censers as part of a ritual to ward off
evil or being carried in procession. Ladles
were used to dispense oil into the lamps or
carry incense to the altars or censers (1 Kings
7:50).
5:1—7:22
Solomon’s Dedication of the
Temple
5:3. festival of the seventh month. The
Chronicler mentions only the number of the
month, not its name, Ethanim. See the comment
on this autumn month in 1 Kings 8:2.
One of the common systems of calendars simply
used numbers rather than names to designate
the months. The festival referred to is the
harvest festival of Booths (Succoth).
5:12. linen clothing. Although linen garments
were generally reserved for the use of priests
Lev 6:10; 16:4), on this special occasion, the
Levites and musicians are also clothed in linen.
The linen for the clothing worn by the
priests was imported from Egypt where it was
also distinctively used for priests’ garments.
Angels, too, are said to be dressed in linen.
5:12. musical instruments. Cymbals, harps,
lyres and trumpets are all typical musical instruments
of the time and are attested in ancient
Near Eastern texts, reliefs and paintings
as early as the third millennium B.C. There is
still some disagreement among authorities as
to which of the Hebrew words in this passage
ought to be translated “harp” and which one
as “lyre.” The one the NIV translates “lyre” is a
2 CHRONICLES 6:12—7:16 428
ten-stringed instrument, while the one translated
“harp” is thought to have had fewer
strings. Both are hand-held with frames made
of wood. Cymbals are made of bronze and are
in the percussion group, so the only remaining
question concerns their size. The trumpets
are not the ram’s-horn trumpets that are referred
to in other contexts. Tubular flared
trumpets were used in this period in military
as well as ritual contexts. This is depicted on
Egyptian reliefs as well as evidenced by actual
instruments found, for example, in the tomb
of King Tut (a silver trumpet nearly two feet
long).
6:12-13. prayer posture. Solomon’s posture in
verse 12 and in 1 Kings 8:22 is initially standing
with his arms upraised and palms opened
upward as he addresses the assembly and
prays a dedicatory prayer for the temple. It is
implied from 1 Kings 8:54 that Solomon at
some point had knelt down, and that detail is
supplied in 2 Chronicles 6:13. The incantation
prayers of Mesopotamian sources, such as
that to Ishtar, imply prostration of the supplicant
as well as a ritual of raising the hands.
Hittite sources suggest similar postures and
gestures. Royal prayers are not uncommon,
though it is difficult to discern whether they
are precomposed or spontaneous.
6:22. role of oaths in judicial process. See the
comments on Deuteronomy 1:9-18 for background
on the use of oaths. They are quite
common in ancient Near Eastern law codes,
where they appear in cases of theft and instances
of damage to property. They also appear
in treaty-making contexts, where the
god(s) are called as witnesses to the agreement.
2 CHRONICLES 6:12—7:16 7:5-7. number and types of sacrifices. Burnt
offerings, grain offerings and fellowship offerings
are all mentioned here. See the comment
on Leviticus 3:1-5 on the fellowship offerings
and the burning of the fat prior to consumption
of the sacrificial meat, and the comment
on Leviticus 2:1-3 and 6:14-23 for the regulations
regarding the grain offering. We are not
told how many of the sacrifices were burnt offerings
(which were totally consumed on the
altar) and how many were fellowship offerings
(which were used for festival meals). It
appears that the king is providing much of the
meat for a religious communal feast for those
in attendance. These numbers are large but
are not out of proportion with some of the
other figures found in ancient Near Eastern
literature. When in 879 B.C. King Ashurnasirpal
II threw a dedication party for his palace
in the Assyrian capital city of Calah, he provided
five thousand sheep, one thousand
lambs and cattle, five hundred deer, five hundred
gazelles, thirty-four thousand fowl and
ten thousand fish.
7:8. Lebo Hamath to Wadi of Egypt. See the
comment on 1 Kings 4:21 on the boundaries of
Solomon’s kingdom. The “entrance” to
Hamath (Ematu in the Ebla texts), Lebo
Hamath, is most likely modern Lebweh on
one of the sources of the Orontes. This was the
southern border of the land of Hamath and
therefore the northern border of Canaan, and
designates the northern corner of the empire,
about forty-five miles north of Damascus. The
Wadi of Egypt would be the Wadi al-Arish.
7:12-22. God’s response. There are a number
of interesting features to this divine speech.
First, rather than the typical ancient Near
Eastern practice of choosing the site prior to
the construction (see comment on 3:1), God’s
choosing is indicated at the dedication. Second,
even though the temple was seen as the
place of God’s presence, in verse 14 he still
makes it clear that he will hear their prayers
from heaven. Nonetheless, third, his name, eyes
and heart will be in the temple. “Name” represents
an extension of self. Eyes were understood
as representing gathering of information
and, therefore, “knowing.” In English,
“heart” is used metaphorically for the seat of
emotions in contrast to logic and reason. Hebrew
uses it as the center of both emotions
and reason/intellect. This usage is also true of
the related Semitic languages such as Ugaritic,
Aramaic and Akkadian. For more information
on temple ideology see next comment. The
prayers that God will hear at the temple
would not come from organized prayer meetings
once a week but from the petitions (national,
royal, priestly or individual) that
would be associated with the burnt offerings.
Finally, the threat against the temple and the
people who would neglect it is paralleled in
the ancient Near East in the gods who abandon
their temples and their cities because of
offenses, typically in the category of ritual neglect.
Here Israel is warned against neglect of
the law, which included rituals, but was much
more extensive.
7:16. temple ideology in the ancient Near East.
The temple here is seen as the receptacle of
God’s power on earth. It is from there that he
will see what is happening and from where he
will act (emotions and decisions). In the ancient
Near East the temple was considered to be a
microcosm of the land. It represented either the
cosmic mountain (Mesopotamia) or the primeval
hillock (Egypt) out of which all else
emerged. It was a palace that paralleled the
palace where the deity dwelt either in heavenly
429 2 CHRONICLES 8:2—9:1
places or on the heavenly mountain. The deity
was believed to be “in” the statue that was his
representation in the temple; but the idol was
not the deity (for more information on idols,
see comments on Deut 4.
2 CHRONICLES 8:2—9:1
8:1-18
Solomon’s Accomplishments
8:2. villages given by Hiram. See the comment
on 1 Kings 9:11, which describes how
Solomon transferred twenty cities in the Galilee
region to Hiram of Tyre. If these are the
same cities referred to there, it is possible that
Hiram is returning them for any of several
reasons. If this is referring to a different incident,
the text offers no information concerning
the location of the cities or the arrangements
that led to their transfer.
8:3. Hamath Zobah. In earlier passages these
are two separate areas (see comments on 2 Sam
8), but by the time of Solomon they appear to
have been joined under one ruler. Zobah and
Hamath were at the extreme northern border
claimed for Solomon’s kingdom. Any expedition
there would be more likely in the form of a
pacification campaign or show of force, such as
the Mesopotamian kings’ claims of expeditions
“to the sea.” Hamath was known for its pasturage
and was later used by Assyrian kings as a
way station for grazing horses. It is not unlikely
that Solomon could also have made this use
of it, as he imported horses from Kue (see comment
on 1:16).
8:4-6. building projects. See the comment
on 1 Kings 9:15-19 on Solomon’s building
projects. Tadmor is the oasis of Palmyra
(about 125 miles northeast of Damascus) on
the caravan route linking Palestine to northern
Arabia. The twin cities of Upper Beth
Horon, Beit Ur el-Foqa (about two miles
northwest of Gibeon), and Lower Beth Horon,
Beit Ur et-Tahta (about a mile and a half further
to the northwest, and about one thousand
feet lower in elevation), guard the Beth Horon
pass. The pass leads into the Aijalon Valley
(referred to in the Amarna texts as Ayyaluna),
the major route from the hill country to the
coastal plains. It has been suggested that Beth
Horon is the city referred to as Bit Ninurta in
the Amarna letters. Baalath is generally identified
with Kiriath Jearim or a site in its vicinity
east of Jerusalem Josh 15:9; 18:14). Listed as a
city within Judah Josh 15:60, the site is commonly
identified with Tell el-Azhar, nine
miles west-northwest of Jerusalem, but this is
unsubstantiated by archaeological finds or extrabiblical
references. The effect of all this effort
is to fortify strong points, establish
trading stations along major commercial
routes and make it clear that Solomon’s jurisdiction
is recognized along his borders.
8:7-10. forced labor. See the comments on
2 Chronicles 2:2, 7 regarding the use of resident
alien populations on forced labor
projects.
8:13. Sabbaths, New Moons and three annual
feasts. See 2 Chronicles 2:4 for a similar list of
major religious obligations—from weekly to
yearly. For the three annual feasts see the comments
on Deuteronomy 16:1-17.
8:17. Ezion Geber and Elath. Ezion Geber was
a port city located at the head of the Gulf of
Aqaba and may be either Tell el-Kheleifeh
(which some identify as Elath) or on the island
of Jezirat Far’on (Coral Island), the only site in
the region with evidence of an ancient harbor
area. The latter has been substantiated by underwater
archaeological work that showed
massive walls and jetties (though not Iron
Age) and a small amount of Iron Age pottery.
Study has shown its use by Egyptian mariners
and the technology used for the artificial harbor
is similar to that found at Phoenician Tyre.
Elath is a settlement on the north coast of the
Gulf of Aqaba that served as a trading port for
the Red Sea and Arabian shipping.
8:18. Ophir. This nation supplied large quantities
of exotic wood and precious stones (1
Kings 10:11), as well as serving as either a
source or market for gold 1 Kings 9:28. Outside
the Bible the only mention of Ophir is in
an inscription from Tell Qasile (eighth century
B.C.), and it does not aid in establishing its location.
Suggestions for Ophir’s location include
Arabia, India and the Somali region of
Africa.
9:1-12
The Queen of Sheba
9:1. Sheba. Suggestions on locating Sheba
most often place it in the southwestern corner
of the Arabian peninsula (possibly Yemen).
This would place it in close proximity
to the trade routes from Mesopotamia, as
well as the links, through shipping on the
Red Sea, with Africa and India. Sheba had
contact with Syria-Palestine as early as the
mid-second millennium. Solomon’s new
trading center and harbor at Ezion Geber in
the Gulf of Aqaba may have threatened Sheba’s
camel caravans with competition. It
would be only natural that the ruler of this
area would want to establish friendly relations
with a growing commercial power. The
queen here is not mentioned by name,
though Assyrian contacts with Arabia in the
2 CHRONICLES 9:1-11 430
first half of the first millennium often dealt
with powerful queens. She may have been either
the ruler or the consort of the ruler, dispatched
by her husband on this important
diplomatic mission. The journey was about
fourteen hundred miles long and would have
taken many weeks.
9:1-4. test of wisdom. The wisdom contest is a
familiar theme in ancient Near Eastern literature.
Babylonian literature represents it in the
context of fables that use animals or plants as
the combatants. Even from Sumerian times
the literature reflects the staging of debates
that will determine which party is the wisest.
Kings were supposed to be characterized by
wisdom—it came with the territory, though
typically the gods were credited with having
bestowed it. Ashurbanipal boasts not only of
his great learning and wisdom, but of his technical
knowledge and his ability to debate the
learned. He credits Shamash and Adad for
granting him his wealth of wisdom. Proofs of
wisdom included rebuilding cities and temples,
developing previously unused land, constructing
irrigation works and conducting
ritual observances. Most of these were construed
as acts of piety.
2 Chronicles 9:1-11 9:4. food on his table. One expression of extreme
wealth would be the display of quantities
and varieties of food on the royal table. It
was a singular honor to eat at the king’s table
and the number of persons who could be accommodated
there was a sign of the power of
the ruler. It also functioned as a human parallel
to the divine banquet table so often portrayed
in Mesopotamian epic texts (such as in
the Tale of Adapa). Royal banquets in the ancient
Near East featured an extensive and sophisticated
haute cuisine, as has been demonstrated
by the tablets preserving many ancient
recipes.
9:4. seating of his officials. The size of Solomon’s
bureaucracy and power as a monarch
might be estimated by the number who would
regularly be seated at his table. It was also a
further expression of the wealth of his kingdom
that he could continuously provide for
these men (note Jezebel’s accommodation of
450 prophets of Baal and 400 prophets of
Asherah in 1 Kings 18:19.
9:4. attendants and cupbearers. The multitude
of Solomon’s retainers and the sumptuousness
of their official liveries provided the
queen of Sheba and others with graphic proof
of his wealth and power. It also established
Solomon’s court as being on a par with those
of Egypt, Mesopotamia and Persia, who also
judged power by the number of servants in
evidence.
9:9. 120 talents of gold. Among the gifts
brought by the queen of Sheba is a quantity of
gold amounting to nearly eight thousand
pounds (four tons). Such an amount would
perhaps better be termed a tribute payment or
a share contributed in the establishment of a
business partnership. In 1 Kings 9:14 this is
the same amount received from Hiram of
Tyre. For information concerning amounts of
gold see comment on 1 Chronicles 22:14.
9:9. spices. Sheba would have been set right
on the principal trade routes for frankincense
and myrrh, both of which were on a par with
gold in terms of value. Evidence of the incense
trade can be found in the reliefs at Deir el-Bahari
depicting the pharaoh-queen Hatshepsut’s
expedition to Punt in southern Egypt.
Similarly, the aromatic oils, perfumes, medicinal
and embalming substances followed these
same trade routes. They would be a fitting gift
to add to the king’s treasury. For more information
on frankincense see comment on Leviticus
2:1. For more information concerning
the use of spices see comment on Exodus
30:23-24.
9:9. precious stones. Hoards of precious
stones have been found in excavations at
Megiddo, Gezer and Ezion Geber, including
carnelian, agate and alabaster. Engraved
gems, used as signets or jewelry, have appeared
at Phoenician sites as well as at Ugarit
and Byblos, and Egyptian scarabs made of steatite
or faience are found at many sites. In the
ancient Near East stones (including gemstones
of various sorts) were believed to have
apotropaic value (offering protection from
spirit forces). A seventh-century B.C. Assyrian
handbook preserves a list of various stones
and what they “do”—possibilities range from
appeasing divine anger to preventing migraine
headaches. One ritual text lists twelve
precious and semiprecious stones that are to
be used to make a phylactery to be worn as a
necklace. Additionally, unusual nonprecious
stone was treasured for use in mosaics (see
comment on 1 Chron 29:2.
9:10-11. algumwood. See the comment on
2 Chronicles 2:8 on this species of juniper and
its relation to almug wood, sandalwood, in
1 Kings 10:11-12.
9:11. harps and lyres. Musical instruments can
be constructed of a variety of different woods,
and this could effect their sound quality (see
sandalwood and juniper in the comment on
2 Chron 2:8. Images of the lyre have been
found on a Megiddo ivory plaque (twelfth
century B.C.) and coins. Harps appear in many
contexts, including the Egyptian relief from
the time of Rameses II (thirteenth century B.C.)
431 2 CHRONICLES 9:13-29
of a blind harpist. For more information on
harps and lyres see comment on 5:12.
2 CHRONICLES 9:13-29
9:13-31
Solomon’s Wealth
9:13. 666 talents of gold. This is an incredible
amount equal to about twenty-five tons of
gold. Perhaps one way to make comparison
would be the tribute lists of the Assyrian annals
(Sennacherib is said to have demanded
thirty talents [nearly a ton] of gold from
Hezekiah). This amount represents a vast
trading network generating revenues far beyond
those of most other nations (note the
amounts recorded in 1 Kings 9:14, 28 and
10:10). For information concerning amounts of
gold see comment on 1 Chronicles 22:14.
9:15-16. gold shields. The five hundred shields
of “hammered gold” (a term peculiar to this
context) were designed for ceremonial purposes
and as a demonstration of Solomon’s wealth.
The larger shields weighed 7 1/2 pounds, while
the smaller shields contained 3 3/4 pounds of
gold. They are mentioned in the story of Shishak’s
looting of Jerusalem in 1 Kings 14:25-28
along with their replacement by bronze shields
(clearly a sign of changed economic posture
and a step away from Israel’s “golden age”).
Ceremonial showpieces (such as the gold
swords and axes at Ur) have been found at excavations.
Ceremonial bronze shields have
been found by archaeologists in the ancient
Near East, but no gold ones as yet. Nevertheless,
Sargon II lists six gold shields in his booty
list from Urartu, each said to weigh over fifty
pounds.
9:17-19. throne. The magnificent throne of Solomon’s
palace can be compared, at least in
materials and construction, with Phoenician
furniture, such as the eighth-century ivory
throne recovered from tomb 79 in Salamis,
Cyprus. On the sarcophagus of the Phoenician
king, Ahiram, he is portrayed on a throne
flanked by winged lions. Sennacherib’s reliefs
depicting the plunder taken from Lachish (701
B.C.) include images of decorated thrones.
Like the throne of the Ugaritic Epic of Baal,
Solomon’s was elevated above all others,
demonstrating his position of power. The
golden footstool also has a Ugaritic counterpart,
indicating that only the king could sit in
a relaxed position, totally secure in his authority
and possession of the land (for the ark as
Yahweh’s footstool see comment on 1 Chron
28:2).
9:20. Palace of the Forest of Lebanon. See the
comment on 1 Kings 7:1-12 for the description
of this palace. The likelihood that it functioned
as both a royal residence as well as an
arsenal is indicated by the golden shields displayed
there (vv. 15-16) and the storage of
more practical weapons in Isaiah 22:8.
9:21. trading ships. The mention of large cargo
vessels known as Tarshish ships seems to
indicate a type of ship employed in the Red
Sea and Arabian coastal trade (see Is 2:16.
Here the Chronicler refers to ships dispatched
to Tarshish (a source of precious metals in Jer
10:9 and precious stones in Ezek 28:13, probably
located in the western Mediterranean—
possibly Carthage or southwestern Spain).
This would greatly expand Solomon’s trading
links and suggests an even broader commercial
partnership with the Phoenicians. For
more information about ships see comment
on 1 Kings 22:48.
9:21. ivory, apes and baboons. In addition to
the large quantities of gold generated by Solomon’s
commercial enterprises, luxury items
were also transported from exotic places to Israel.
The Hebrew terms of the “ivory, apes and
baboons” only appear in this passage and are
probably loan words or Hebrew approximations
of the native words. For example, there
is some uncertainty whether to translate the
third term as “baboons” or “peacocks.” Eleventh-
and tenth-century Assyrian kings also
boasted of collections of exotic animals, specifically
including the mention of apes.
9:25. chariot cities. Typically a chariot team
included three horses with only two being
used at any one time and the third kept as a
reserve. The three would be stabled together,
so twelve thousand horses for four thousand
pens is the correct proportion, indicating four
thousand chariot teams. Nevertheless, 1 Kings
10:26 reports that Solomon had fourteen hundred
chariots. This is a large contingent of
chariots but not as large as the two thousand
contributed by Ahab to the western alliance
that met the Assyrians at the Battle of Qarqar
in 853 (see comment on 1 Kings 22:1. In the
thirteenth century the Hittites and their allies
had amassed twenty-five hundred chariots to
confront Rameses II at the Battle of Qadesh.
The implication is clear that Solomon had stationed
sufficient forces on his borders to insure
adequate protection and a strike force
capable of quick retaliation or punitive campaigns.
9:29. sources. The parallel text to this summary
statement on Solomon’s reign is found in
1 Kings 11:41-43 (see comment there for information
about royal annals). However, the
Chronicler’s list of additional sources of information
includes the writings of two of Solomon’s
contemporaries, the prophets Nathan
2 CHRONICLES 10:1—11:1 432
and Ahijah. The third source, the visions of
Iddo the seer, may refer to the figure in
2 Chronicles 12:15. Their citation is both an indication
that the Chronicler drew his account
from a variety of written and oral sources and
may also suggest a direction or perspective he
would encourage the reader to pursue further.
2 CHRONICLES 10:1—11:1
10:1—12:16
The Reign of Rehoboam
10:1-2. chronology. The year of these events is
pretty firmly established at 931 B.C. (see comment
on 12:2).
10:1. Shechem. The choice of Shechem for this
political summit meeting suggests two things:
(1) Rehoboam is in a weak political situation
in comparison to David, since in 2 Samuel 5:1
the tribal leaders came to David’s capital at
Hebron to acknowledge him as king, and (2)
having the meeting in the heart of territory associated
with the premonarchic leadership of
Joshua Josh 24 and cultically a rival to Jerusalem
(see the comment on 1 Kings 12:25 put
Rehoboam at a further disadvantage. In fact
Rehoboam was taking a chance in coming
here away from his own power center. His
lack of insight and administrative finesse in
the negotiations are thus presaged by the
meeting site.
10:4. Solomon’s harsh labor. Just as the Persian
king Cyrus charges his Babylonian rival
Nabonidus with inflicting “forced labor service”
on his people, the elders of Israel ask for
a reduction in this practice by Rehoboam’s administration.
There is precedent in Mesopotamian
documents for a new king to issue a
mesharum decree manumitting a class of
slaves or reducing the tax burden for a city or
a district. Clearly there were grounds for discontent
among the tribes, and a compromise
was needed to hold the kingdom together.
10:6-8. elders. There seems to have been a division
within the royal household/bureaucracy
between “new” and “old” men (i.e., those
who had been elevated to the status of adviser
to the king recently and those with long service).
The “elders” would represent those who
had been in office during the time of Solomon.
They may have come either from the royal
family (half brothers, cousins like Jonadab in
2 Sam 13:3 or the civil service. The newcomers
would most likely be made up of Rehoboam’s
own cousins and half brothers that
were his contemporaries. The Sumerian Epic
of Gilgamesh and Aka also features a situation
in which Gilgamesh seeks advice first from
the elders (who advise against rebellion), and
then the young men of the city (who make up
the armed forces, and advise rebellion). There
also the advice of the young men is followed.
10:11. whips/scorpions. The practice of using
whips to drive slaves or animals, or as an instrument
of torture has a long history. Some
have identified the scorpions here as the type
of whip that has fragments of metal or glass
attached to the tip (which the Romans called
“scorpions”). So far this type of whip is not attested
either in excavated finds, reliefs or literature
prior to Roman times. In one Akkadian
word list, however, a copper scorpion is listed
along with copper fetters for slaves. Akkadian
scholars have tentatively identified this as a
barbed metal tip of a scourge.
10:16. tenuous union of Israel and Judah. The
rallying cry of the northern tribes had been
raised once before during Sheba’s revolt (see
the comment on 2 Sam 20:1. It is easy to think
that the unity of the twelve tribes of Israel as a
single people was natural and intrinsic. But
that is not the case. In fact they were twelve
independent tribal units with much to drive
them apart. The unity that had been achieved
during the time of David and Solomon was
achieved only with great skill and effort, and
in a time of prosperity. However, the elements
that hold such political entities together were
only a generation old and, like chiefdoms
(such as that organized by Saul among the Israelite
tribes), it is still too dependent on the
personality of the ruler. The tendency of chiefdoms
and empires is to fragment at the least
provocation. Now the cost of unity and the
differing perspectives of north and south easily
drove a wedge between them when it became
clear to the northern tribes that Judah
and the Davidic house had no intention of
compromising with their requests for more local
autonomy and lower taxes.
10:18. death by stoning. See the comment on
Deuteronomy 13:10 for stoning as a method of
capital punishment. Adoniram’s death is like
the first shot of a rebellion or a riot. It is almost
poetic justice that the man in charge of public
works (including the movement of rocks)
should die in a hail of stones.
11:1. 180,000 fighting men. This is an extremely
large number for just the tribes of
Judah and Benjamin. It is about the same
number of soldiers that served in the combined
armed forces of America during the entire
course of the Revolutionary War. Modern
estimates of the actual total population size
during this period suggest that there were no
more than three hundred thousand inhabitants
in the southern kingdom. In Neo-Assyrian
records from the ninth and eighth century
the size of the Assyrian army increases from
433 2 CHRONICLES 11:2—12:2
about forty-five thousand (Shalmaneser III) to
over two hundred thousand (Sennacherib).
The twelve-nation western coalition confronted
Shalmaneser at the Battle of Qarqar with
as many as sixty thousand. The largest Hittite
force reported was nearly fifty thousand (for
the Battle of Qadesh, thirteenth century). All
of this suggests that the word translated
“thousand” in these passages should be rendered
by its alternate meaning, “companies”
or “divisions.” Rather than a specified number,
it has been suggested that each clan supplied
a division with the number varying
dependent on the size of the clan. Later in history
these companies were standardized as
having a thousand, but here there may be far
fewer in a division.
2 CHRONICLES 11:2—12:2 11:2-4. prophetic oracle related to battle. In
this period of preclassical prophecy the
prophets of Israel served in very much the
same role as did their ancient Near Eastern
counterparts (see comments on Deut
18:14-22). One of the most frequent areas addressed
concerned, as here, the advisability of
military activity. Since it was believed that
God’s involvement was essential for the success
of the military, the entire sequence begins
with the divine command to go into battle.
This divine command can be seen as typical in
the royal inscriptions of the Assyrians. It was
also important to consult the deity about timing
and strategies. Sometimes, however, oracles
were received unsolicited or unexpectedly.
One example of this is found in a Mari
text that describes a dream warning King
Zimri-Lim not to go on campaign.
11:5-12. fortified cities of Judah. All of the cities
listed, except Adoraim (modern Dura,
three miles west of Hebron), are known from
other sources (for instance, in the invasion of
Shishak, see 12:2) and are located in Judah.
They form an inner line of defense of the
Jerusalem hills. There are four groups, ranging
north to south, at strategic points guarding
major approaches and highways: (1)
Bethlehem, Etam, Tekoa and Beth Zur guard
the eastern boundary; (2) Soco, Adullam, Gath
and Maresha guard the west; (3) a southern
line of defense includes Lachish, Ziph and
Adoraim; (4) Zorah and Aijalon seem to function
as northwestern fortresses, while Hebron
(David’s old capital in 2 Sam 2:1 may function
as a staging point or regional center for
both the south and the west. Archaeological
research has not provided much help in identifying
the building that Rehoboam did,
though a few of the sites (particularly Lachish)
show some evidence of this fortification
work.
11:11-12. provisions for fortified cities. The
garrisons within Rehoboam’s fortress cities
had to maintain a good stock of provisions
and weapons in order to be effective guardians
of the border. Like the Mari administrative
lists detailing the amount of food, oil and
beer necessary to sustain troops for various
periods of time (ten or fifteen days or a
month), the Chronicler has provided an abbreviated
summary (lacking quantities and the
times for regular delivery) of rations.
11:15. goat and calf idols. For information
concerning the calves see comment on 1 Kings
12:28. Goat idols most likely refers to satyrlike
demons who were believed to haunt the open
fields and uninhabitable places. They are referred
to only a few times in the Old Testament
and have no known parallels in the
ancient Near East.
11:22-23. princes as administrators. One of
the principal methods of training the crown
prince as well as other members of the royal
family was to appoint them to administrative
positions. Abijah’s position might even be
considered a coregency with his father Rehoboam
(see 21:2-4). The Egyptian records and
Mesopotamian annals regularly describe the
appointment of royal sons as governors or
district administrators (for example, see the
Assyrian king Shamshi-Adad’s appointment
of his sons Yasmah-Addu and Ishme-Dagan to
rule portions of his kingdom).
12:2-4. Shishak’s invasion. Shishak’s own account,
recorded on the walls of the temple
complex dedicated to Amon at Karnak
(Thebes), contains a list of over 150 cities that
he claims to have conquered, along with
vague references to tribute garnered from the
land of Syria. Jerusalem is not mentioned in
the list, and the sites that are chronicled are in
both southern and northern Israel. Using
Gaza as a base, several divisions proceeded
through the Negev, while the main force went
through the Shephelah toward Jerusalem. It
then turned north through the central hill
country, went westward through the Jezreel
Valley to Megiddo, and then followed the
Trunk Road south along the coast. His itinerary
also included a foray into Transjordan,
crossing east at Adam and then back west
heading to Beth Shan. Archaeologists have
identified destruction levels at many of the
named towns coinciding with this time period.
12:2. chronology. Egyptian sources place Shishak’s
reign and the founding of the Twenty-
Second Dynasty between 945 and 924 B.C. Rehoboam’s
accession to the throne came in 931,
so his fifth year would be 927, a plausible time
2 CHRONICLES 12:3—13:5 434
after the death of Solomon and the division of
the kingdoms.
12:3. Libyans, Sukkites, Cushites. Among
the Egyptian troops are levies from southern
and western areas bordering on Egypt (Libya,
Nubia). Since Shishak is a Libyan, it seems
reasonable to expect he would include regiments
of his own tribal peoples in his campaign.
It is also known that he conducted
campaigns in Nubia and probably had coerced
their cooperation in this joint venture.
The Sukkites do not appear elsewhere in the
Bible but are known from thirteen and
twelfth-century Egyptian sources (there
called Tjukten) as a people related to the Libyans.
Their twelve hundred chariots are comparable
to what Solomon’s force had been
(see comment on 1 Kings 4:26.
12:9. Shishak’s booty. Many of the gold and
silver objects that had been manufactured for
the temple, including the famous golden
shields (see comment on 9:15-16), were carried
away as tribute paid to avoid the destruction
of Jerusalem. This may have made up the lion’s
share of the two hundred tons of gold
and silver that Shishak reports having contributed
to the temples of his gods.
12:13. Rehoboam’s mother. Since Solomon is
known to have married women from many
countries, including Ammon (see 1 Kings
11:1), it is not unusual that Rehoboam’s mother,
Naamah, should be an Ammonite. Her
marriage would most likely represent a political
alliance between the two countries. The
practice of regularly naming the mother of the
kings of Judah may indicate that the office of
queen mother was significant (see comment
on 1 Kings 2:19.
12:15. sources. The genealogical lists of Iddo
the seer may be compared to other works associated
with this prophetic figure (2 Chron
9:29 and 13:22), but he is not named in any of
the narratives of this period. The “records of
Shemaiah” are probably a separate, extrabiblical
history that the Chronicler drew on in
creating his summary of events. Shemaiah is
the prophet who warns Rehoboam against
civil war and who exhorts him to repentance
in the context of Shishak’s invasion (see 2
Chron 11:2; 12:5).
12:15. wars between north and south. There
were no full-scale wars between the two
states, but the continual border skirmishes,
lasting until the reign of Jehoshaphat (1 Kings
22:44), would have been troublesome and
bloody enough to cause a continual drain on
their resources. They might be compared, on a
smaller scale, to the conflict between David
and Ishbaal in 2 Samuel 2:12-32.
13:1-22
The Reign of Abijah
13:1-2. chronology. This is the first appearance
of the synchronistic recording of Israel’s
and Judah’s kings (see 1 Kings 15:1.
However, unlike the writer(s) of Kings, the
Chronicler only uses this dating formula in
this single instance. Based on Jeroboam’s accession
in 930 B.C., Abijah’s rule began in
913.
2 Chronicles 12:3—13:5 13:2-20. battle between Abijah and Jeroboam.
The location of the battle, Mount Zemaraim,
has not yet been positively identified
but is usually placed in the vicinity of Bethel.
The most familiar identification is with Ras
et-Tahuneh. The rhetoric in Abijah’s speech
suggests that his intention is to reunite the
north and south, by conquest if necessary.
This is open pitched battle rather than the
siege of a city. As is common in Chronicles, the
size of the armies (1.2 million) is much larger
than expected but is not the largest in ancient
reports. Herodotus has usually been considered
guilty of gross exaggeration when he reports
that the army Xerxes fielded against the
Greeks was comprised of five million people.
For comparison, consider the Battle of Gettysburg
with combined forces of 165,000. Additionally,
the half-million casualties for the
northern kingdom in this one battle would rival
the bloodiest battles in history. In ancient
records the Assyrian king Arik-den-ili claims
to have killed 254,000. His nearest rival is Sennacherib,
who claimed he inflicted 150,000 casualties
at the Battle of Halule. Allied
casualties in the First Battle of the Somme
(France, 1916) were about 623,000. This battle
lasted six months and is listed in the Guinness
Book of World Records as the bloodiest ever.
At the Battle of Gettysburg combined losses
were reported at 50,000, only one-tenth of
what is reported here. One of the bloodiest
battles of ancient history was between the Romans
and the Huns at Châlons-sur-Marne
(France, 451) where there were 200,000 casualties.
For more information see comment on
11:1.
13:5. covenant of salt. In the hot climate of
the ancient Near East, salt was necessary for
the health of humans and animals, and was
the principal food preservative (texts from
ancient Mari describe its trade value). When
treaties or alliances were made, salt was employed
to symbolize that the terms would be
preserved for a long time. Babylonian, Persian,
Arabic and Greek contexts all testify to
this symbolic usage. In the Bible, likewise, the
covenant between the Lord and Israel is iden-
435 2 CHRONICLES 13:8—14:8
tified as a covenant of salt—a long-preserved
covenant. Allies entering into such an agreement
would generally share a communal
meal in which salted meat was featured. Thus
the use of salt in the sacrifices was an appropriate
reminder of the covenant relationship.
Additionally, salt impedes the action of yeast
(leaven), and since leaven was a symbol of rebellion,
salt could easily represent that which
inhibited rebellion.
13:8. golden calves in battle. There is ample
precedent for an army to bring their divine
images with them into battle. In the divine
warrior motif the deity is fighting the battles
and defeating the deities of the enemy. Standards
or statues of the deity were usually carried
to symbolize their presence. Assyrian
kings of the ninth and eighth centuries regularly
refer to the divine standard that goes before
them. The ark, as Yahweh’s standard,
represents the Lord as clearing the way before
the Israelites and leading the armies into
Canaan. This concept is not very different
from the Assyrian belief that the gods empowered
the weapons of the king and fought before
him or at his side. Nearly every army in
the ancient Near East included priests and diviners
(as seen in the Mari texts), prophets (2
Kings 3) and portable sacred objects (Assyrian
Annals of Shalmaneser III [858-824 B.C.]). In
this way, the god(s) could be consulted on the
battlefield or invoked to lead the soldiers to
victory.
13:11. priestly rituals. For further information
on these ritual activities see comments on Leviticus
6:8-13 and Exodus 25:23-30.
13:19. towns taken by Judah. Bethel, as the
site of Jeroboam’s southern cult center, was a
significant conquest. Later biblical texts make
it clear that it was firmly back in Israel’s control
by the time of Jeroboam II and Amos
Amos 7:10. Jeshanah, near Bethel and seventeen
miles north of Jerusalem, has been identified
with Burj el-Isaneh, and Ephron (Ophrah
in Josh 18:23 is generally identified with
et-Taiyibeh, four miles northeast of Bethel. Rehoboam’s
victory gains him control of the two
major routes crossing from the territory of
Judah into Israel. These routes run north on
either side of Bethel and converge just south
of Shiloh. The territory involved comprises
about twenty square miles.
13:22. source. The “annotations of the prophet
Iddo” is probably by the same prophet mentioned
earlier in 2 Chronicles 9:29 and 12:15.
Curiously, the only appearance of this prophet’s
name is in connection with these source
materials. He does not appear in any of the
narratives.
14:1—16:14
The Reign of Asa
14:3. foreign altars. The amenities that Solomon
had provided for his foreign wives included
the construction of altars and shrines
for their worship of their own gods (see the
comments on 1 Kings 11:5-7. These may have
been some of the altars destroyed by Asa.
14:3. high places. For more information on
high places, see the comments on 1 Kings
3:2-3 and Deuteronomy 12:2-3.
2 Chronicles 13:8—14:8 14:3. sacred stones. Standing stones or mas[s[ebot
were apparently a common feature of
Canaanite religion and also appear as memorials
in a number of Israelite covenantal contexts
(see Ex 24:3-8; Josh 24:25-27. Their
association with Asherah, Baal and other
Canaanite deities are the basis for their being
condemned as a rival and threat to Yahweh
worship. Archaeologists have discovered sacred
stones at Gezer, Dan, Hazor and Arad. In
the latter two cases they are clearly within a
sacred precinct and part of the cultic practices
at these sites. The Hazor stones include incised
representations of upraised arms and a
sun disk. The stones at Dan are in the gateway,
and the clear remains of the presentation
of votive offerings are evident.
14:3. Asherah poles. One common feature of
Canaanite worship and of syncretized Israelite
worship on “high places” and in city
shrines is the erection of Asherah poles. There
is some uncertainty about whether these were
simply wooden poles, erected to symbolize
trees or perhaps containing a carved image
of the fertility goddess, or whether they were
a part of a sacred grove. The reference in
2 Kings 17:10, which refers to Asherah poles
beside “every spreading tree,” seems to indicate
that these were poles erected for cultic
purposes rather than planted trees. As the
consort of El, Asherah was a popular goddess
whose worship is mentioned in Ugaritic texts
(1600-1200). Her prominent appearance in the
biblical narrative indicates that her cult was a
major rival to Yahweh worship. For more information
see the comments on Exodus 34:13
and Judges 6:25.
14:7. fortification. Although the Chronicler
does not list any of the cities fortified by Asa,
it is clear that he had a solid reputation as a
builder. Mesopotamian annals and regnalyear
titles regularly comment on the king’s
building activities as evidence of his success.
The Chronicler also wishes to include “building”
as the hallmark of a “good king,” the result
being a time of peace and prosperity.
14:8. army equipment. The division of task
2 CHRONICLES 14:9—16:1 436
within the military is illustrated by Asa’s infantry
used as shock troops (carrying large
shields and spears) and his Benjaminite archers
(compare the equipment issued to Uzziah’s
troops in 2 Chron 26:14. The palace reliefs
of the Assyrian king Sennacherib include
depictions of soldiers armed with lances and a
circular shield used for defense and as a
weapon in close fighting. The reliefs of Shalmaneser
III portray his archers in long coats of
mail and accompanied by a shield-bearer to
keep the bowman’s hands free and to protect
him from missiles. Perhaps the Benjaminite
forces did not utilize these auxiliaries, or they
attached their smaller shield to their arm so
that they maintained some protection while
they shot their volleys.
14:9. Zerah the Cushite. Since the Cushites are
often identified with the Nubian Egyptian
pharaohs (see comment on 2 Chron 12:3,
some scholars have identified Zerah with Osorkon
I, the Egyptian pharaoh at this time
(about 897). Osorkon, the son of Shishak,
however, is Libyan, not Nubian. Therefore, if
Zerah came with Egyptian forces, he must be
a Nubian general working in cooperation
with the Twenty-Second Dynasty (who had
exerted some control over Nubia during the
days of Shishak). Others think it more likely
that Zerah was a chief of a Bedouin tribe (see
comment on Num 12:1 for this variation of
“Cush”). For discussion of the size of the
armies see comment on 13:3-20. Hebrew has
no word for “million”—the text here refers to
“a thousand thousands” (or, a thousand divisions)
and would be expressive of an innumerable
force. Compare to how we might use
“a month of Sundays” to talk about a long,
long time.
14:9. chariotry. Considering the number of
troops marshaled by Zerah, there is a surprisingly
small number of chariots. Even so, each
army had its own strengths, and three hundred
is still a strong force of chariots. As we
know from Mesopotamian and Egyptian
records and palace reliefs, two- or three-man
chariot crews worked from these mobile platforms
to fire volleys of arrows, to carry commanders
or messengers about the battlefield
and for frontal attacks. Armies often were organized
around chariot groups, with contingents
of infantry attached to each chariot
commander. For comparative sizes of chariot
forces see comment on 1:14.
14:10. geography. The battle between Asa and
Zerah takes place near Mareshah, a city fortified
by Rehoboam and identified with Tell
Sandakhanna on the southwestern border of
Judah. It is located about four miles northeast
of Lachish and nearly thirty miles southwest
of Jerusalem. Zephathah (perhaps to be identified
with the Zephath of Judg 1:17 only appears
in this text. Since it is said to be a valley
north of Mareshah, it is probably to be identified
as Wadi Guvrin, just north of Mareshah
and Beit Guvrin.
2 CHRONICLES 14:9—16:1 14:12-14. Gerar. See the comment on Genesis
20:1 for this site in the western Negev region,
whose exact location is still undetermined (Tel
Haror, about twenty-five miles southwest of
Beersheba, is the most likely choice). Gerar
may be the name of a region rather than a
city-state, thus explaining the devastation of
its cities by Asa.
15:8. detestable idols. Idols are not referred to
specifically. The word refers to anything that
is utterly revolting or disgusting from a ritual
or religious standpoint, particularly prohibited
food and objects used in unapproved foreign
worship practices.
15:10. chronology. If Asa is attempting to tie
his assembly and sacrifice to a major religious
festival or event, then the third month contains
the theophany at Mount Sinai Ex 19:1
and the Feast of Weeks Lev 23:15-16. Since a
renewal of the covenant is also part of this
event, Asa may be commemorating the covenant
renewal at Mount Sinai Ex 24. The year
date places this celebration in 892.
15:16. Asherah pole. See the comment on 14:3
for discussion of the Asherah pole. The influence
and political status of the queen mother
(see comment on 1 Kings 2:19 could have undermined
Asa’s reform measures, and this
may explain why he so utterly rejected her action
and totally destroyed the object.
15:16. Kidron Valley. Located just east of the
walls of the city of Jerusalem and containing
one of the principal water sources for the city,
the Gihon Spring, this would be an excellent
staging area for King Asa’s destruction of
idols. Solomon had erected cult places for
Ashtoreh, Chemosh and Molech here (1 Kings
11:7), but later reforming kings like Asa,
Hezekiah 2 Chron 29:16 and Josiah (2 Kings
23:13) used the valley to make a show of ridding
the nation of corruption.
15:19—16:1. chronology. There are some problems
in reconciling the date provided here for
the conflict between Asa and Baasha and the
information in the parallel text in 1 Kings. For
more information see comment on 1 Kings
15:33.
16:1. Ramah. Located just five miles north of
Jerusalem, Baasha’s incorporation of Ramah
(er-Ram) into his territory would have been a
cause of great concern for Judah. Just as Rehoboam
had extended his control of the main
437 2 CHRONICLES 16:2—17:3
north-south arteries between Israel and Judah
five extra miles (see comment on 13:19), so
now Baasha pushes his control of the same arteries
five miles south of the traditional line
between the nations. There have been no excavations
on the site.
16:2-3. treaty with Ben-Hadad. Based on the
manner in which this treaty is described here
and in the parallel text in 1 Kings 15:18-19, it
would appear that Aram had been maintaining
a policy of nonintervention, perhaps
awaiting the best offer from the warring parties.
Ben-Hadad I ruled during the first part of
the ninth century, though no precise dating is
possible. For information concerning the difficulties
of Aramean history of the ninth century
see comment on 1 Kings 20:1.
16:4. conquests of Aram. Ben-Hadad’s attack
on northern Israel, at the instigation of Asa,
cost Baasha an important trade corridor. The
cities captured in this campaign (see 1 Kings
15:20) include Dan (the northern cult shrine),
Ijon (‘Ayyun) at the northern end of the Huleh
Basin (about ten miles north of Dan), Abel
Maim (Abel Beth-Maacah in 1 Kings), all of
which are on the road between Syria and the
Phoenician coastal cities of Tyre, Sidon and
Acco. The fact that Ijon is mentioned first suggests
an attack from the west and ranging
south. It is unknown how long Aram was able
to hold these towns, but they are clearly back
in Jehu’s hands a few decades later, according
to 2 Kings 10:29. The inscription from Dan
mentioning another Syrian campaign against
northern Israel suggests that this was a continual
threat that had to be faced by Israel’s rulers.
16:6. Geba and Mizpah. These two cities,
now refortified by Asa with materials taken
from the defenses at Ramah, guard the northern
border of Judah. Geba (modern Jaba‘,
four miles northeast of Jerusalem) appears
elsewhere as the northern limit of Judah (2
Kings 23:8) and functions as the guardian of
the Micmash Pass. Mizpah (Tell en-Nasbeh,
eight miles north of Jerusalem) stood as the
fortress dominating the watershed highway
on the frontier between Israel and Judah. By
fortifying these cities Asa cut off further action
against Ramah. Mizpah is about three
miles north of Ramah guarding the road
from Bethel to Ramah. The excavations at the
site have uncovered a wall with eleven towers
dating to this period. The wall was
twelve to fifteen feet thick and thirty-five to
forty feet high. Geba is about two miles east
of Ramah blocking access from that direction.
16:7. seer. Although Hanani the seer only appears
in this passage, he is mentioned as the
father of Jehu the prophet in 1 Kings 16:1;
2 Chronicles 19:2; 20:34. The title seer, ro’eh,
apparently was an alternative term for prophet
(nabi’; see the comment on 1 Sam 9:9.
16:9. eyes of the Lord. This imagery provides
a sense of the universality of Yahweh’s vision
(equivalent to omnipresence) and involvement
(reflecting his sovereign control). A
Babylonian boundary stone from the end of
the second millennium speaks of the moon
god Sin as “the eye of heaven and earth.”
16:12. foot disease. Some attempts have been
made to diagnose Asa’s foot disease as gout
(uncommon in biblical times) or gangrene
brought on by the obstruction of blood flow.
The fact that Asa chose to consult only physicians,
who were at times associated with
magical rituals or, at best, herbal remedies,
further demonstrates his failure to seek
God’s aid and thereby contributed to his own
death.
16:14. fire in his honor. Royal tombs were
hewn into the sides of cliffs. The funeral rites
for Asa are quite elaborate and include the
burning of spices in his honor as well as a
general lamentation and internment in his
family tomb. The fire does not imply cremation
of the body or an attempt to mask the
odors associated with a diseased body, but
was rather an expensive display of the king’s
wealth. The practice is well known among
Assyrian kings, where it was used as an apotropaic
ritual.
2 Chronicles 16:2—17:3
17:1—21:3
The Reign of Jehoshaphat
17:2. fortified towns in Ephraim. As noted in
2 Chronicles 15:8 Asa had extended his control
northward into the Ephraimite hill country. It
seems a natural continuation of this policy for
Jehoshaphat to fortify these unspecified cities.
There is also no specific mention of the number
of troops stationed here. We know from
the Lachish letters of a later period that regular
correspondence was maintained with
these types of outposts and that fire signals
were used as an early warning system.
17:3. consulting Baal. “Consulting” refers to
asking the deity for oracles. This would usually
occur at a shrine dedicated to the deity, and
the oracle would be mediated by the priests of
that deity. In the ancient world oracular answers
were often given by diviners, who
would read favorable or unfavorable answers
in the entrails of a sacrificed animal. Even
while the Israelites fully acknowledged Yahweh
as their national patron deity, some were
2 CHRONICLES 17:6—18:4 438
inclined to continue to associate Baal with fertility
and to consult him regarding agricultural
issues. Also on daily issues such as sickness
and health, they sometimes chose to look for
information from Baal rather than from Yahweh
(see 2 Kings 1:2.
17:6. removed high places and Asherah
poles. See comment on 14:3.
17:11. Arabs. The Arabs referred to in the Old
Testament inhabited the fringes of the Syrian
desert, extending also into the Negev and the
Arabian peninsula. Arabs begin to be mentioned
in Assyrian royal inscriptions at about
this time (for instance, they were one of the allies
in the Battle of Qarqar).
2 Chronicles 17:6—18:4 17:12. building projects. Most of this building
was military in nature providing garrisons,
supply centers and border outposts to guard
the entries into the land. Archaeological evidence
of a line of fortresses in the Jordan Valley
and adjacent to the Dead Sea may be
associated with his reign. Supply centers were
meant to stockpile food and other necessities
in case of siege or famine.
17:14-19. Jehoshaphat’s army. The conscript
army of Jehoshaphat is exactly twice as
large as that of his father Asa, well over one
million men (see 2 Chron 14:7. For discussion
of army sizes see comment on 13:2-20.
Its divisions into clans follows the pattern
found in other levies 1 Chron 27:1. Looking
beyond the large numbers, the style of
listing the contingents suggests a form of
regimentation and a careful report reflecting
proper protocol with regard to rank and organization.
18:1. marriage alliances. The wives of an ancient
ruler or his children usually represented
political alliances. Marriage was a tool of diplomacy
throughout the ancient Near East.
Towns, city-states, tribes or nations who
wished to ally themselves with a ruler or
come under his protection sealed the treaty
with the marriage of a daughter of their chief
family to the suzerain or his son. For instance,
Zimri-Lim, the king of Mari (eighteenth century
B.C.) used his daughters to cement alliances
and establish treaties with his
neighboring kingdoms. Similarly, Pharaoh
Thutmose IV (1425-1412 B.C.) arranged a marriage
with a daughter of the Mitannian king to
demonstrate good relations and end a series
of wars with that middle Euphrates kingdom.
Solomon’s seven hundred wives and three
hundred concubines were a measure of his
power and wealth, especially his marriage to
the daughter of the pharaoh. The marriage alliance
between Jehoshaphat and Ahab
matched Ahab’s daughter, Athaliah, with Jehoshaphat’s
son, Jehoram.
18:2. down to Samaria. Jerusalem is quite a bit
higher in elevation than Samaria, but even if
they had been equal, one would still have
gone down to Samaria because of the descent
out of the Jerusalem hills to go in most any direction.
The distance between these two capital
cities was about forty miles.
18:2. slaughtering sheep and cattle. Treaties
were typically concluded amidst a great feast
that would feature a ceremonial meal. These
animals would have been sacrificed as an offering
bringing divine sanction to the agreement.
18:2. Ramoth Gilead. The site of Ramoth
Gilead has not been identified with certainty,
but most accept Tell Ramith for its size, location
and Iron Age pottery found in surveys. It
has yet to be excavated. If this is the correct
identification, it is in Transjordan about forty-
five miles east of Jezreel. It is strategically
located on the King’s Highway at the juncture
where the road south from Damascus would
turn west to cross the Jordan near Beth Shan
and enter the Jezreel Valley to connect with
the main route of the Trunk Road (see sidebar
on Trade Routes in Genesis 38. In 1 Kings
20:34 the Aramean king had promised to return
the cities taken from Israel. It is possible
that this has not been done, and Ramoth
Gilead has remained under Aramean control.
This battle brings the death of Ahab and therefore
must be in 853 after the Battle of Qarqar
against the Assyrians (see comment on 1 Kings
22:1) in which Israel and Aram were allies.
18:4. role of the prophet. In this period of preclassical
prophecy the prophets of Israel
served in very much the same role as their ancient
Near Eastern counterparts (see comments
on Deut 18:14-22. One of the most
frequent areas addressed concerned, as here,
the advisability of military activity. Since it
was believed that God’s involvement was essential
for the success of the military, the entire
sequence begins with the divine
command to go into battle. This divine command
can be seen as typical in the royal inscriptions
of the Assyrians. It was also
important to consult the deity about timing
and strategies. During the time of Saul and
David this type of information was usually
gained through the priest’s manipulation of
oracular devices (see comments on 1 Sam
14:10; 22:10; and 23:9-12). Now, instead of asking
questions of a priest to receive oracular responses,
the questions are being posed to the
prophet who, as representative of God, offers
the prophetic oracles as messages from God in
response.
439 2 CHRONICLES 18:7-29
18:7. prophesying ill. Throughout the ancient
world it was believed that prophets not only
proclaimed the message of deity but in the
process unleashed the divine action. It is no
wonder, then, that a prophet negatively disposed
toward a king must somehow be controlled
lest he bring about all sorts of havoc. In
Assyrian king Esarhaddon’s instructions to
his vassals he requires that they report any
improper or negative statements that may be
made by anyone, but he specifically names
prophets, ecstatics and dream interpreters.
One can perhaps understand why a king
would be inclined to imprison a prophet
whose very words might incite insurrection or
impose doom.
2 CHRONICLES 18:7-29 18:9. thrones at the threshing floor. Because
of the importance of agriculture and fertility
the threshing floor was often a place of ritual
importance. Threshing floors were large, flat,
open areas and certainly could have been useful
for other purposes besides threshing. It is
no surprise, therefore, that they should double
as an open-air facility when space constraints
or the desire for public visibility rendered the
palace facilities inadequate. In the Ugaritic
Epic of Aqhat, Danil, the king, publicly judges
cases at the threshing floor outside the gate of
his city.
18:16. scattered like sheep without a shepherd.
An inscription of Sargon II of Assyria reports
that the commander of the enemy troops
fled like a shepherd whose flock had been stolen
but later was captured and carried away in
fetters.
18:18. vision of the throne room of Yahweh
and his council. The familiar picture of a
heavenly throne surrounded by the heavenly
council is well known from the Ugaritic texts
(most notably the Epic of Keret), though this
Canaanite council is made up of the gods of
the pantheon. Examples occur also in the
tenth-century building inscription of Yehimilk
from Byblos and the Karatepe stele of Azitawadda.
In the Akkadian Enuma Elish it is the
assembly of the gods that appoints Marduk as
their head. Fifty gods made up this assembly,
with seven in the inner council. In Israelite belief
the gods were replaced by angels or spirits—
the sons of God or the heavenly host.
Usually one would expect this council to be
plotting strategies to go to war on behalf of Israel,
but instead the discussion is directed
against Ahab.
18:19. council seeking volunteers. In the
Ugaritic Epic of Keret the head of the assembly,
El, asks for volunteers from the assembly
to drive out the illness of Keret. In the end,
however, El ends up taking the task on himself
and creates a being to effect the healing.
18:19-22. luring spirit. This is a “mole” operation.
When David wanted to undermine the
success of his rebellious son, Absalom, he
plants one of his advisors, Hushai, in Absalom’s
inner circle. His assignment is to suggest
a strategy that will suit Absalom’s natural
inclinations but will actually work to David’s
advantage and accomplish David’s plan (2
Sam 15:32-37; 16:15—17:14). Here the same
process is at work. God has planned to act
against Ahab who is seen as being led to his
intended doom through the strategies suggested
by trusted advisors (the prophets) that
will coincide with his natural inclinations.
18:24. hiding in an inner room. The term used
here refers to the place of utmost privacy. One
usually retreats there to be alone or to find
shelter.
18:26. Micaiah’s imprisonment. Prisons were
not used in the ancient world for reforming
criminals. A hardened criminal might more
likely find himself on permanent assignment
on a labor crew. Prisons not connected with a
labor crew were often located in the palace or
temple, though they were sometimes simply
pits. Some prisoners were in custody pending
a trial, but most prisoners were either working
off a debt or were political prisoners. This
latter group was considered dangerous to the
stability of the state rather to the health of the
society. Punitive measures for this group often
involved humiliating public display rather
than isolated incarceration. Micaiah is being
imprisoned to await the outcome of his
prophecy and the battle—that will constitute
his hearing and trial.
18:29. Ahab in disguise. In Assyria, when
there was a bad omen (usually an eclipse)
warning of evil tidings for the king, the ritual
of the substitute king was sometimes performed.
This is attested as early as 800 B.C.,
but is best known from the seventh century. In
this ritual another individual was dressed in
the robes of the king, and various rites and incantations
were performed to identify this individual
with the king. This person then took
the brunt of the ill-fate that was to befall the
king (usually death). It was believed that in
this way the evil tidings could be redirected
and the king could avoid his fate. While there
is little here that would suggest a substitute
king ritual, a similar mentality is minimally
reflected in Ahab insofar as he expects to
avoid the proclaimed doom on the king by not
dressing as the king. It must be noted, however,
that the avoidance of evil is more prominent
here than the transfer of evil represented
in the substitute king ritual (for more informa-
2 CHRONICLES 18:30—19:11 440
tion on the ritual transfer of evil see comment
on 2 Kings 5:27. Most significantly, there is no
designated substitute unless Jehoshaphat, by
retaining his royal regalia, is intended to function
in that role. He became, at the very least,
a lightning rod for the doom, just as it was
planned for the substitute to be. While Ahab’s
disguise may in fact fool the enemy soldiers,
the greater intention may be to deceive the supernatural
forces that would fulfill the destiny
which had been prescribed against him.
18:30. Aram’s strategy. While the infantry was
absorbed in hand-to-hand combat, the
Aramean chariotry was specifically targeting
the king of Israel. Chariotry typically had very
particular objectives in the course of the battle,
rather than becoming entangled in the general
melee. They might make the initial charge into
the infantry, but then would be used to contain
the parameters or to pursue certain targets,
as here. The strategy of targeting the king
was to be able to inflict punishment on him
that would prevent future incidents.
2 Chronicles 18:30—19:11 18:33. sections of the armor. Armor is described
here as made up of two parts: a solid
breastplate and a scale-armor kilt. The arrow
struck either between the two or between the
joints of the scale armor. One of the best descriptions
of scale armor comes from the Nuzi
texts, where a coat of mail was made up of
anywhere from seven hundred to over a thousand
bronze scales of varying sizes. These
scales were sewn onto a jerkin of leather or
cloth. The front and back were sewn together
at the shoulders (with a space for the head)
and probably reached to the knees. By the
ninth century some iron scales were being
used.
19:5. appointment of judges. In the Mari documents
from the Old Babylonian Period in
Syria (c. 2000-1600 B.C.), judges were appointed
by the king to perform special tasks, such
as assisting in the administration of a territory,
acting as a territorial governor, conducting
military campaigns and intervening in domestic
legal affairs. One can assume that the
judicial appointments of Jehoshaphat had
more narrowly focused tasks, primarily in the
arena of legal affairs. As evidenced by the
preface to the Code of Hammurabi (c. 1750
B.C.) and the statements made by the “Eloquent
Peasant” in Egyptian wisdom literature
(c. 2100 B.C.), the standard for behavior for
those in authority is to protect the rights of the
poor and weak in society. “True justice” (see
Lev 19:15 is expected of kings, officials and
local magistrates. In fact, the “world turned
upside down” theme found in the book of
Judges and in prophetic literature Is 1:23, describes
a society in which “laws are enacted,
but ignored” (for example, in the Egyptian Visions
of Neferti [c. 1900]). An efficiently administered
state in the ancient Near East
depended on the reliability of the law and its
enforcement. To this end every organized
state created a bureaucracy of judges and local
officials to deal with civil and criminal cases.
It was their task to hear testimony, investigate
charges made, evaluate evidence and then execute
judgment (detailed in the Middle Assyrian
Laws and the Code of Hammurabi). There
were some cases, however, that required the
attention of the king (see 2 Sam 15:2-4, and
appeals were occasionally forwarded on to
that highest magistrate (as in the Mari texts).
19:6-7. judicial system. The term for “judges”
was used for both God and humans. Their authority
came from God, and their main role
was to keep harmonious relations between Israelites
(or Judahites in this case). During the
monarchy the judges were clearly subordinate
to the monarch who appointed them. Thus
they did not rule as they did in the period of
the judges but governed under the auspices of
the king. In the ancient Near East, leaders,
whether tribal, military, city, provincial or national,
had the obligation of judging the cases
under their jurisdiction. There was no trial by
jury, though at times a group of elders may
have been involved in judging a case. When
only one individual judge was involved, the
danger of favoring the powerful or the
wealthy was very real. Both in ancient Near
Eastern documents and the Bible impartiality
is valued, along with discernment. There were
no lawyers, so most people represented themselves
in court. Witnesses could be called, and
oaths played a very significant role since most
of our scientific means of gathering evidence
were not available.
19:8-11. role of Levites and priests. After the
division of the monarchy many Levites and
priests in the north were cut off from Jerusalem
and other southern sanctuaries. Jehoshaphat
required the Levites and priests,
along with the patriarchal family head, to take
over the functions of the judges in Jerusalem
(i.e., judging disputes). The Levites were in essence
court functionaries who carried out the
decisions of the court (see comment on Deut
18:6-8). The roles of priests and judges often
overlapped, because oracles were frequently
used to decide cases. In situations where
physical evidence was not present or was insufficient,
a verdict could be determined by
the reading of omens. This meant that plaintiffs
had to consult religious professionals
(Levitical priests in Deut 17:9, whose service
441 2 CHRONICLES 19:11—20:31
included seeking divine verdicts. Many who
would come to the capital city of Jerusalem
with a legal case would be seeking this type of
assistance, so it is logical for this Levitical judiciary
to be set up there.
2 CHRONICLES 19:11—20:31 19:11. administrative structure. The Jerusalem
court was thus composed of Levites, priests,
family heads and judges. There are some parallels
with the Egyptian administrations in
Dynasty 22 (tenth to eighth centuries B.C.).
20:1. Moabites and Ammonites. Shalmaneser
III of Assyria mentions in his annals an Ammonite
king, Ba’sa son of Ruhubi, who contributed
soldiers to the Aramean confederacy
that fought against Assyria in 853 and 841 B.C.
The Moabite king was probably Mesha,
known from 2 Kings 3 and from a long inscription
in Moabite in which he describes his
rebellion against Israel (see comment on 2 Kings
3:4). This particular invasion cannot be found
in any extrabiblical source. It may have been
during a period in which the western coalition
against Assyria had broken down and individual
states were fighting against one another.
20:1. Meunites. A number of very different
opinions exist concerning the identification of
this group. The first is that it should be identified
with the Minaeans of South Arabia. Their
control of the incense trade had extended up
into the region of Palestine by the fourth century.
Others would identify the group with
the Mu’unaya mentioned in the inscriptions
of Tiglath-Pileser III. A third possibility links
them to the town of Maon south of Hebron in
the hill country of Judah. They appear with
other groups that inhabited the southern border
of Judah.
20:2. Edom. The heartland of Edom is east of
the Arabah (the deep gorge extending south
from the Dead Sea to the Gulf of Aqaba) from
the Zered (Wadi el Hasa) to the Gulf of Aqaba.
During most of the period from David until
Jehoshaphat, Edom had been an annexed territory
of Judah. Here it appears the Edomites
have gained some degree of independence,
and their territory served as the strategic base
for this raid against Jerusalem.
20:2. Hazazon Tamar/En Gedi. The location
of Hazazon Tamar is unknown, but some
have placed it near the southern end of the
Dead Sea, possibly at el-Hasasa, between En
Gedi and Bethlehem. The oasis of En Gedi
lies midway down the Dead Sea and approximately
thirty-five miles southeast of Jerusalem.
Fed by a continuous spring, it is a splash
of life and color in the midst of an otherwise
barren landscape. It has served as a cultic
site, military outpost and commercial center
during its long history. There are a number of
fortresses from the period of the monarchy
that have been discovered in this area. One is
at the spring, while another is at the top of
the cliff that offers a view of travelers for
miles around.
20:10. Mount Seir. Mount Seir was in Edom.
Seir is generally considered the mountainous
central region of Edom (elevations generally
over five thousand feet) between Wadi al-
Ghuwayr on the north and Ras en-Naqb on
the south. In this case, the term probably referred
to the entire land of Edom itself.
20:16. pass of Ziz. The pass of Ziz has often
been associated with the Wadi Hasasa, which
drains about nine miles southeast of Tekoa
into the Dead Sea. The context of the passage
suggests that the pass was an important link
between Jerusalem and En Gedi.
20:16. desert of Jeruel. The wilderness of
Jereul was southeast of Tekoa on the descending
plain to En Gedi.
20:19. Kohathites and Korahites. The Kohathites
and the Korahites were two of the
principle families that were involved in the
leadership of the Jerusalem temple during the
period of the monarchy. They were also two of
the most important Levitical families (or
clans). In the genealogy of 1 Chronicles
6:22-24 (also see Ex 6:18, 1 Chron 6:31), the Korahites
were descended from the Kohathites.
20:20. Desert of Tekoah. The Desert of Tekoah
extended east of Tekoa (Khirbet Tequ’a), a
town in the highlands of Judah. The area was
approximately twelve miles south of Jerusalem.
20:26. Valley of Berakah. The location of the
Valley of Berakah (“blessing, praise”) is not
precisely known. Some scholars believe it may
have been Wadi Berekut, between Tekoa and
En Gedi.
20:28. harps, lutes and trumpets. The lyre had
a widespread use in the ancient Near East.
Egyptian tomb paintings show individuals
from the Transjordan playing the lyre. The
harp was evidently used in Nebuchadnezzar’s
orchestra (see Dan 3. In Israel it was a
wooden instrument with eight strings (see
1 Chron 15:21. There were different types of
trumpets used in ancient Israel. This particular
type of trumpet was used on military and
religious occasions to summon the people.
Trumpets are occasionally depicted in the art
of the ancient Near East, including the bronze
figure of a trumpet player from Caria in
southwest Turkey (c. 800 B.C.).
20:31. chronology. According to Thiele, Jehoshaphat
ruled 872-848 B.C., and most other
reckonings only differ a year or two from
2 CHRONICLES 20:33—21:17 442
those dates. It has been suggested that he was
coregent with his father Asa for the first three
years of his reign. Contemporary kings in Israel
were Ahab, Ahaziah and Joram. Ashurnasirpal
II and Shalmaneser III ruled Assyria.
No references to Jehoshaphat have yet been
found in extrabiblical materials.
20:33. high places. For more information on
high places, see the comments on 1 Kings
3:2-3 and Deuteronomy 12:2-3.
20:34. annals. The various annals mentioned in
1 and 2 Kings and 1 and 2 Chronicles that were
recorded in the Book of the Kings of Israel are
no longer extant. However, one can surmise
that they were similar in structure and context
to annals of kings from other areas in the ancient
Near East. The Assyrians left detailed military
annals of their later kings (from about
1100 B.C. onwards), describing military campaigns,
strategy, relations with client kings and
piety toward national gods. Hittite, Egyptian
and Babylonian annals from the mid-second
millennium B.C. are similar in nature. It can be
assumed that other kingdoms in Syro-Palestine
also composed annals.
2 CHRONICLES 20:33—21:17 21:1. chronology. By Thiele’s reckoning, Jehoram
ruled 853-841 B.C. It has been suggested
that he was coregent with his father Jehoshaphat
for the first five years of his reign.
Contemporary kings in Israel were Ahaziah
and Joram. This is a critical period featuring
numerous western campaigns by the Assyrian
king Shalmaneser III (see comment on 1 Kings
22:1).
21:3. gifts. Jehoshaphat followed a precedent
of Rehoboam by placing his sons in fortified
towns where they were well provided for (by
means of the gifts, see 2 Chron 11:23. This
was a well-known Assyrian practice. For example,
Esarhaddon (reigned 681-668 B.C.)
placed his elder son, Shamash-shum-ukin, on
the throne of Babylon, while his younger son,
Ashurbanipal, was given the throne of Assyria.
Nonetheless, the elder son did not find this
“gift” satisfactory and began a civil war soon
thereafter.
21:4-20
The Reign of Jehoram
21:4. killing brothers. The practice of removing
all other possible claimants to the throne
was a well-known practice in the Old Testament
(see Judg 9:5 and 2 Kings 11:1 and the
ancient Near East. Because of monarchs having
multiple marriages (or multiple concubines)
and therefore many sons, there were
often a large number of claimants to the
throne. Rameses II of Egypt (reigned c.
1292-1225 B.C.) had over fifty sons, for example.
Since most kingdoms did not always employ
the practice of primogeniture, the
succession to the throne was often in question.
21:6. relations to Ahab. Marriage alliances between
kingdoms was not only a common custom
but was considered indispensable for
forging good relations with potentially hostile
neighbors. One can reconstruct the present
scenario here in 2 Chronicles. Jehoshaphat
was a close ally of Ahab and thus cemented
this alliance with the marriage of his son Jehoram
to Ahab’s daughter, Athaliah, daughter of
Jezebel. Of course, this also brought in Baalistic
worship to Judah from Phoenicia, the
homeland of Jezebel. See comment on 18:1.
21:7. lamp for David. Lamps were often used
metaphorically in Israel to symbolize life and
prosperity. They were often placed in tombs
for this reason. The expression “his lamp” is
often used in Scripture to symbolize life. As an
eternal flame is a symbol of endurance and remembrance,
so the reign of a descendant of
David in Jerusalem provides a link to God’s
promise to David’s dynasty 2 Sam 7:8-16.
Similar uses of the word in Ugaritic and
Akkadian are tied to perpetuation of rule or
divine presence. Assyrian king Tiglath-Pileser
III is referred to as the light of all mankind. An
Old Babylonian idiom expresses a family having
no descendants by the image of its brazier
going out.
21:8-10. Edom’s revolt. Although this revolt is
not described elsewhere in Scripture or in extrabiblical
sources, there are destruction levels
at Ramet Matred Negev dating from either the
raid of Shishak (late tenth century B.C.) or the
revolt mentioned in this passage.
21:10. Libnah. Libnah was a major fortress
city in Judah that was one of the line of defenses
of the capital city, Jerusalem. Thus, if
the city revolted, the entire land of Judah was
left vulnerable. The town of Libnah is usually
identified with either Khirbet Tell el-Beida
(nine miles northeast of Lachish) or Tell Bornat
(about five miles further west), strategically
located by the Wadi Zeita guarding the best
route to Hebron from the coast.
21:15, 18. Jehoram’s disease. One opinion is
that Jehoram’s “disease of the bowels” may
have been chronic amoebic dysentery. Additionally,
some suggest the more specific consequence
of a massive rectal prolapse.
21:16-17. invasion of Philistines and Arabs.
The invasion here was probably a series of
raids from the west (Philistines) and south
(Arabs), from well-known enemies of Judah.
From the context of the passage it may be assumed
that the raid was in response to the
443 2 CHRONICLES 21:19—23:3
vulnerable situation that Judah was in because
of the Edomite rebellion.
21:19. fire in his honor. The funeral rites denied
Jehoram were often quite elaborate and
include the burning of spices in honor of the
dead as well as a general lamentation and internment
in the family tomb. The fire does not
imply cremation of the body or an attempt to
mask the odors associated with a diseased
body, but was rather an expensive display of
the king’s wealth. The practice is well known
among Assyrian kings where it was used as
an apotropaic ritual.
21:20. tombs of the kings. The Judahite kings
were buried in the City of David, a small ridge
bordered by Kidron, Hinnom and Tyropoeon
Valleys. The kings from Rehoboam to Ahaz
were buried here (except for some notable exceptions).
Later kings were either buried in
the “garden of Uzziah” (Manasseh and
Amon) or in their own tomb (Josiah). The
burial place of Hezekiah and the successors of
Josiah is not mentioned. The site of the royal
burials in the City of David has not been determined
with certainty. Many of the Egyptian
kings of the New Kingdom (c. 1550-1050 B.C.)
were buried in the Valley of the Kings in separate
tombs. There was apparently no such
common royal burial place for the kings of Assyria.
22:1-9
The Reign of Ahaziah
22:1. raiders with Arabs. The raiders mentioned
as having come with the Arabs are likely
related to those mentioned in 2 Chronicles
21. Thus they may have been Philistines and
other diverse groups who sought to capitalize
on the weakness of the Judahite monarchy.
They certainly concluded that Judah was
weaker without the Davidic dynastic line in
power.
22:2. chronology. Ahaziah ruled in 841 B.C.
and was a contemporary of Shalmaneser III of
Assyria (reigned 858-824 B.C.). By this time
most of the coalition that had withstood Shalmaneser
at the Battle of Qarqar had been dismantled,
and anti-Assyrian sentiment was
becoming less and less popular.
22:5. war against Hazael. The family ties between
Judah and Israel explain the joint attack
against Hazael of Aram of Damascus. The
parties of the western coalition had broken
down and were now fighting amongst themselves.
22:6. Jezreel. Jezreel has been identified with
Zerin/Tel Yizra’al at the east end of the Jezreel
Valley in the territory of Issachar. The city was
about fifteen miles southeast of Megiddo. It
was the winter capital of the Israelite kingdom
by the reign of Ahab. With the destruction of
the northern kingdom by the Assyrians (722/
21 B.C.), Jezreel lost its importance, which it
failed to regain. For more information see
1 Kings 21:1.
22:9. Samaria. Samaria was the capital of the
northern kingdom of Israel for two centuries.
Omri constructed the city in the early ninth
century B.C., and it was destroyed by the Assyrians
in 722/21. The city was built on a hill
rising three hundred feet above the nearby
valleys. It was located along the crossroads of
major trade routes that lead to Shechem, the
Jordan Valley, Megiddo, Jezreel and Jerusalem.
The site has been extensively excavated
in this century. For more information see comment
on 1 Kings 16:24.
2 CHRONICLES 21:19—23:3
22:10—23:21
Athaliah the Usurper
22:10. Athaliah’s executions. As queen mother
(see comment on 1 Kings 2:19 during the
reign of her son Ahaziah, Athaliah enjoyed an
exalted position as “sovereign,” which was
evidently an official title. This afforded her a
special influence on ceremonial and political
matters. Following the custom of other dynasts,
the usurper Athaliah attempted to destroy
the members of the previous Davidic
dynasty, in the same fashion that usurpers in
the northern kingdom had killed off members
of the previous dynasty. Such annihilations of
ruling families was common practice both in
Israel and in the ancient Near East at large.
There is wide precedent in Mesopotamian
texts for the elimination of all rival claimants
to the throne when a king comes to power.
22:11-12. hiding in the temple. It is not certain
where the last remaining Davidide was hidden.
Medieval scholars theorized that there
was a penthouse where the priests retired that
was off-limits to Athaliah. However, no temple
bedroom is ever mentioned in Scripture.
At any rate the boy was concealed in the lodgings
of the high priest in the temple precinct.
Besides being a place to which very few
would have access, temples in the ancient
world were a place of sanctuary and protection.
23:1-3. priests’ political power. In much of the
ancient Near East the priesthood wielded considerable
political power. They had land holdings,
independent assets that came as gifts to
the temple and an emotional hold on the people.
In Israel the power of the prophetic institution
is more evident than that of the priests,
2 CHRONICLES 23:5—24:1 444
but it is likely that the priests also carried some
political clout. The wife of the high priest Jehoiada,
Jehosheba, was the daughter of Joram,
the previous ruler, and thus Jehoiada was connected
to the royal line by marriage.
23:5. Foundation Gate. The Foundation Gate
is called the Sur Gate in 2 Kings 11:6. Its location
cannot be determined with certainty.
23:9. weapons from the temple. It is not certain
where these weapons were stored, as
there is no mention of a temple armory in
Scripture. Likely these are ceremonial pieces
used by the king in processionals and kept on
display. It is possible that they also included
important weapons that had been captured in
battle or taken as tribute. The Hebrew terms
used for the weapons are rare. The Hebrew
term that the NIV translates as “small shield”
was long obscure but is now recognized as a
technical term borrowed from Aramaic referring
to a bow case. Ceremonial bow cases are
pictured in later Persian reliefs.
23:10. temple geography. The palace guard
apparently surrounded the palace on all sides
and protected the route from the palace to the
temple. From its description in 1 Kings, the
temple of Solomon appears to have been enclosed
in the larger palace complex. Very little
is known of the layout of the temple precinct
and palace complex of this time.
2 CHRONICLES 23:5—24:1 23:11. copy of the covenant. This appears to be
a document that frames a constitution or charter
of some sort. One possibility is that it details
the people’s subordination to the king
and the king’s subordination to the Lord. In
Egypt the coronation ceremony involved a
proclamation by the god Thoth that gave the
official approval of the gods for the king’s accession.
The theme of a covenant between
king, subject people and god can also be found
in the Hittite annals of the late second millennium
B.C. and Assyrian vassal loyalty oaths
during the mid-first millennium B.C. In Assyrian
records there is a ceremony where Esarhaddon
of Assyria made a binding covenant with
the people of Assyria to be loyal to his successor,
Ashurbanipal. What is different in Scripture
is the mention of a document that was
physically handed over to the king, which is
not mentioned in the extrabiblical sources.
23:11. anointing. The acts here are regular features
of the accession ritual of the kings of Israel
and Judah. First, the ram’s horn was
blown to signify the people’s recognition and
submission to the new king. The phrase “long
live the king” is attested in a number of places
in the historical books of Scripture and in the
enthronement psalms (47, 93, 96, 97, 99). It
was used after the accession of the king to the
throne. The anointing of the king was also a
symbolic gesture of the divine favor of the
king before Yahweh. For more information on
anointing see comment on 1 Samuel 16:1.
23:13. king’s pillar. This may have been one
of the two entry pillars at the entrance of the
temple, Jachin and Boaz (see comment on
1 Kings 7:15-22. Ezekiel describes the
“prince’s station” at the “doorposts of the
gate” of the temple Ezek 46:2. The king may
have stood on some kind of a platform reserved
only for himself.
23:15. Horse Gate on the palace grounds. The
Horse Gate was a gate of the temple enclosure
and not the Horse Gate of the city. It may have
been a passage through which mounted riders
entered the city from the east Jer 31:40.
23:17. destruction of temple (=house) of Baal.
This is the only reference to the “House of
Baal” in Jerusalem (parallel to 2 Kings 11:18.
Thus its location can only be a source of speculation.
It may have been a private shrine in
the vicinity of the palace. There is, however, a
large structure excavated at Ramat Rahel, two
miles south of Jerusalem, that has similarities
to the palace at Samaria. Its location compares
to the location of the Baal Temple of Samaria,
which was outside the acropolis of the city.
The reaction of the populace to the destruction
of the temple of Baal is similar in nature to the
purge orchestrated by Jehu some years earlier.
All evidences of the previous regime were
eliminated. In New Kingdom Egypt, Thutmose
III attempted to destroy all vestiges of
the reign of Hatshepsut, while Horemheb
(and others) did the same to the Aton kings.
23:19. doorkeepers. The doorkeepers were evidently
royal guards who were responsible for
the entrance to the temple precinct by which
the king normally passed (see also 1 Kings
14:28; 2 Kings 11:19. The exact route from the
temple to the palace is unclear. It may have
been south between the temple mount and the
City of David.
23:20. Jerusalem geography. The temple
mount was at the highest point on the northern
end of the City of David. The palace was
situated just south of (and probably adjoining)
the temple complex. Immediately southeast
was the Kidron Valley, which separated the
Temple Mount from the Mount of Olives.
Southwest of the City of David was the Ben
Hinnom Valley.
24:1-27
The Reign of Joash
24:1. chronology. Joash ruled from 835 to 796
B.C. and was a contemporary of Jehu, Jehoa-
445 2 CHRONICLES 24:4-14
haz and Jehoash of Israel. Shalmaneser III,
Shamshi-Adad V and Adad-Nirari III ruled
Assyria during this period.
24:4. ideology of temple restoration in the
ancient Near East. The temple was the center
of culture, economy and society in Syria, Mesopotamia
and Israel. It served as the house of
the city’s patron deity, and thus the god’s
presence was considered to exist there. It was
incumbent upon the ruler of the city to attend
to the “care and feeding” of the deity. The statue
of the god was bathed, clothed and fed daily.
Just as important as the king’s military
success was his attention to the upkeep of the
god’s house. Countless building inscriptions
from both Assyria and Babylonia attest to the
king’s piety because of his restoration of a certain
god’s house. Similarly, those who rebuilt
or restored Yahweh’s were accorded this same
type of piety. Restoration entailed both physical
and ritual aspects. A neglected temple
would need structural repairs (see comment
on v. 13) and perhaps the restoration of pilfered
furniture and accessories. It is possible
that gold objects or gold plating on walls
would need to be replaced. Then the temple
would need to have its sanctity reestablished
through appropriate rituals. Finally, it would
need to be provided with funding and personnel
so that it could operate.
2 Chronicles 24:4-14 24:5. collection of funds. The collecting of
funds for the restoration of a temple was a
common occurrence by monarchs in the ancient
Near East. Often, though, the monarch
would restore the temple by means of corvee
labor or by collecting building materials from
his subjects. The initial collection procedure is
described only in 2 Kings 12:5-7 and was unsuccessful.
It entailed receiving funds from
the “treasurers” (NIV). This word only occurs
in this context and has now been identified in
both Ugaritic and Akkadian texts dealing with
temple treasuries. It could refer either to officers
who distributed temple assets or to the assets
themselves.
24:5. taxation in Israel. There are surprisingly
few words in Scripture for “tax.” The most
common term was a generic word meaning to
“evaluate for taxation.” The term is used for
the tribute that Israelite kings were obliged to
pay ruling overlords. It was also used in connection
with collecting funds for the temple,
as here. The process of taxation is described in
1 Samuel 8:15-17. The king could also exempt
a household from taxation (see 1 Sam 17:25.
Solomon had a core of governors who periodically
collected taxes 1 Kings 4:7-19. It appears
that the rebellion against Rehoboam
was motivated by tax abuse. Ostraca from Samaria
record deliveries of wine for the use of
the king, with the phrase, “for the king.”
These ostraca were from several sites that
were probably depots where the local taxes
were gathered. Another aspect of taxation was
forced labor (see Ex 1:10; Josh 16:10; 2 Sam
20:24). Although taxation in Mesopotamia is
much better documented, it appears to have
similar attributes to taxation practices found
in Israel.
24:6. Tent of the Testimony. The Tent of the
Testimony was more commonly called the Tent
of Meeting or tabernacle (see comment on Ex
33:7-10). It was the central place of worship for
the Israelites before the construction of the temple
of Solomon. It was the shrine that housed
the ark of the covenant and various other cultic
objects. The tabernacle continued to play an
important link to Israel’s history, even during
the monarchy, and one gets the impression that
somehow the tent was set up inside the temple
precinct (see 1 Kings 8:4 = 2 Chron 5:5.
2 CHRONICLES 24:6-24 24:11. shared custody of funds between king
and priests. The sharing of custody for funds
used in temple restorations is attested in the
records of Assyrian king Esarhaddon (seventh
century). Here also there are accusations on
both sides regarding who is responsible for
the delay in the project.
24:12. repair crew. The regular maintenance of
the temple complex was the responsibility of
the “workmen in charge of the temple.” Major
repairs had to be contracted out to skilled
workers. The listing of these skilled laborers is
typical of contemporary Assyrian records.
24:13. nature of the work. It appears that the
skilled workers restored the temple to its original
foundations. The skilled workers were
carpenters, builders, masons and stonecutters.
The term for “builder” was used for both
skilled and unskilled laborers who worked
primarily with mudbrick. The carpenter was
responsible for all of the wood items in construction,
including the roof, door, window
and stair fittings, and various cultic objects in
the temple. The mason/stonecutter quarried
the stones from natural caves or drove shafts
in the hillside. Then the stones were cut and
fitted into place. It will be remembered that
Solomon contracted Phoenician craftsmen to
build the temple. It is not expressly stated that
foreign workers were used to refurbish the
temple during the reign of Joash.
24:14. articles for the temple. The cultic vessels
mentioned here were made by Solomon’s
craftsmen 1 Kings 7:50 and were distinct
from those made by the Phoenicians (1 Kings
7:13-47). They became booty for Nebuchadnezzar
II during his capture of Jerusalem
2 CHRONICLES 24:15—25:13 446
more than two centuries after Joash. The
terms are best described as “vessels for the
service and for the burnt offering, bowls and
gold and silver vessels.”
24:15. Jehoiada 130 years old. Jehoiada lived
longer than Moses (120 years) and Aaron (123
years), showing his great favor with God. The
fact that the Chronicler called attention to Jehoiada’s
age shows his great importance,
equal to any of the Judahite monarchs. Egyptian
texts considered 110 to be the ideal old
age, while Mesopotamian ideas targeted 120.
In the sixth century, Adad-Guppi, the mother
of the Babylonian king Nabonidus, is said to
have lived to the age of 104.
24:18. Asherah poles. The Asherah poles
were apparently man-made objects and often
were situated near trees (see Jer 17:2, although
they may have actually been living
trees on occasion (see Deut 16:21. The Asherah
cult object symbolized the goddess herself.
The poles were often associated with the image
of the goddess, which was a separate item
altogether. For more information see comment
on 2 Kings 13:6.
24:23. war in spring. In the ancient Near East
spring was a popular time in which to commence
military ventures. First of all, the
weather in the winter was prohibitive for extensive
military travel. Second, because of
harvesting in the spring, invading armies
were able to forage for food. The Assyrian annals
make a point of describing any particular
military campaign that happened during the
winter or the dead of summer, when there
was unbearable heat for the soldiers.
24:23-24. war with Aram. In the last decades
of the ninth century the Aramean kingdom of
Damascus was relieved of Assyrian pressures
and was able to assert its influence south and
west into Judah (see comment on 2 Kings
10:32). There was an attack on Gath (probably
Gittaim in the northern Shephelah, not Philistine
Gath), which posed a direct threat on
Jerusalem (see 2 Kings 12:18. The Aramean
king at this time was Hazael (see comment on
2 Kings 8:8, who ruled from 843 B.C. to near
the end of the ninth century.
25:1-28
The Reign of Amaziah
25:1. chronology. Thiele assigns to Amaziah
the years 796-767 B.C. He was contemporary
with Jehoash and Jeroboam II of Israel.
Adad-Nirari III, Shalmaneser IV and Ashur-
Dan III ruled Assyria during his time.
2 CHRONICLES 24:15—25:13 25:5. size of military. The term in Hebrew for
thousand, )eleph, is also employed for “unit,”
which makes more sense in this passage. Thus
Amaziah’s census found three hundred units
of available men to be soldiers, and there is no
precise number of available soldiers given in
the text. For more information on numbers see
comments on 2 Chronicles 11:1; 13:2-20.
25:6. mercenaries. The use of mercenaries in
ancient Near Eastern warfare was widespread.
The Assyrians began to rely heavily
on mercenaries by the reign of Tiglath-Pileser
III (reigned 745-727 B.C.). Although mercenaries
were experienced and well trained,
their loyalty was often called into question
when they did not get their pay in a timely
fashion, or if they were fighting against a
kindred foe. Ionian mercenaries left the Persian
camp and fought for the Greeks at the
Battle of Plataea during the Persian wars
(480 B.C.).
25:6. hundred talents of silver. The talent was
the largest weight measure used in the Near
East. It was comparable to three thousand
shekels at Alalakh and Ugarit in Syria and in
the Old Testament Ex 38:25-6. One hundred
talents of silver weighed about three and one
quarter tons. Obviously this was the total
amount spent hiring the mercenaries and
comes to one talent of silver for each division.
This is not exorbitant pay and was just “earnest
money”—the real payoff would come in
the plunder.
25:11. Valley of Salt. The Valley of Salt has
been identified with Wadi el-milh, east of
Beersheba, about three miles due south of the
Dead Sea. There are numerous areas in the region
where the cliffs are high enough for people
to be thrown to their death.
25:11. Seir. Seir was the biblical name for part
of the country of Edom and was often used as
a synonym for Edom. So “the sons of Seir”
would be another name for the Edomites. Seir
is listed as a geographic toponym in the Amarna
letters from Egypt (fourteenth century
B.C.).
25:12. styles of execution. Throwing enemy
prisoners off a cliff is not known as a style of
execution outside of this passage. It was likely
the most convenient form of execution because
of the geographical circumstances. In
A.D. 67, during the Jewish revolt against
Rome, thousands of Jews from Gamla hurled
themselves off the cliff rather than be captured
by the Romans.
25:13. Samaria to Beth Horon. Beth Horon is
at the ascent between the Valley of Aijalon and
the hill country, about twelve miles northwest
of Jerusalem. From where the armies are, the
main road home goes north from Arad to Hebron
where it swings a bit to the west and
447 2 CHRONICLES 25:14—26:9
then proceeds north through the Shephelah.
From Arad to Beth Horon along this road is
about fifty miles. The city of Samaria was over
fifty miles further north of Beth Horon and
was the capital of the northern kingdom, so
cannot be the city intended here. Either there
was another “Samaria” in Judah, not known
elsewhere in Scripture, or the text originally
read something like “Hebron.” Since most of
the mercenaries’ pay came from plunder, this
was their way of collecting.
25:14. gods of Seir. It is generally assumed
that these would be the images of the Edomite
gods. The national god of the Edomites was
Qos. It is not unusual that worship should be
offered to deities of defeated nations. At Dan
standing stones were found at a shrine just inside
the city gate, and the clear remains of the
presentation of votive offerings were evident.
It is thought that the standing stones represented
some of the deities of cities that had
fallen to Israel. The votive offerings would be
in fulfillment of vows made to those deities
(perhaps for their aid in overthrowing the city
the Israelites were fighting against).
25:21. Beth Shemesh. Beth Shemesh was a
town about fifteen miles west of Jerusalem in
the Shephelah region between Jerusalem and
the coastal territory of Philistia. It was an important
fortress town that guarded the Sorek
pass from raiders who desired to plunder
Jerusalem. The site of Beth Shemesh (Tell
er-Rumeliah) has remains showing an extensive
Canaanite occupation of the city before
the Israelite conquest.
25:23. topography of Jerusalem. Scholars
have supposed that the Ephraim gate was located
at the northwest corner of the city of
Jerusalem, while the corner gate was at the
northeast corner. The northern portion of
Jerusalem was the only direction that allowed
easy accessibility to the town. Other areas of
the wall did not make for easy access because
of the Valley of Ben Hinnom to the southwest
and the Kidron Valley to the southeast.
25:24. plunder of Jehoash. Assyrian records
often show that the family of the defeated
king was sent under guard to Assyria to be
hostages in order to guarantee the good behavior
of the king. Ashurnasirpal II (reigned
883-859) is described as “taking hostages and
establishing victory.” Here the identity of the
Judahite prisoners is not mentioned, but it can
be assumed they were either part of the royal
family or important members of the nobility.
25:27. Lachish. Lachish (Tell ed-Duweir) was a
major fortress city in the Judahite Shephelah.
It is not surprising that Amaziah went to this
town, since it was in the line of defense surrounding
Jerusalem. Both the Assyrians and
the Babylonians captured Lachish in their invasions
of Judah in the eighth and seventh
centuries B.C. Located about thirty miles
southwest of Jerusalem, the site covers some
thirty acres.
2 CHRONICLES 25:14—26:9
26:1-23
The Reign of Uzziah
26:2. Elath. Elath (or Eloth) was the seaport
constructed by Solomon at the head of the
Gulf of Aqaba (see comment on 2 Chron 8:17.
It was closely associated with the nearby port
of Ezion Geber. It opened trade for Judah with
Arabia, Africa and India. Uzziah apparently
attempted to revive the Red Sea trade instituted
by Solomon.
26:3. chronology. Uzziah’s long reign is calculated
by Thiele as lasting from 792 to 740 B.C.
Scholars postulate that he had a long coregency
with his father Amaziah on one end of his
reign and with his son, Jotham, on the other.
He was a contemporary with Jeroboam II (for
forty of the fifty-two years), Zechariah, Shallum,
Menahem, Pekah and Pekahiah of Israel.
Adad-Nirari III, Shalmaneser IV, Ashur-Dan,
Ashur-Nirari V and Tiglath-Pileser III ruled
Assyria. Assyria was weak during most of this
period, allowing for expansion and prosperity
for both Israel and Judah. Uzziah’s name has
been found on a seal from Tell Beit Mirsim.
Tiglath-Pileser’s records mention a king
named Azriau of Yaudi, but most do not
equate this individual with Uzziah.
26:6-8. military successes. Although there are
no other literary sources which describe Uzziah’s
victories over the Philistines, Arabs and
Meunites, there is archaeological evidence of
destruction at the Philistine city of Ashdod,
which may have been done during the time of
Uzziah. There is also evidence that Uzziah
constructed fortresses in these newly conquered
territories. Gath (Tell es-Safi; see comment
on 1 Sam 5:8, Ashdod and Jabneh form
a triangle about ten or fifteen miles on each
side that dominates the northern section of the
Philistine plain directly west of Jerusalem. Tell
Mor near the Philistine city of Ashdod provides
one example of such a fortress. Since
Uzziah was not able to expand north because
of the power of Israel under Jeroboam II, he
turned his attention to the west and south,
subduing people groups that had taken advantage
of previously unstable conditions in
Judah. For more information on the Meunites
see comment on 20:1. The site of Gurbaal remains
unidentified.
26:9. Jerusalem towers. Although the towers
2 CHRONICLES 26:10—27:1 448
built by Uzziah have not been identified, they
were presumably similar to the towers built
by the Assyrians at their major cities of Nineveh,
Calah, Assur and Dur-Sharrukin.
Dur-Sharrukin was a fortress built by Sargon
II (reigned 721-705 B.C.), with towers strategically
placed at the four corners of the city. See
2 Chronicles 25:23 for a description of the
gates where the towers of Uzziah were built.
Recent discovery of a massive tower in the vicinity
of the Gihon Spring may yet prove to be
part of these fortifications.
26:10. towers in the desert. There is archaeological
evidence of Uzziah’s building activity
in Judah. The tower in the stratigraphic level
IIIB at Gibeah was probably built in this period.
The intensive building activity at Tell Abu
Selimeh may also date from this period. There
is evidence of early buildings and cisterns at
Qumran and Ain Feshkha that date to Uzziah’s
reign. Fortifications, cisterns and farms
have also been located in the Negeb area near
Beersheba.
26:11-13. Uzziah’s army. Evidence of Uzziah’s
power is shown by the fact that he had a
standing army and did not have to rely upon
conscripting soldiers during times of conflict.
Assyrian sources indicate that Uzziah’s army
was significant enough to have taken part in a
coalition against Tiglath-Pileser III during his
invasion of the Levant in the mid-eighth century
B.C.
26:14. arms. The wealth of Uzziah afforded
him the opportunity to arm his soldiers with
the traditional weaponry in the Near East in
the Iron Age. The weapons mentioned here
were also those listed as ones used by the Assyrian
army. The Assyrians describe their
weaponry in detail in their annals, and they
are often depicted in wall reliefs at the king’s
palace. It can be presumed that Uzziah began
to build up his army because of the threat of
Assyria and of neighboring Israel.
26:15. machines. The “machines” made by
Uzziah were probably protective shielding devices
mounted on the walls providing protection
for defenders to throw stones and shoot
arrows at the enemy. The material remains
from the Judahite fortress at Lachish attest to
the nature of Uzziah’s constructions. Additionally,
they are represented in the Assyrian
wall reliefs at Sennacherib’s palace at Nineveh.
In the past some interpreters had suggested
that these were catapults, but there is
no evidence of the use of catapults this early.
26:16-19. Uzziah’s offense. Uzziah’s offense
was a direct violation of priestly prerogatives
concerning the temple worship Num 16:40.
The altar of incense was located inside the
outer chamber of the temple which denied access
to all but officiating priests. The sacrilege
he was charged with (“unfaithful,” NIV v. 18)
is the offense that was addressed by reparation
offerings (see comment on Lev 5:14-16.
26:19. leprosy. Mari king Yahdun-Lim calls
down a curse of leprosy on whoever desecrated
the temple that he was dedicating, so it is
clear that this is a common connection. Those
studying the ancient Near Eastern languages
have concluded that the term often translated
“leprosy” is more accurately rendered “lesion,”
or, less technical, “scaly skin.” Such
patches could be swelled or weeping, as well
as flaking. Similar broad terminology also exists
in Akkadian, where the Babylonians likewise
considered it an unclean condition and
the punishment of the gods. Clinical leprosy
(Hansen’s Disease) has not been attested in
the ancient Near East prior to the time of Alexander
the Great. None of the most prominent
characteristics of Hansen’s disease are
listed in the text, and the symptoms that are
listed argue against a relationship to Hansen’s
disease. The condition discussed in the text is
not presented as contagious. Descriptions
would suggest that modern diagnoses would
include psoriasis, eczema, favus and seborrheic
dermatitis, as well as a number of fungaltype
infections. Because of this, it is not clear
exactly what type of skin disease Uzziah had.
Comparison to “snow” most likely concerns
the flakiness rather than the color (“white” is
added in the translations that contain it). The
great cultural aversion to skin diseases may be
that in appearance and sometimes odor they
resemble the rotting skin of the corpse and are
therefore associated with death. This natural
revulsion adds considerably to the victim’s
outcast status when combined with the quarantine
that is ritually rather than medically
motivated. It is not certain whether Uzziah
was quarantined because of the disease or because
of his cultic offenses. Naaman had a
similar disease and was able to continue his
duties as commander in chief. It is presumed
that Jotham, son of Uzziah, took over official
duties as coregent after Uzziah’s cultic offense.
26:23. Uzziah’s tomb. There is an epitaph now
preserved in the Israel Museum marking the
burial place of Uzziah, king of Judah. It represented
a secondary burial of his bones.
2 CHRONICLES 26:10—27:1
27:1-9
The Reign of Jotham
27:1. chronology. Jotham ruled from 750 to
732 B.C. and was possibly coregent with his fa-
449 2 CHRONICLES 27:3—28:4
ther Uzziah for ten years and with his son
Ahaz for three years. Extrabiblical evidence of
Jotham’s reign includes a signet ring found at
Tell el-Kheleifeh with his name and the picture
of a horned ram. He is also named on a
bulla found of Ahaz’s royal seal.
27:3. Upper Gate of the Temple. Little is
known of the architectural history of the temple
after Solomon. The Upper Gate of the temple
was located at the north entrance to the
temple enclosure. Jeremiah was confined to
the Upper Benjamin Gate, which was probably
the same as the Upper Gate.
2 Chronicles 27:3—28:4 27:3. hill of Ophel. The hill of Ophel is identified
as the section between the temple mount
and the southern ridge known as the city of
David. Apparently it featured fortifications
that surrounded the temple-palace complex.
Some believe that there was a citadel located
here that was itself designated “the Ophel.”
27:4. forts. Jotham continued his father’s extensive
building programs in Judah by constructing
fortress cities in the highlands of
Judah, most likely as a line of defense against
invasion. Not only did he build forts in the
wooded areas, he may have engaged in a program
of forestation. No excavations have as
yet identified fortifications that can be definitively
connected to Jotham. It is in his reign,
however, that the Neo-Assyrian Empire takes
shape under Tiglath-Pileser III. Undoubtedly
the renewed emphasis on defense projects reflects
the rising threat.
27:5. Ammonites. The Ammonites lived north
of the Moabites in the region around the Jabbok
River. They are known from Assyrian
records as Bit-Ammon and as the land of Benammanu.
At the end of Jotham’s reign, the
king of Ammon was Sharib. No Ammonite or
Assyrian records illumine the history of the
Ammonites prior to 733. They had paid tribute
to Uzziah but apparently tried to break
free of Judah’s control and had to be suppressed
with force.
27:5. amount of tribute. The amount of tribute
given by the Ammonites is very large and
compares with the terms that the Assyrians
gave to Judah during the reign of Hezekiah (2
Kings 18:14-17). A hundred talents of silver
was over three tons, while ten thousand cors
each of wheat and barely were about sixty-
five thousand bushels each (see comment
on 2:10).
28:1-27
The Reign of Ahaz
28:1. chronology. Thiele places the rule of
Ahaz from 735 to 715 B.C. This would make
him a contemporary of Hoshea, the last king
of Israel, as well as of the Assyrian kings
Tiglath-Pileser III, Shalmaneser V and Sargon
II. The chronology of this period is very complicated,
and the numbers from one system to
another vary considerably. Most systems depend
on a complex combination of coregencies.
One possibility with Ahaz is to see him as
being thrust onto the throne by a pro-Assyrian
faction within the administration of Judah as
early as 741 with the hope that cooperation
with Assyria could maintain peace. Ahaz is
named (referred to by the longer form of his
name, Jehoahaz, in Assyrian, Iauhazi) in one
of Tiglath-Pileser’s building inscriptions as
having paid tribute. A bulla (seal impression)
of his royal seal has also been found.
28:2. cast idols. Ahaz cast idols of the Baals of
Canaan, not to local representations. The plural
(Baals) may be used as a parallel with the
plural Elohim, the generic name for the Hebrew
God. Casting idols for worship was specifically
condemned in the Mosaic Law (see
Ex 34:17. Metal casts of Canaanite deities (including
Baals) have been found at numerous
sites in Palestine.
28:3. Valley of Ben Hinnom. The Valley of
Ben Hinnom was on the south side of Jerusalem
and joined the Kidron Valley at the southeast
corner of the city. Access from the city to
Ben Hinnom came from the Potsherd Gate
and the Valley Gate. The valley became infamous
for Baal worship because of the acts of
Ahaz and Manasseh. Josiah defiled the region
in order to prevent future idolatrous acts (2
Kings 23:10).
28:3. sons passing through the fire. The biblical
writers distinguished between the practice
of the nations of burning their children in the
service to their gods Deut 12:31 and 2 Kings
17:31) and the idolatrous Israelites who
“passed their sons and daughters through the
fire.” If “passing through the fire” was something
different than child sacrifice, it is not
certain what it was. In Deuteronomy 18:9
“passing through the fire” appears with other
Canaanite divination practices. There are
hints from contemporary Assyrian sources of
burning children in this period. In some Assyrian
economic documents the penalty clauses
include “burning children to Sin.”
28:4. high places, spreading trees. The worship
at high places is not attributed to other
Judahite kings but to the people of Judah (e.g.,
1 Kings 22:44. A different verbal form is used
in Hebrew to denote illegal sacrifices at
shrines opposed to legal sacrifices at the Jerusalem
temple. Ahaz, of course, was condemned
for his illegal sacrifices. For more information
2 CHRONICLES 28:5-25 450
on high places see comment on 2 Kings 17:9.
28:5. defeat by Arameans. This is a description
of what is called the Syro-Ephraimitic
War. One popular reconstruction maintains
that states in the region of Syria and Palestine
(including Israel and Aram) had forged a coalition
to fight against the rising power of Assyria
under Tiglath-Pileser III. Rezin of
Aram-Damascus headed this coalition in 733
B.C. One year earlier, Aram and Israel attempted
to force Ahaz of Judah to join the coalition
against Assyria. The two states sought to dethrone
Ahaz (see Is 7:6. Upon an appeal from
Ahaz, Assyria marched west in 733-732 B.C.
and devastated the area, ending the Damascene
state and setting up a puppet king in Israel
(Hoshea). Others believe that the
aggression of the Syro-Ephraimite coalition
reflected only their own ambitions for expansion
and had nothing to do with a coalition
against Assyria. The Assyrian annals of
Tiglath-Pileser III are badly mutilated, but a
general picture of the Assyrian conquest can
be obtained.
28:14-15. treatment of prisoners. The Assyrian
annals and wall reliefs depict the harsh
conditions of those who were deported from
their own territory. The males are normally
naked, often with hooks in their nose or lips,
and some are missing limbs. Others are carrying
their worldly belongings with them. It appears
that the Israelites had a similar policy,
which was condemned by the prophet Oded.
The extent of care and mercy described in
these verses is, therefore, remarkable.
28:16. Ahaz asking help of Assyrians. In response
to the invasion of Judah by the other
Syro-Palestian states, Ahaz appealed to Assyria.
Although the Assyrian annals do not explicitly
state his appeal, he is listed as one of
the kings who gave tribute to Tiglath-Pileser
III.
2 CHRONICLES 28:5-25 28:17-18. military difficulties. Not only was
Ahaz fearful of Aram-Israelite invasions, it appears
his appeal to Assyria was for his war
against Edom and Philistia. Recent excavations
along the ancient border between Edom
and Judah have confirmed the expansion of
Edom into the Negev of Judah at towns such
as En Hatzeva and Qitmit. Pottery ostraca
from Arad that contain military correspondence
from this period also show that
Edomite invasions were considered imminent.
The Philistines expanded their presence
into the Shephelah region, regaining control of
the area that had been under Judean control
during the reign of Uzziah (see comment on
26:6-8). The description includes the three
main passes into the Judean hills (the Aijalon,
Sorek and Elah Valleys). There are no archaeological
finds that illumine this Philistine conquest
in any of the sites mentioned here.
Tiglath-Pileser’s campaign of 734 included the
Philistines among his targets. This led to setting
up a stele in Gaza in 734 and the conquest
of Ashkelon in 733. An Assyrian letter from
Nimrud indicates the unstable conditions that
existed in Palestine at this time. The territories
lost by Ahaz were not returned to him but organized
into Assyrian provinces.
28:23. gods of Damascus. Most of the people
groups in the ancient Near East believed that
the gods had limited geographic jurisdiction.
The god’s land was in effect under the stewardship
of the monarch. Normally the gods
did not have control of events occurring in
other regions (where other gods had jurisdiction).
Since most wars were conducted as holy
wars, credit was given to the god(s) of the victorious
army. As early as the mid-third millennium
B.C. the Sumerian city of Lagash claimed
that their gods gave them victory over neighboring
Umma. Here Ahaz is making a frank
admission that since the Arameans had been
victorious over him, their gods were more
powerful and in the right. The gods of Damascus
were from the Aramean pantheon and
included Hadad (the storm deity), which was
most probably the proper name of Baal,
known from Canaanite sources. Ahaz also
made a large altar to the “gods of Damascus”
(see 2 Kings 16:9-16. It is not clear whether
the altar was Phoenician, Aramean or even
Assyrian. It was to replace the bronze altar
built by Solomon. The temple that Ahaz visited
was probably that of Hadad-Rimmon (cf.
2 Kings 5:18. However the rites described
here are typically Israelite.
28:24. furnishings of the temple. The furnishings
of the temple probably included vessels,
utensils, furniture and tools. According to
2 Kings 16:17-18 Ahaz was required to send
very precise items, including the “Sabbath
canopy,” to the king of Assyria. The Assyrians
did not normally interfere with local cultic
practices. It appears that Ahaz sent them to
satisfy a metal tribute obligation.
28:24. altars at every street corner. Babylonian
texts speak of small open-air shrines or niches
on street corners or courtyards. One text says
that there were 180 of them in the city of Babylon
to the goddess Ishtar. These shrines featured
a raised structure with an altar on the
top and seem to have been frequented primarily
by women. In this sense the word “corner”
may refer to what is basically a cultic
niche.
28:25. each town with a high place. The
451 2 CHRONICLES 29:1-24
whole land of Judah was now made a center
of foreign cultic practices. The Assyrians (and
Arameans, for that matter) did not require any
people group to switch allegiance to different
gods, but a tributary group may have felt that
their relationship with the conquerors would
improve if they followed their deities. For information
about high places see comment on
2 Kings 17:9.
2 CHRONICLES 29:1-24
29:1—32:33
The Reign of Hezekiah
29:1. chronology. Hezekiah’s dates are the
most controversial, and Thiele, in acknowledged
contradiction to some of the biblical
synchronisms, assigns him the date of 715-687
B.C., contemporary with Sargon II and Sennacherib
of Assyria. Egyptian monarchs of
this period were Shabako, Shebitku and
Taharqa. Many consider it more likely that
Hezekiah came to the throne in 727 and that
his encounter with Sennacherib in his fourteenth
year 2 Kings 18:13 took place when
Sennacherib was still only the crown prince
leading the armies for his father, Sargon II. Assyrian
records confirm that there was a campaign
to the west against Ashdod in 713. This
represents the beginning of a lengthy series of
conflicts between these protagonists that came
to a climax in the siege of Jerusalem in 701 after
Sennacherib had ascended to the throne.
Archaeological evidence of Hezekiah’s reign
includes a seal found at Tell Beit Mirsim with
Hezekiah’s name that dates to his reign. The
royal jar-handle stamps found in Syro-Palestine
from the late eighth century onward
probably also originated during Hezekiah’s
reign. Along with the expansion and building
at Jerusalem (see the comment on 32:5), there
is a great shaft at Lachish that was probably
built in this period.
29:3. ideology of temple restoration in the
ancient Near East. The temple was the center
of culture, economy and society in Syria, Mesopotamia
and Israel. It served as the house of
the city’s patron deity, and thus the god was
believed to be present there. It was incumbent
upon the ruler of the city to attend to the “care
and feeding” of the deity. The statue of the
god was bathed, clothed and fed daily. Just as
important as the king’s military success was
his attention to the upkeep of the god’s house.
Countless building inscriptions from both Assyria
and Babylonia attest to the king’s piety
because of his restoration of a certain god’s
house. Similarly, those who rebuilt or restored
Yahweh’s house were accorded this same type
of piety. Restoration entailed both physical
and ritual aspects. A neglected temple would
need structural repairs and perhaps the restoration
of pilfered furniture and accessories. It
is possible that gold objects or gold plating on
walls would need to be replaced. Then the
temple would need to have its sanctity reestablished
through appropriate rituals. Finally,
it would need to be provided with funding
and personnel so that it could operate.
29:4-15. the Levites. The Levitical families had
not played a major role in the Jerusalem cult
since the time of Jehoshaphat, over a century
earlier. In accordance with typical restoration
procedures, Hezekiah used the traditional
priestly families to cleanse the temple and restore
it to ritual purity. He then restored them
to their original functions (see comment on
19:5).
29:15 consecration. Consecration is a process
of ritual purification to prepare someone for
association with that which is holy. Procedures
varied from one culture to another, but
most shared the idea that some ritual process
was necessary so that impurity could be removed
and the sanctity of the deity’s house
preserved. The priests were presumably consecrated
based upon the detailed rules found
in Exodus 29.
29:16. Kidron Valley. The Kidron Valley
southeast of the temple was connected to Ben
Hinnom, which had long been a dumping
ground for the people of Jerusalem. Hezekiah,
like Josiah, attempted to cleanse the Jerusalem
temple complex by taking all of the illegal cultic
items to this valley. The Kidron Valley was
also used as a burial ground for the common
people.
29:17. calendar. The first month was Nisan,
which spanned our spring months of March
and April. This was the beginning of the religious
calendar of festivals. The purification
procedure moved from the outer areas toward
the inner ones, because each area had its own
ritual requirements. When one level of purity
was reached, an area could be entered. The
next level of purity would allow access to the
next, and so on. It took eight days to consecrate
the areas contiguous to the temple, and
eight more to carry out the procedure on the
temple structure itself.
29:17. consecration of articles. The temple
was rededicated in three steps; the temple was
cleansed, it was then reconsecrated, and then
there was the inaugural dedication ceremony.
The articles that Ahaz removed had to be reconsecrated,
because they had been removed
from the sacred precincts and so were no longer
pure.
29:21-24. sacrificial ritual. There were no sac-
2 CHRONICLES 29:25—30:1 452
rificial rituals used in the dedication of the
tabernacle. When the temple of Solomon was
dedicated, the animals sacrificed were too numerous
to count. Nowhere does the text offer
instructions for the numbers reflected here.
For information about the sin offering see
comments on Leviticus 4:1-3 and 4-12.
29:25. musical instruments. For harps and
lyres see the note on 2 Chronicles 20:28. There
were two kinds of cymbals used in the ancient
Near East. One consisted of two shallow metal
plates held with one in each hand and struck
together. The others were shaped like a cup.
One cymbal was held stationary while being
struck with the other one. It is not certain
which type of cymbal was employed here, but
they were probably made of bronze.
29:27-30. singing. Reference to the words of
David and Asaph suggests the Levites probably
used a hymnal or psalter, possibly somewhat
like the book of Psalms. Most ancient
Near Eastern monarchs employed singers
(both male and female) for use in the palace
and temple. The Mari archives describe in detail
the female singers and the daily food supplies
that were needed for their sustenance.
Over twenty-four classes of singers are known
in Israel 1 Chron 25. The names of the three
heads of families of singers are also known
(Asaph, Heman and Ethan; 1 Chron 6:18-32.
The singers were presumably free men, but
slaves were also attached to the temple (Ezra
2:43-58; Neh 7:46-60. Women played a role in
the music of the tabernacle Ex 38:8, but there
is no clear reference to there being female
singers associated with the temple.
29:29-30. posture of worship. Some texts indicate
that the Israelites prayed standing upright
1 Sam 1:26; 1 Kings 8:22; Jer 18:20.
Other texts describe a kneeling posture (e.g.,
2 Chron 6:13, the raising of the hands (Ps
28:2; Is 1:15; Lam 2:19 and even total prostration
Ps 5:8; 99:5, 9). Posture may have varied
depending on the nature of the prayer. The Israelites
were not unique with regard to their
posture in prayer. There are many examples
from Mesopotamia describing individuals in
all of the postures mentioned above. For example,
the incantation prayers of Mesopotamian
sources, such as that to Ishtar, imply
prostration of the supplicant as well as a ritual
of raising the hands. Hittite sources suggest
similar postures and gestures.
29:29-30. worship in the outdoors. The Israelites
of Jerusalem normally prayed at the temple
courts, facing the sanctuary itself Ps 5:8;
28:2; 138:2). The Jew outside Jerusalem faced
in the direction of the city of Jerusalem and
temple 1 Kings 8:44-48. In most ancient Near
Eastern cultures the common person did not
have access to the inside of a temple but did
his worship in the temple courts. The temples
of the ancient world were not built to be houses
of worship but residences for the divine
presence. Worship (prayers and sacrifices)
was carried out at the temple, but there were
no regular worship services at which all of the
faithful gathered.
2 CHRONICLES 29:25—30:1 29:31. thank offerings. The thank offerings
were types of fellowship offerings (see comment
on Lev 3:1-5. Portions of this offering
were consumed on the altar, while the worshiper
ate the remainder.
29:32-33. animals for burnt offerings. The provisions
for the burnt offerings are found in Leviticus
1:1-17. Verse 32 numbers the burnt
offerings, which were fully consumed by fire,
while verse 33 enumerates the thank offerings,
which included a token burnt portion with the
rest used as a basis for a communal meal. This
combination of offerings was common in public
ceremonies.
29:35-6. sacrifice and feasting. Biblical feasts
were different in purpose, content and origin
from those of other peoples in the ancient
Near East. Ancient Near Eastern feast days coincided
with the New Year or the change of
seasons. The Israelite took part in the feast as
one who was indebted to the grace of Yahweh.
The feasts of their neighbors typically included
periods of mourning, processions, the performance
of sacred dramas (as well as other
entertainment) and an opportunity to ask oracles
of the deity.
30:1. Hezekiah’s initiative toward northern
kingdom. The northern kingdom of Israel had
been conquered by the Assyrians (see comment
on 2 Kings 17:5-6, who were now bearing
down on the remainder of the western
states. Hezekiah’s father, Ahaz, had instituted
a policy of cooperation with Assyria, which is
documented by his incorporation into the Assyrian
tribute lists. Hezekiah attempted to reclaim
some of the territory of Israel which had
been gained by Uzziah and lost by Ahaz (see
2 Kings 18:4-8. Hezekiah’s political ambitions
could only be accomplished with the establishment
of a religious base in the north.
Hezekiah probably began these initiatives as a
result of the death in battle of Sargon II of Assyria
(705 B.C.). With Assyria in turmoil,
Hezekiah began to expand his territorial horizons.
This eventually results in the invasion of
Syro-Palestine by Sennacherib (701 B.C.).
30:1-3. reinstitution of Passover. The disaster
of the fall of Samaria likely caused an internal
reformation in Israel that was sympathetic to
Hezekiah’s policies and his attempt to reunify
453 2 CHRONICLES 30:2—31:7
the nation in the worship at Jerusalem. Refugees
from the north had no doubt fled to
Judah after the Assyrian conquest, especially
since Israel had now taken on aspects of syncretism
(the mixing of worship with foreign
religious elements). The national celebration
of Passover fit well into Hezekiah’s designs to
reunify the nation. Both the Israelites and
Judahites were able to hearken back to a past
event which both groups shared, the exodus.
30:2-3. timing of Passover. The Passover was
normally held on the fourteenth of the first
month in the Hebrew calendar. However,
there was a provision Num 9:6-13 that allowed
those who were either unclean or absent
on a distant journey to observe the
Passover in the second month. Hezekiah delayed
the celebration to allow the northerners
to attend.
30:13. pilgrimage feasts. There were three major
feasts in the Hebrew calendar that called
for pilgrimage to Jerusalem (for discussion see
comments on Ex 23:15-17. During these feasts
the number of pilgrims in Jerusalem made for
very crowded conditions. Pilgrimage was
more limited in the ancient Near Eastern religious
practice, because most worship took
place at local shrines of patron deities. Nevertheless
people in outlying regions would
make pilgrimage to shrines. Possible evidence
of this occurs in the discovery of caravanseria,
such as that at Kuntillet Ajrud, where graffiti
was left by travelers who may have been pilgrims
(though maybe merchants). In Babylonia
some may have traveled to the capital to
participate in New Year’s Enthronement festivals,
but it was not part of the religious expectation.
In Egypt it was more likely for the gods
to travel around to their various shrines in
procession rather than for people to travel to
any sort of centralized shrine.
2 CHRONICLES 30:2—31:7 30:15-17. Passover rituals. Hezekiah’s Passover
deviated from the general practice in two
ways. First, the time of the celebration was
different (see the note 2 Chron 30:2-3, and
second, the Israelites were exempted from certain
ritual prescriptions. Because many in the
assembly had not sanctified themselves, the
Levites presided over the slaying of the paschal
lambs, a task normally done by the heads
of families, most of whom were not sanctified
in this instance Num 9:6. However, those
who were unclean were allowed in some instances
to eat the paschal lamb.
30:21. Feast of Unleavened Bread. The Feast
of Unleavened Bread was established to memorialize
the deliverance of the Hebrews
from Egypt (see comment on Ex 12:14-20. It
was one of three annual festivals and was normally
observed on the fourteenth day of the
first month. For seven days unleavened bread
was eaten and no manual labor was done.
Sacrifices were offered on the first and last
days of the festival Num 28:16-25; Deut
16:1-8).
30:23-24. Hezekiah’s provision of animals. It
appears that the king is providing much of the
meat for a religious communal feast for those
in attendance. These numbers are large but
are not out of proportion with some of the
other figures found in ancient Near Eastern
literature. When King Ashurnasirpal II throws
a dedication party for his palace in the Assyrian
capital city of Calah, he provides 5,000
sheep, 1,000 lambs and cattle, 500 deer, 500 gazelles,
34,000 fowl, and 10,000 fish (879 B.C.).
31:1. sacred stones and Asherah poles. See
the comment on 2 Kings 17:9.
31:1. high places and altars. See the comment
on 2 Kings 17:9.
31:2. functions of the Levites. Hezekiah reaffirmed
the functions of the Levitical order established
by Solomon. Thus the priests were
in charge of the offerings, and the Levites
were in charge of the worship (also see the
comment on 2 Chron 29:15.
31:3. king’s contributions. In contrast to the
contributions for the festival in 30:23-24, this
verse speaks of regular and ongoing contributions
funding the operation of the temple.
Hezekiah followed the precedent of Solomon
by providing burnt offerings on a regular basis
for the temple services 2 Chron 2:4. The
provisions for the offerings are described in
Numbers 28—29. In the ancient Near East the
king (representing the corporate nation) was
the foremost worshiper of the national god.
Therefore it would be expected that the palace
would play a major role in supplying the regular
sacrifices.
31:4. Levites’ portions. The portion for the
priests and Levites was delineated in Numbers
18 (see comments there), where the gifts
were for the priests (v. 12) and the tithes were
for the Levites (v. 21). Clearly Hezekiah was
making a great attempt to have the religious
officials devote themselves to the duties prescribed
in the five books of Moses.
31:7. calendar. The third month corresponded
to mid-May through mid-June on our calendar.
Although this month was called Sivan in
the postexilic period, the name is not known
during Hezekiah’s time. The seventh month,
Ethanim (Tishri in the postexilic age), corresponded
to mid-September through mid-October.
The fact that the ingathering lasted from
the third to the seventh month means that it
included the harvest of every major crop
2 CHRONICLES 31:11—32:5 454
(May, lentils, barley; June, wheat; September,
dates, grapes; October, olives).
31:11. storerooms in the temple. Most ancient
Near Eastern temple complexes contained
auxiliary rooms for storage, kitchens, priestly
quarters and other various nonreligious functions.
For example, the temple of Ninkarrak at
Terqa in Syria (c. 1600 B.C.) had a large kitchen
storage complex and priestly quarters (for
dressing, not as a residence). Thus the new
storerooms of Hezekiah were probably in addition
to previously existing rooms.
31:14. keeper of the East Gate. One of the
most important tasks assigned to priestly personnel
was controlling access to the temple
precinct, the inner circle of the “sacred compass”
(on this concept see comments on Lev
16:2 and Num 18:1-7. Defiling the sanctuary
with impurity required a purification offering
(“sin” offering, see comment on Lev 4:1-3 and
could bring punishment on the individual as
well as the people. The gatekeepers had to
prevent unqualified intrusion. There were
also many valuable items in the temple precinct.
Gold and silver were plentiful and a
temptation to the unscrupulous individual
who may not have feared divine retribution
for trespass or theft of temple property. These
valuables also had to be guarded. Misappropriation
of that which was sacred required a
reparation offering (“guilt” offering, see comment
on Lev 5:14-16. The gatekeepers were
charged with guarding against these offenses.
An additional task clarified here is disbursing
officer. The east gate is the most important
since the temple faces east.
2 CHRONICLES 31:11—32:5 32:1. Sennacherib’s campaigns. Sennacherib
conducted military campaigns primarily in two
regions during his reign (705-681 B.C.). He had at
least one major campaign in Syro-Palestine
which centered around Jerusalem and Hezekiah’s
rebellion (701). He also campaigned vigorously
in Babylonia, another major problem area
during his reign. He was confronted with constant
opposition by Chaldean rebels under the
direction of Merodach-Baladan (see comment
on Is 21:9, culminating in Sennacherib’s brutal
sack of Babylon in 689 B.C.
32:3. water supply. The water supply included
springs, wells and conduits. The springs and
wells outside the city were stopped up in order
to prevent the Assyrians from using them. The
Assyrian threat caused Hezekiah to secure Jerusalem’s
water supply. This is what is referred to
as Hezekiah’s tunnel. It is cut through bedrock
for 1750 feet from the Gihon spring on the east
of the city by the Kidron Valley to the Pool of Siloam
on the western flank of the southern tip of
the city. In the late 1800s an inscription was
found inside the tunnel that describes the diggers’
meeting as they dug from both ends. For
more information on water systems see the comment
on 2 Samuel 5:8.
32:5. expansion of wall of Jerusalem. Recent
archaeological study has shown evidence of
the enlargement of the city of Jerusalem dur-
SENNACHERIB’S INSCRIPTIONS
Our material for Sennacherib’s reign is derived from various sources. The “annals” are not precisely
annals as such, as they were not contemporary with the campaigns they described but are referred to in
this way because they were in a formal chronological succession. Many of the inscriptions were deposited
in the compartments of building foundations; some were even found in their original locations. The
annals generally passed through a number of editions. One intriguing nonannalistic text is a fragment of a
literary type called a “letter to God.”
The account of the campaign against Jerusalem was probably composed several months after the campaign
itself (c. 700 B.C.). In addition to depositing the texts in building foundations, the Assyrians displayed
their inscriptions as bas reliefs illustrated on the palace walls. There are a number of copies of this campaign
inscribed upon large barrel-shaped cylinders. There are also stone carved reliefs at Nineveh relating to the
Assyrian siege of Lachish (an important fortified city of Judah), which were found in room 36 of Sennacherib’s
palace. The annals describe the destruction of a wide area of Judah but do not mention the taking of
Jerusalem, as drastic operations against the Judahite capital were never completed, although Sennacherib
claims to have encircled Jerusalem with watchtowers. Forty-six cities of Judah were plundered, many of
which were given over to their rival, Philistia. There is no statement about Sennacherib being magnanimous
with Hezekiah as he was with the king of Tyre. Other rulers were replaced in this area (e.g., Sidra of Ashkelon).
The testimony of the Assyrian sculptures is important; Lachish was exhibited, but not Jerusalem. The
annals claimed that over two hundred thousand Judahites were taken captive (but not necessarily into captivity),
and a number of Philistine cities that rebelled were also identified as having been taken. Sennacherib
placed responsibility for Judah’s fate in the hands of Hezekiah (the Assyrians typically blamed the enemy
monarch for the invasion). We are told that the Assyrians demanded from Hezekiah his daughters, weapons,
women, gold and numerous other artifacts. The lists of tribute are the longest and most detailed of any of
Sennacherib’s inscriptions, suggesting that the author sought to draw attention away from the fact that
Jerusalem had not been taken. Hezekiah, however, was subdued. This battle had been won, but Hezekiah
was still an Assyrian vassal, and he sent tribute to Sennacherib back at Nineveh.
455 2 CHRONICLES 32:9-12
ing Hezekiah’s time, as well as an expansion of
the city’s population. He appears to have augmented
fortifications and probably established
administrative centers and command posts. Excavations
in the Jewish Quarter of the Old City
of Jerusalem have found segments of Hezekiah’s
wall that extended the enclosed portion of
the city perhaps as much as seven hundred
yards to the west of the north-south ridge that
the city had occupied prior to this time.
32:9. siege warfare. The Assyrian reliefs at
Nineveh depicting the siege of Lachish show
battering rams, seven siege engines and Judahite
deportees, as well as Sennacherib, seated
on a lounge chair, watching the booty of Lachish
pass by. The panels assert the expert military
technology of the Assyrians. Their army
was very orderly, with bowmen, spear throwers,
slingers, ramps and siege engines. The
siege engines were heavily armored fourwheeled
vehicles (earlier models had six
wheels) with a long, pointed, iron-headed
shaft protruding from the front. They were ten
to twenty feet long and four to six feet high.
From the top they were open in the back and
closed in the front. Sennacherib’s innovations
to this war machine included covering it with
leather. Additional mobile towers were used
to move archers close to the ram to protect it
with cover fire. There are numerous other wall
reliefs depicting Assyrian siege warfare
throughout the ancient Near East. Nevertheless,
the Assyrians preferred the technique of
negotiation, as described in 2 Kings 18—19.
32:11. deity’s role in battle. It was not unusual in
the ancient Near East for military events to be
directed by foreign gods. Yahweh was thus presented
as being on the side of Assyria, and
Judah was to be defeated (see Is 7:19; 10:5-6;
2 Chron 35:20-2! This is paralleled in texts that
show enemy gods calling upon the Assyrians. In
one Assyrian text, Marduk calls upon Sargon II
to come and invade Babylon. In a Babylonian
text, Marduk calls upon Cyrus of Persia to come
and take the city. In a similar manner, Yahweh is
viewed as mustering the armies that will come
and overthrow Babylon Is 13:4. For more information
on the divine role in battle see comments
on Exodus 15:3; 1 Samuel 4:3; 8:7; 17:37.
2 CHRONICLES 32:9-12 32:12. god’s high places removed. This action
had been part of Hezekiah’s reform designed
to establish centralized worship only in Jerusalem.
From the biblical author’s standpoint,
this would have been a positive accomplishment.
From the Assyrian perspective, however,
this action could be used against Hezekiah
in a couple of ways. First of all, Assyrians
would have considered it a negative thing to
reduce the shrines at which a deity could be
worshiped. From their perspective, the more
worship the better. Second, it is possible that
they would also have understood Hezekiah’s
action in light of a common practice in the ancient
world: when invasion was imminent, the
images of gods were often gathered from outlying
shrines and collected in the capital city.
LACHISH
The city of Lachish (Tell ed-Duweir), was a powerful garrison city or royal citadel. Fortified by Rehoboam (c.
920), it was strategic because it strengthened a weak northern boundary. The city was a rectangular mound
located in the Shephelah foothills between the Judahite hills and the coastal plain, resting on a natural promontory,
surrounded by deep valleys on all sides. Lachish had an outer and inner gate complex, with an inner wall
that was over twelve feet thick. The gate chambers had bronze pieces in debris dated to the Assyrian period.
Eighteen ostraca (pottery shards with writing on them) from the Chaldean period relating to Nebuchadnezzar’s
invasion have been found. Lachish was subject to two sieges in the period of just over one century; many
of those levels are mixed and hard to separate. As the city is enveloped by hills on all sides, the possible Assyrian
siege site exists only at the southwest corner, although there is presently no archaeological evidence placing
the position of the Assyrian camp. Over the whole area of the town is indication of destruction, including
much charcoal debris. There is a siege ramp with heaped stones. It is the oldest attested in the Near East and
the only one that is archaeologically attested in Israel. Similar-looking ramps have been depicted on Assyrian
wall reliefs. The city was demolished within a few feet of its foundation. All buildings were consumed by fire
and show an intense burning, along with reddened bricks. The floors were strewn with smashed vessels and
utensils. The city was ransacked; only unimportant and heavy items remained. Hundreds of arrowheads were
found, as well as twenty pieces of scale armor, and a bronze crest mount for a helmet. A mass of fifteen hundred
human bones and decapitated human skulls (considered by the excavators to be civilians) which had
rolled down the apex into a large pit were found. Thrown on top of the bones were many animal bones
(including pig) and many pottery vessels. Over four hundred of the jars were also found here stamped lmlk
(“for the king”); the only dated context for these jars is at Lachish. The Assyrians felt that this siege was of paramount
importance. As stated, they created an entire room of reliefs at Nineveh commemorating the venture.
The Lachish room (36) was situated in a strategic place in the palace, intending to show the conquest of Judah
and Lachish. The panels show the Assyrian army advancing toward the city in three columns, with a landscape
similar to that of Lachish behind the host; thus scholars were given an unprecedented opportunity to
compare a Neo-Assyrian stone relief depicting an ancient city and the site itself.
2 CHRONICLES 32:18—33:11 456
This was one of the steps taken by Merodach-
Baladan in the days of Sargon. The rhetoric
of the invader would follow the line of
thinking that these gods were upset and deprived
because of having been removed from
their shrines. The invader can then fashion
himself as having been called in by these gods
to restore them to their rightful place.
32:18. Hebrew versus Aramaic. The Judahite
scribes told the Rabshakeh (see comment on
2 Kings 18:17 to stop speaking Hebrew, since
they did not want the people on the wall to
hear this message. He was asked to speak in
Aramaic, which was the language of the Judahites
after the exile, but not at this point. He
surprised them with his knowledge of Judahite
(biblical Hebrew). The crude response by
the Rabshakeh showed that his role was to
persuade and to agitate. The Rabshakeh (as
provincial governor) may even have been an
Israelite employed in the service of Sennacherib,
like Nehemiah and Ahiqar (a “wise sage
of Esarhaddon” identified as an Israelite in the
book of Tobit). Aramaic is a language closely
related to Hebrew. At this period it had already
become the diplomatic language of the
ancient Near East.
32:27-29. Hezekiah’s prosperity. Hezekiah’s
prosperity is described in terms of the increase
in royal assets. The gold, gems and spices suggest
success in trade and perhaps in collection
of tribute. The crops and herds suggest bountiful
harvests and the administrative savvy to
collect and stockpile effectively. Such success
is surprising in light of his vassal status and
would serve as evidence of God’s blessing.
2 CHRONICLES 32:18—33:11
33:1-20
The Reign of Manasseh
33:1. chronology. Manasseh’s long reign is
placed by Thiele from 696 to 640 B.C. This may
include a coregency with his father. Contemporary
Assyrian kings were Sennacherib, Esarhaddon
and Ashurbanipal. Significant
Egyptian kings were Taharqa and Psammeticus
I. Assyria continues to exercise strong influence
in the west during most of this period.
33:4-5. altars in the temple. The location of the
two temple courts has puzzled scholars. The
floor plan of the temple in 1 Kings 6 describes
only the inner court in any detail. Thus the exact
placement of these altars in the very large
enclosed area of the outer court is not known.
33:5. Manasseh’s pagan practices. The heavenly
host (sun, moon, stars and constellations)
was worshiped at the altars in the temple
courts and on the roof of the palace (see
2 Kings 23:12. There are ancient Near Eastern
texts from Syro-Palestine as early as the second
millennium B.C. that describe astral worship.
This practice was also common
throughout Mesopotamia at this time, and
stamp seals from Israel show that astral deities
were very popular there as well. The stars
were believed to be mediators between gods
and men, and able to control events on earth.
Assyrian kings are occasionally portrayed
wearing emblems of the planets, which, of
course, were closely associated with particular
deities (for more information see comment on
2 Kings 23:4. Assyrian policy of this time did
not override or restrict local religious practice,
so there is no reason to think that Manasseh
was being forced to set up these worship practices.
33:6. sons passing through the fire. Evidence
for this practice outside of Scripture is rare indeed.
Assyrian legal texts describe a penalty
clause as “he will burn his son to Sin (a lunar
deity), and his daughter to Belet-seri.” Also
see the comment on 2 Chronicles 28:3.
33:11. Manasseh’s relations with Assyria.
Manasseh inherited from his father Hezekiah
a small vassal state subject to Assyria. The annals
of Esarhaddon of Assyria (reigned
681-668) mention Manasseh along with a
group of kings from the Syro-Palestine region
who were required to transport material to
Nineveh for a building project. Esarhaddon’s
successor, Ashurbanipal, also lists Manasseh
in a group of rulers who sent gifts to him. In
both of these texts, Manasseh is described as a
loyal vassal.
33:11. Manasseh’s imprisonment. When Esarhaddon
died, the rule of Assyria was divided
between his two sons. Ashurbanipal was
given Assyria and soon dominated his brother,
Shamash-shum-ukin, who had been given
control over Babylonia. In actuality, Shamush-
shum-ukin was little more than a governor,
and, by 652, apparently tired of his
subordinate role, he led a bloody civil war
(supported by the Elamites) that lasted for
five years. It ended when Shamash-shumukin
was killed in the fire that swept through
the city of Babylon after a two-year siege. It is
documented that Shamash-shum-ukin had
attempted to recruit support among the vassal
states, and some have speculated that Manasseh
had aligned himself with the
Babylonian governor during the revolt. It is
interesting that Manasseh was imprisoned by
the Assyrians at Babylon (with other rebels to
witness the result of a failed revolt?), rather
than at Nineveh. Rebellious client kings were
often deported by the Assyrians for undetermined
periods. There is evidence that those
457 2 CHRONICLES 33:12—34:11
who “repented” (i.e., were domesticated by
the Assyrians) were often returned to their
throne.
33:12. Manasseh’s prayer. The text of Chronicles
records nothing concerning the content of
Manasseh’s prayer, but later Apocryphal literature
preserves an elegant prayer that is attributed
to him.
33:14. expansion of Jerusalem. The expansion
of the Jerusalem fortifications by Manasseh
may not have been for the same reasons as his
father Hezekiah (see comment on 32:5). The
rising power of Egypt under Psammeticus I
may have caused the Assyrians to help fortify
Judah, which was fast becoming a buffer state.
Remains of fortifications that may have been
constructed during the reign of Manasseh
have been found at Tell el-Hesi and Arad.
33:21-25
The Reign of Amon
33:21. chronology. Amon’s brief reign was
from 642 to 640, during the rule of Ashurbanipal
of Assyria.
2 CHRONICLES 33:12—34:11
34:1—36:1
The Reign of Josiah
34:1. chronology. Josiah was king of Judah
from 640 to 609. Ashurbanipal’s reign was followed
by a period of anarchy in Assyria, ending
in that nation’s collapse in 610.
Psammeticus I and Necho II were kings in
Egypt. Nabopolassar was the king of Babylon
(626-605). This was a period in which Assyria
was collapsing and Babylon was moving into
Assyrian territory. Egypt was attempting to
take advantage of the confusion to stake a
claim to Palestine.
34:3-5. religious purge. The most famous
purge of antiquity was when the Egyptians rejected
the religious reforms of Akhenaten in
the fourteenth century. It was during the brief
reign of Tutankhamun that the attempt was
made to return to the worship of the traditional
gods through the traditional priests and to
eradicate the heresy of Akhenaten. This included
restoring the ancient shrines and temples,
providing them the assets and personnel
needed to operate and returning that which
had been confiscated. The competing shrine
and capital city that had been established by
Akhenaten at Amarna was abandoned.
Horemhab destroyed the temples at Amarna,
dismantled the site and recycled the materials
into other building projects. What was left
was burned. Evidence of Josiah’s purge is
found in the record preserved in Israelite
stamp seals. The seals portraying familiar
symbols of fertility gods, sun god and astral
deities of earlier periods are replaced in this
period with seals that contain only the inscription
identifying the individual, with occasional
decoration such as pomegranates.
34:6. purging of north. Though there had
been purges of high places and pagan altars in
the past (e.g. by Hezekiah), Josiah’s purge was
unprecedented for its thoroughness. Second
Kings 23:15 adds that he burned the high places
in the north, which had not been done before.
He was able to do this because of the
weakened Assyrian hold on the region.
34:8. ideology of temple restoration in the
ancient Near East. The temple was the center
of culture, economy and society in Syria, Mesopotamia
and Israel. It served as the house of
the city’s patron deity, and so the god was believed
to be present there. It was incumbent
upon the ruler of the city to attend to the “care
and feeding” of the deity. The statue of the
god was bathed, clothed and fed daily. Just as
important as the king’s military success was
his attention to the upkeep of the god’s house.
Countless building inscriptions from both Assyria
and Babylonia attest to the king’s piety
because of his restoration of a certain god’s
house. Similarly, those who rebuilt or restored
Yahweh’s temple were accorded this same
type of piety. Restoration entailed both physical
and ritual aspects. A neglected temple
would need structural repairs and perhaps the
restoration of pilfered furniture and accessories.
It is possible that gold objects or gold
plating on walls would need to be replaced.
Then the temple would need to have its sanctity
reestablished through appropriate rituals.
Finally, it would need to be provided with
funding and personnel so that it could operate.
34:9. funding of restoration. Information given
here suggests that some sort of temple tax
was levied to provide for the necessary funds.
The collecting of funds for the restoration of a
temple was a common occurrence by monarchs
in the ancient Near East. Often, though,
the monarch would restore the temple by
means of corvee labor or by collecting building
materials from his subjects.
34:10-11. workers and materials. The regular
maintenance of the temple complex was the
responsibility of the “workmen in charge of
the temple.” Major repairs had to be contracted
out to skilled workers. The listing of these
skilled laborers is typical of contemporary Assyrian
records. The skilled workers were carpenters,
builders, masons and stonecutters.
The term for “builder” was used for both
2 CHRONICLES 34:12—35:20 458
skilled and unskilled laborers who worked
primarily with mudbrick. The carpenter was
responsible for all of the wood items in construction,
including the roof, door, window
and stair fittings, and various cultic objects in
the temple. The mason/stonecutter quarried
the stones from natural caves or drove shafts
in the hillside. Then the stones were cut and
fitted into place.
34:12-13. role of the Levites. These were all
typical functions for temple personnel in the
ancient Near East. For more on the role of the
Levites see comment on 19:8-11.
34:14. finding of the Book of the Law. The
discovery of old documents found during the
repairs of temples is known from both Egypt
and Mesopotamia. Scrolls were found located
in the masonry of buildings in Egypt, while
foundation deposits and stelae were often
found in Mesopotamia. In earlier times foundation
inscriptions (for instance, inscribed on
bricks) had been used to dedicate the building
project to the deity. These gradually became
more elaborate, and by this period it was common
to bury a foundation box when building
a temple or palace. These would include royal
inscriptions describing the king’s military and
building accomplishments. One purpose of
these documents was to offer information to
any king who might undertake the restoration
of the building in future days. These recoveries
were often duly recorded. Nabonidus, the
last king of Babylon (reigned 556-539) is well
known for his search for ancient documents
buried in buildings. Shabaka, an Egyptian
pharaoh from about 700, claims to have found
a forgotten theological text concerning Ptah’s
creation of the world on a badly damaged ancient
papyrus. He had the text (today called
the Memphite Theology) inscribed on stone.
The Book of the Law (or teaching) may have
been a document that had been enshrined in a
foundation box or concealed in the walls of
the temple. Alternatively, it could have been
found in the temple archives. It is not certain
which books of the Old Testament it contained,
but it at least included Deuteronomy.
34:22. prophetesses. Prophetesses, though
somewhat rare, are known from Mesopotamia.
The Mari texts from Syria in the early second
millennium give evidence of both male
and female prophets. Women are also known
to have spoken out as prophetesses during the
reign of Esarhaddon of Assyria. The females
appeared to have served in the same function
as the male prophets.
34:22. keeper of the wardrobe. One of the
functionaries of the Baal temple in Samaria
had a similar title (see 2 Kings 10:22. There is
also a Babylonian text from this period with a
similar title. These robes would have been cultic
vestments for the worship of the deity (see
Zeph 1:8. But in these situations there was an
image of deity in the temple to clothe, and
that was not the case in the Jerusalem temple.
The only wardrobe here would have been that
which housed the priestly garments. These
would require special care so that they would
not become defiled.
34:22. second district. The Second District is
also mentioned in Zephaniah 1:10 in connection
with the “hills of the city” and the Maktesh
quarter. Some have identified this area as
the suburbs of the City of David, which grew
on the western hill of Jerusalem. Excavations
in this area have exposed a large urban settlement
dated to this period. For more information
see comment on 32:5.
2 CHRONICLES 34:12—35:20 34:29-33. Josiah’s reform. See comments on
2 Kings 23:1-20.
35:7. king’s contribution. Josiah’s contribution
to the Passover is comparable to that of
Hezekiah. See the comment on 2 Chronicles
30:23-24.
35:10-14. Passover procedures. For more information
on the procedures for the Passover
see comments on Exodus 12:1-11. For its observance
in Hezekiah’s day see the comment
on 30:15-17.
35:18. unique celebration. This was the first
centralized celebration of the Passover since
that mentioned in Joshua 5:10-11. The Passover
had basically remained a family rite from
that date until Josiah’s policy change (though
see the observance in the time of Hezekiah in
30:15-17). An example of restoring ancient festivals
that had been discontinued can be
found in the Babylonian Akitu festival. For
twenty years (689-669) this enthronement ceremony
(the most important of the Babylonian
festivals) was not celebrated. It was reestablished
by Esarhaddon when Babylon regained
its prominence.
35:20. Necho’s march to Carchemish. The
Babylonian Chronicle states that in 609 Necho
was on a mission to aid Assyria, which was attempting
to retake the provisional capital of
Harran in Syria that had been captured by the
Medes and Babylonians the year before.
Necho’s troops would reinforce the garrison
base at Carchemish. The Egyptians had transferred
their allegiance to Assyria when they
saw that the balance of power had changed
from Assyria to Babylon. It can thus be presumed
that Necho saw greater opportunity
for his own expansionist ambitions in Palestine
and Syria if Assyria successfully fended
off the Babylonians and Medes. It is easy to
459 2 CHRONICLES 35:22—EZRA 1:2
understand Josiah’s anti-Assyrian stance,
since Judah had been under Assyrian domination
for over a century. However, even with
Egyptian aid, the Assyrians were unsuccessful
in dislodging the Medes and Chaldeans from
Harran.
35:22. Battle of Megiddo. The Great Trunk
Road (see sidebar on Major Trade Routes in
Gen 38 that went across the fertile crescent
from Egypt to Babylon proceeds along the
coast of Palestine until it reaches the obstacle
of the Carmel range. It then moves inland past
the city of Megiddo (see comment on Josh
12:21) and into the Jezreel Valley (see comment
on Judg 6:33. This is the logical place to
intercept an army passing through the region,
and many battles have taken place in this famous
geographical arena. Nothing is known
of this battle outside of Scripture. Although
Josiah failed to block the Egyptian movement
northward, he may have delayed them long
enough so that they were of limited use to the
Assyrians in the war against the Medes and
Babylonians.
35:25. composition of laments. The lamentation
composed by Jeremiah is no longer extant.
Lamentation dirges were common for
monarchs who had died (especially untimely
deaths) and cities that had been taken and
destroyed. Aside from the book of Lamentations
in Scripture, there are Sumerian lamentations
from the early second millennium
concerning ruined cities, such as Ur, Eridu,
Nippur and Uruk, as well as ruined temples.
The literary pattern of the Sumerian lamentations
is strikingly similar to the biblical models.
The city in question has been allowed to
be destroyed by its own god, resulting in a
spiritual and physical crisis. Both the Sumerian
and biblical lamentations expect a reversal
of fortune of the city in question in the future.
2 CHRONICLES 35:22—Ezra 1:2
36:1-23
The Reigns of Jehoahaz,
Jehoiakim, Jehoiachin, Zedekiah
and the Fall of Jerusalem
See comments on 2 Kings 23:31—25:30.
36:22-23. For information concerning Cyrus
and his decree see comments on Ezra 1.
E Z R A
1:1-11
The Decree and Provision of Cyrus
1:1. chronology. Based on the proclamation in
the Cyrus Cylinder that calls for the rebuilding
of the temples of the gods held captive in
Babylon, the “first year of Cyrus” most likely
refers to 539 B.C., the year he conquered Babylon
and issued his decree. Cyrus had become
king of Persia (Anshan) in 559 and had spent
twenty years consolidating the kingdoms as
far north as Lydia in Asia Minor (capturing
Sardis in 546 B.C.) before turning against Babylon
and its king, Nabonidus.
1:1. Cyrus. Careful use of Herodotus’s Persian
Wars (see sidebar in the book of Esther) and
the Babylonian Chronicle reveal that Cyrus
was the chief of a Persian tribe (Achaemenid)
who won a struggle for power with Astyages,
the last king of the Medes, in 550 B.C. By combining
the force of these two areas east of the
Tigris (modern Iran), he was able to eventually
stage campaigns against Lydia (547 B.C.)
and, after the capture of Sardis in western
Asia Minor, Ionia. He consolidated his northern
and eastern borders between 546 and 540
and then turned west to conquer Babylon, adding
the Neo-Babylonian kingdom to his domain
in 539 B.C. The city of Babylon opened its
gates to Cyrus in October of that year, and in
return he protected the sanctuary of Marduk
from destruction or desecration. His administrative
strategy permitted the worship of local
gods and the recognition of native cultures. An
excellent example of this policy is preserved on
what is called the Cyrus Cylinder (see next
comment). Cyrus was killed fighting the Scythian
tribes on his northeastern border in 530 B.C.
and was succeeded by his son Cambyses.
1:2-4. Cyrus Cylinder and Persian policies. It
is evident that Persian administrative policy
differed from that of Assyria or Neo-Babylonia
with regard to the treatment of vassals and
their cultures. The Cyrus Cylinder preserves a
decree that reflects Cyrus’s tolerance of a degree
of autonomy for the peoples of his empire.
Although it does not specifically mention
Judah, it decrees that repairs be made to the
EZRA 1:2-11 460
shrines and temples that had been damaged,
that all that had been destroyed be rebuilt,
and that all sacred images that had been held
hostage in Babylon be returned. Excavations
of the temple at Uruk have yielded bricks
used for restoration of the shrine stamped
with the name of Cyrus. Captive peoples were
allowed to return to their homelands and
were encouraged to serve the Persian empire
under royal governors, who in many cases
were natives of those countries. All this suggests
that rather than ruthlessly condemning
and dismantling native cultures, the Persians
chose a more benevolent approach. The expectation
was that recognition of regional
identities and a measure of local autonomy in
the form of religious freedom would prevent
the breakup of the empire and the almost continuous
revolts that the Assyrians and Babylonians
faced. It is possible that these policies
were due in part to the inclusive nature of Zoroastrianism,
the official religion of the Persian
court. It should also be understood that
the Persians did not turn a blind eye to local
rulers who overstepped their bounds or made
statements condemning or criticizing the Persian
government (see Zerubbabel’s reluctance
to act despite the urging of the prophets Haggai
and Zechariah).
1:2. “God of heaven” in Zoroastrianism. In
the Cyrus Cylinder, King Cyrus gives credit
for his victory over Babylon to the chief god of
Babylon, Marduk. Isaiah 45:1-5 adopts this
theme but gives Yahweh the credit even
though Cyrus does not “know” him. Both
statements fit well with the inclusive nature of
Zoroastrianism in which the chief god, Ahura
Mazda, is in continual struggle with the dark
forces of the evil god Ahriman. Those gods
who are perceived as aiding the Persian king,
such as Marduk or Yahweh, would be recognized
by the Persians as members of Ahura
Mazda’s heavenly army of the forces of light.
The biblical writer in Ezra presses the same
point as Isaiah, not mentioning Ahura Mazda
but instead proclaiming Yahweh as the God of
heaven. The phrase “God of heaven” also appears
in the Elephantine papyri, Jewish documents
from Egypt from the end of the fifth
century. The fact that Yahweh is here called
the God of heaven does not reflect Cyrus’s
personal beliefs. Similar deference was given
to other gods when decrees were made concerning
the restoration of their shrines.
EZRA 1:2-11 1:3. God who is in Jerusalem. The reference to
the God in Jerusalem reflects the language in
the Cyrus Cylinder directing the hostage peoples
and their gods to return to their homelands.
There is a sense in this verse both of a
universal God, motivating the actions of the
world’s most powerful leader, and of a God
whose seat is still, as always, in Jerusalem.
1:4-6. provision of goods and offerings. Since
not all of the Israelites chose to return from exile,
this statement may refer either to those who
remained behind or to their non-Jewish neighbors.
If it is the latter, then there is a strong tie to
the “despoiling” of Egypt during the exodus,
when the Israelites took gold and silver on their
departure from Egypt Ex 11:2; 12:35-36). The
“freewill” offerings may be compared to those
made to equip the Tent of Meeting in the wilderness
Ex 25:2-9. In this way, both the needs
of the returnees (livestock and other provisions)
as well as the means of rebuilding the temple in
Jerusalem were provided for.
1:7-10. articles of the temple. As we know
from references in the Mari texts as well as the
Cyrus Cylinder, sacred objects, including idols
and the many types of vessels used in worship,
were taken hostage when a people was
conquered. A way of demonstrating the power
of your god over the god of conquered people
was to desecrate their sacred objects or
place them in a position of submission (see
Dan 5:1-4 and 1 Sam 5:1-2. Now, as part of the
restoration of the temple and proper Yahweh
worship there, all of the sacred objects are inventoried,
numbered to insure that none are
missing and returned to Jerusalem (see comments
on 2 Chron 4:8-11 for description of
some of these bowls).
1:11. Sheshbazzar. Despite attempts to equate
Sheshbazzar with Shenazzar 1 Chron 3:18, in
order to give him a Davidic tie as a “prince of
Judah” Ezra 1:8, or with Zerubbabel, in order
to reconcile events in Ezra with those in
Haggai and Zechariah, it seems that this little
known individual has his own separate identity.
The title “prince of Judah” may indicate
royal ancestry, in which case he should be
viewed as a ranking member in the Davidic
line. Alternatively the title could refer to a
function, in which case he could be seen as the
Persian who served in the official capacity of
accompanying the exiles back to their land
and supervising the transition to a local governorship
(turned over to Zerubbabel). He is
the first governor appointed by the Persians to
administer Judah (Yehud) and is given charge
of the sacred vessels as well as the task of laying
the foundation for the restored temple in
Jerusalem. Archaeologists have recovered jar
handles and seals containing the names of
three more governors of Judah about which
we know nothing else and who were not even
mentioned by Ezra and Nehemiah.
1:11. journey from Babylon to Jerusalem. The
461 EZRA 2:1—3:2
most likely route would have taken the returning
exiles north, up the Euphrates to either
Mari or Carchemish and then south and
west to Damascus and on down the caravan
route to either the coastal road or perhaps
back through the Jordan Valley to Jericho and
then northwest to Jerusalem. The distance between
Babylon and Jerusalem was roughly
nine hundred miles, so the journey would
have taken eight to ten weeks.
EZRA 2:1—3:2
2:1-70
The Returning Exiles
2:1. province. The province of Judah (Yehud)
was part of the satrapy of Babylon until the
reign of Xerxes, when it became a portion of
the satrapy “Beyond the River” (Trans-Euphrates).
The text is thus talking about exiles
originally of the province of Judah now returning
to Jerusalem. Archaeological finds
based on the distribution of coins suggests the
province of Judah extended south as far as
Beth Zur (six miles north of Hebron), west to
Gezer, north to Mizpah and east to the Jordan.
2:2. what is known about leaders. Zerubbabel
is known to have been governor under Darius,
but Sheshbazzar preceded him. Bigvai (a Persian
name) was a governor of Judah following
the administration of Nehemiah. Of the others,
Jeshua (Joshua in Haggai and Zechariah)
served as high priest during the time of Zerubbabel
Zech 3:1-10. It is interesting to find the
names Nehemiah and Azariah (an alternative
form of the name Ezra) in the list, but possibly
they were common ones. Mordecai should not
be confused with the relative of Esther, and
Mispar and Bilshan are unknown elsewhere.
Rehum is mentioned in Ezra 4:7-24 as one of
the officials (“commanding officer”) who
wrote a letter complaining to King Artaxerxes
about the activities in Jerusalem.
2:3-67. classes of individuals. The principal
groups of returnees consisted of members of
clans or kinship groups (17 in vv. 2-19), some
listed by geographical region, most of which
are north of Jerusalem (22 names in vv. 20-35),
as well as members of four priestly families
(totaling 4,289, vv. 36-39), and a small number
of Levites (just 74 listed in v. 40). The remainder
of the inventory of names includes persons
associated with the temple or service to
the priesthood: musicians, gatekeepers, and
35 temple servants (vv. 43-54), who may have
been non-Israelite in origin (there are possible
comparisons to be made with Ugaritic and
Neo-Babylonian guilds of designated temple
servants). A group descended from “Solomon’s
servants” (vv. 55-58) was also of non-
Israelite origin (see forced labor groups in
1 Kings 9:20-21 and was probably attached to
the temple community as the need for labor
increased. The final group (vv. 59-63) could
not maintain their family genealogies far
enough back to be able to claim a position in
the priesthood but had otherwise escaped assimilation
into Babylonian culture.
2:69. amount of gifts. The drachma was equal
to approximately half a shekel. The Babylonian
shekel weighed about 8.4 grams and was
represented in the Persian coin known as the
daric once it began to be minted in the time of
Darius (a few decades after the time of Cyrus).
In this way about 565 pounds of gold and 3
tons of silver were provided for the rebuilding.
3:1-13
Rebuilding the Altar and Temple
3:1. seventh month. The seventh month in the
calendar year is known as Tishri and is in the
autumn (September-October). The tie to the
Feast of Tabernacles is also found in Ezra’s
covenant renewal ceremony in Nehemiah
7:73-8:2.
3:2. Jeshua. Jeshua is the high priest in the early
postexilic period. His grandfather, Seraiah,
had been executed by Nebuchadnezzar when
Jerusalem fell to the Babylonians (2 Kings
25:18-21; note that Ezra is also from the line of
Seraiah, see 7:1). Judah’s heir to the throne,
Zerubbabel (see next entry), served as governor,
but since Judah was still under Persian
control, there were restrictions on the extent of
his control (so as not to compete with the Persian
king). Consequently, rule in the community
was now divided between the governor
and the high priest, giving the priest a more
prominent role. Little is known about him except
that he was one of the leaders who
helped get the temple rebuilt. There are no
contemporary extrabiblical references to him.
3:2. Zerubbabel. Zerubbabel was the heir to
the Davidic throne (grandson of Jehoiachin,
see comments on 2 Kings 24 and served as
governor of Judah under the Persian king
Darius I. There was a significant amount of
expectation surrounding him that had a messianic
flavor to it. Undoubtedly some expected
him to set up the promised kingdom and
bring freedom from their slavery (to the Persians).
While his duties were primarily secular,
he is described in Ezra, along with the
priest Jeshua, as the force behind the rebuilding
of the temple in Jerusalem. Governing under
the auspices of the Persian king, he was
responsible for maintaining law and order,
EZRA 3:2-10 462
and for the collection of taxes. Though Zerubbabel
is the last Davidic heir to serve in the
role of governor, archaeologists have found a
seal of Shelomith (listed as a daughter of
Zerubbabel in 1 Chron 3:19, where she is designated
as either a wife or an official of
Elnathan, the governor who is thought to
have succeeded Zerubbabel.
3:2. burnt offerings. The restoration of the
temple and the proper worship of Yahweh began
with the construction of an altar and the
resumption of burnt offerings (see the precedent
in Deut 27:6-7. Interestingly, the Elephantine
papyri refer to the desire of that
community to rebuild their destroyed temple,
but they pledge not to stage burnt offerings on
their altar so that the preeminence of Jerusalem
could be maintained. For general information
on the burnt offerings, see comments
on Leviticus 1.
3:3. foundation. In order to maintain continuity
with worship in the temple in Jerusalem
prior to the exile, it was essential that the altar
be constructed upon the foundations of the
old one (see similar reconstruction in 2 Chron
24:12-13). In this way, the sacred space was revived
as the one true spot for the sacrificial rituals
of Yahweh worship. In the ancient world
the choice of a site for a shrine or temple was
never arbitrary. As early as 2000 B.C. the tablets
of Gudea record an elaborate dream
through which he was instructed concerning
the intimate details of the location, dimensions
and orientation of a temple. As a result,
once an appropriate spot had been identified,
rebuilding would always seek to recover the
original plan and location. In one of his inscriptions,
Nabonidus, the last king of Babylon,
reports that he rebuilt the temple of
Sippar on the foundations laid by Sargon
nearly a century earlier without deviating
even an inch. Some archaeological sites in Mesopotamia
preserve over a dozen levels of
building and rebuilding of temples on the
same spot.
Ezra 3:2-10 3:3. morning and evening sacrifices. Maintaining
the continual observance of the daily
morning and evening sacrifices was a signal
of complete compliance to the temple regimen.
According to Exodus 29:38-42 and Numbers
28:3-8 (see comments on both contexts for
additional information) this involved the sacrifice
of a year-old lamb along with flour, oil
and wine each morning and evening. On two
other occasions the practice had had to be revived
(by Joash in 2 Chron 24:14 and Hezekiah
in 2 Chron 29:7, 27-29 after a period of
neglect or suppression due to pressures from
Assyria.
3:4. Feast of Tabernacles. See the comments
on Exodus 23:16b; Leviticus 23:33-43; and
Deuteronomy 16:13-17 for information on this
major religious festival. Its celebration is also
tied to the dedication of the temple by Solomon
2 Chron 5:3 and to the covenant renewal
ceremony of Ezra Neh 8:13-18. In all
three cases a new beginning for the people is
signaled, and a celebration involving a feast
has always been a means of solemnizing a
covenant or treaty agreement (see the comment
on Gen 31:54.
3:5. New Moon and other sacred feasts. See
the comment on Numbers 28:1-30 for background
on these religious festivals in the Israelite
religious calendar (note also 1 Sam 20:5.
What is evident here is the determination to
once again regularize religious practice
through the restoration of all of the previous
sacrificial rituals.
3:7. food, drink and oil. Standard wages for
laborers always included a daily ration of food,
drink and olive oil (see the list in 2 Chron 2:10.
Evidence of this is found in ration lists from
Babylon, Mari and many other Mesopotamian
cities (including amounts for both free laborers
and slaves).
3:7. cedar logs by sea. Just as the eleventhcentury
Egyptian priest Wenamon contracted
with the ruler of Syria for cedar logs that
would be transported by sea, here a similar arrangement
is made for the transport of logs to
the port of Joppa to rebuild the temple (see the
comment on 2 Chron 2:16 for additional examples
of this practice).
3:8. chronology. Like the temple of Solomon,
the construction of this second temple will begin
in the spring during the second month,
Ziv 1 Kings 6:1, 37. The work is said to begin
in the second year of Zerubbabel’s arrival at
the temple. But the text is never very clear
about when Zerubbabel came. He is never explicitly
identified as a contemporary of either
Shesh-bazzar or Cyrus (though 4:1-5 could
suggest such an association), but is always
tied to Darius. Ezra 2 is often thought to refer
to a separate return, perhaps fifteen years later
than the one described in chapter 1. As a result
it is not easy to identify which year the
second year is.
3:10. importance of foundation. See the comment
on 3:3 for the significance of the foundation
laid on sacred space. In addition it was
the common practice in Mesopotamia to make
a foundation sacrifice and bury tablets or cylinder
cones describing the laying of the foundation
by a king (much like our own practice
of including a time capsule in the corner stone
of a public building). For example, the foun-
463 EZRA 3:10—4:6
dation inscription of Yahdunlim, a nineteenthcentury
B.C. king of Mari, describes not only
the building of the temple of Shamash but
also a campaign to the Cedar Mountains and
the Mediterranean Sea. The interest of the Persians
in relaying foundations at traditional
sanctuary sites is evidenced in Cambyses’ personal
role in the celebrations for the newly
laid foundation of the Neith temple in Egypt
around 525.
3:10. trumpets and cymbals. Musical instruments,
such as trumpets, cymbals, lyres and
harps, are often mentioned as the means of
punctuating the start and the procession accompanying
religious ritual (see 1 Chron
16:5-6; 2 Chron 25:11-13. The clashing of cymbals
might be used to symbolize the clapping
of thunder or as a means of marking time for
the procession. Trumpets functioned as signaling
devices on the battlefield and on occasions
of great importance.
3:12. comparison of first and second temple.
The splendor of ancient temples was based on
several factors. While size could be of some
significance, more important were the materials
used in construction and the artistry of the
craftsmanship. Solomon had far greater resources
to commit to the materials than the
postexilic community had—even with the
sponsorship of the Persian government. The
amount of gold, the quality and the size of
the stones and the skill of the stonecutters and
metal workers were all aspects in which the
second temple could not hope to compare favorably
with the first. The disappointment of
the older generation does not necessarily reflect
an obsession with external appearances.
It was true then, as it had been at the time of
the exodus, that the expense and grandeur of
the edifice and its furnishings were a legitimate
way to give honor to the God who inhabited
the sanctuary. The people felt sadness
at their own inability to provide surroundings
with splendor commensurate to God’s glory.
EZRA 3:10—4:6
4:1-24
The History of Opposition to the
Rebuilding Program
4:1. enemies of exiles. The land of Israel and
Judah was not uninhabited at the time of the
return from exile. The descendants of those
people who had not been taken to Babylonia
as well as those who had been brought into
that area by the Assyrians 2 Kings 17:1-6
would have existed as distinct population
groups. The fact that the writer of Ezra identifies
them as “enemies” suggests that there had
already been clashes with these people (Ezra
3:3) and that their offer of help in rebuilding
the temple was not an honest one. In any case
it is likely their understanding of Yahweh
worship differed from that of the returned exiles
(see 2 Kings 17:33. That would help explain
Zerubbabel’s curt answer to them.
4:2. Esarhaddon’s relocation. After the fall of
Samaria in 722 B.C., the Assyrian king Sargon
II had ordered the relocation of the bulk of the
Israelite population to Halah and to Media
(see the comment on 2 Kings 17:6. In their
place, peoples from within the Assyrian empire
were settled in Israel (see comment on
2 Kings 17:24. Additional deportations must
have taken place under the reign of Esarhaddon
(681-669 B.C., see comment on Isaiah 7:8.
The descendants of these people, possibly taken
from Sidon after the campaign of 676 B.C.,
are described as “enemies of Judah and Benjamin,”
but they are not in this early Persian
period known as the Samaritans.
4:5. Cyrus to Darius. The Persian king Cyrus
reigned until 530, when he was killed in battle
against the Scythians on the northeastern border
of his empire. He was succeeded by his
son Cambyses, whose major accomplishment
was the conquest of Egypt. However, he was
murdered shortly thereafter, and a struggle
ensued that eventually resulted in the accession
of Darius, who had gained the support of
the majority of the Persian nobility and married
Cyrus’s daughter. He began his reign in
522, and it will be during his administration
(515 B.C.) that the Jerusalem temple will be finished.
4:6-23. chronological sequence. The author is
writing from the time of Ezra-Nehemiah,
about 440 B.C. These early chapters have
looked back at the events that occurred nearly
a century earlier between 538 and 518. At the
mention of the opposition and delay in verse
5, the author digresses to recount the long history
of opposition that continued from this
initial incident down to his own time, before
going back and resuming his story where he
left off, about 520 B.C. The common theme
throughout this digression is the continual opposition
to the desires of the returned exiles in
Jerusalem. His digression takes him from Darius
through Xerxes and Artaxerxes (who was
king in the author’s time). Xerxes (Ahasuerus)
began his reign in 486/485 B.C. and immediately
became embroiled in suppressing revolts
in Babylon—an event that may have also
sparked uprisings in the western provinces,
perhaps even in Yehud. In any case, a general
sense of disturbance would have been sufficient
reason to delay action on the Jerusalem
EZRA 4:6-15 464
construction projects, even into the reign of
Artaxerxes (465-424 B.C.), and to cast suspicion
on its leaders, given the continued stream
of letters charging the Israelites with disloyalty.
4:6. Xerxes. Xerxes (Ahasuerus), the son of
Darius, came to the Persian throne in 486/485
B.C. His early years were taken up with putting
down revolts in Babylon and in Egypt.
The result was the establishment of Babylon
as a separate satrapy under the direct control
of the Persian government. Subsequently Xerxes
continued his father’s ambition of conquering
the Greeks. His massive army crossed
the Hellespont into northern Greece and succeeded
in burning Athens. However, the destruction
of his fleet at the naval battle of
Salamis left his army without an adequate
supply line and the death of his general Mardonius
in 479 at the Battle of Plataea ended
any chance of a victory. Xerxes is known for a
number of monumental building projects, but
his reign ended in assassination in 465 B.C. For
more information see comment on Esther 1:1.
4:7. Artaxerxes. Three Persian kings were
named Artaxerxes. The one mentioned in Nehemiah
is most likely the successor of Xerxes
I, Artaxerxes I (465-424 B.C.). Outside of Scripture,
little is known of this king. The Greek
historian Herodotus described a taxation list
and some poor economic policies that occurred
during this king’s reign. The Greek
city-states, fresh from their victories against
the Persians at Salamis and Plataea (480-479
B.C.), used every occasion to undermine Persian
authority in the Near East. Thus, Artaxerxes
endured two revolts during his reign
(see the note on Nehemiah 1:1. He was, however,
able to rule for forty years.
4:7. use of Aramaic. Aramaic, a close relative
of Hebrew, was already an important language
in the Assyrian period (see comment on
2 Chron 32:18, and both the Babylonians and
the Persians employed it as the international
diplomatic language. While they kept internal
documents in Persian (often translated from
the Aramaic), correspondence from officials
like Tabeel would have been written in Aramaic.
In this way, bureaucrats in every part of
the empire had a common language for use in
carrying out the king’s business (compare the
Roman use of Greek and modern diplomatic
use of French).
4:9-10. titles used by speakers. The title for
Rehum, translated as “commanding officer,”
applies to a civilian official with the power to
issue orders or royal edicts. Shimshai’s office
of “secretary” (sapar) required him to make
copies of official documents, translate them
into Aramaic or some other language, and create
tax roll records. These individuals were
found throughout the empire, including Elephantine,
since their services were always
needed by higher ranking officials. The other
titles (“judges and officials”) are less well defined
and probably refer to members of Rehum’s
entourage.
4:10. Ashurbanipal’s relocation. The biblical
text does not make any other specific mention
of this deportation by the Assyrian king.
However, there were many campaigns by
each of the Assyrian kings to suppress revolts
or to deal with coalitions of opponents (such
as the Ashdod Revolt of 711 B.C. referred to in
Is 20:1-4. It is easily possible that Ashurbanipal’s
expedition against the rebellious Babylon
in 648 B.C. extended into the western
provinces and resulted in a relocation of Israelites
implicated in the uprising.
4:12-16. nature of the accusation. The reference
made to the returned exiles may mean
those who came to Jerusalem during the
reigns of Cyrus and Darius or else those who
arrived more recently during the time of Artaxerxes
I. The officials’ concern about the rebuilding
of the city seems to imply, based on
past experience, that Jerusalem had a history
of being a rebellious and troublesome people
who will spark further revolts throughout the
region. It is also possible that the true threat
was from the rebellious satrap, Megabyzus (c.
448 B.C.), who might easily have found Jerusalem
a willing ally. The charge that they will
withhold taxes is equivalent to treason (a similar
charge was made against Hezekiah in the
Assyrian annals of Sennacherib). Exaggeration
of the situation may be a diplomatic ploy
to gain the king’s attention and force the people
of Jerusalem to go through channels such
as requesting permission of royal officials before
starting construction.
EZRA 4:6-15 4:15. nature of the royal archives. Archives
would have included annals and chronicles.
Royal annals were kept throughout the ancient
Near East, with most examples coming from
mid-second millennium Hittite kings and from
ninth- to sixth-century Assyria and Babylon.
The annals could be represented by annalistic
royal inscriptions giving detailed accounts of
military campaigns. In addition there are court
chronicles that give information of important
events in each year. No annals from Achaemenid
Persia have as yet been discovered by
archaeologists, though it is likely that the Persian
bureaucracy would also have made an effort
to amass as much as possible of the official
records of the Assyrians and Babylonians. This
would have given them historical perspective
465 EZRA 4:16—5:14
on the peoples they now ruled. It is thus possible
that the request that the royal archives be
searched would have included previous dealings
with Israel and Judah (particularly the annals
of Sargon II, Sennacherib and Nebuchadnezzar)
as well as more recent events recorded
by the Persian scribes.
4:16. Trans-Euphrates. The region west of the
Euphrates river, excluding Babylon, which
was a separate satrapy, comprised a very large
Persian province ruled by a governor (satrap)
as well as subordinates with the title pah[at (see
Tattenai in Ezra 5:3 and royal investigators
known as patifrasa. Within the satrapy were
smaller administrator units, such as Yehud,
which had their own royal appointee governing
them.
4:18. translated to what. Although Aramaic
was used for all diplomatic exchanges (correspondence,
treaties), the official language of the
Persian court was Persian. As a result, when
the letter was read to King Artaxerxes, the
scribe would have translated the Aramaic into
Persian for the king’s benefit and to maintain a
sense of official decorum within the inner circle
of the king’s court.
4:24. second year of Darius. The narrative
now resumes, following the interlude dealing
with the construction of the wall system, with
the reign of Darius and the issue of rebuilding
the temple in Jerusalem. The second year of
Darius would have been 520 or the beginning
of 519 B.C. By that time the disputes over his
succession to the throne after the death of
Cambyses had subsided, and he would be
ready to consider matters like the Jerusalem
temple.
EZRA 4:16—5:14
5:1-17
Tattenai’s Letter to Darius
5:1. Haggai. Among the returned exiles were
the prophets Haggai and Zechariah. Both expressed
fervent messianic hopes with regard
to Zerubbabel’s leadership of the people and
both actively promoted the rebuilding of the
temple in Jerusalem. Haggai is particularly
concerned that the returnees had spent their
time and energy rebuilding their lives and
homes while neglecting the temple (Hag
1:2-11). The name Haggai appears a number
of times in the Elephantine papyri (over a century
later), but that simply proves it was a
fairly common personal name in this period.
5:1. Zechariah. With the meaning “Yahweh remembers,”
Zechariah was a common name in
the exilic and postexilic period. This sixth-century
prophet is identified as a member of a
prominent priestly family descended from
Iddo (see Zech 1:1. His message, like Haggai’s,
emphasized the rebuilding of the Jerusalem
temple, but he also promoted the
increased political role of the high priest
alongside the Persian-appointed governor in
the province of Yehud.
5:3. Tattenai, governor of Trans-Euphrates.
Tattenai was a pah[at or peh[u, who served under
the satrap Ushtannu. He is later appointed
as a satrap in a Babylonian source dated to 502
B.C. As the local official on the scene, he took
the responsibility for investigating the temple
building process and asked for confirmation
from Darius as to whether it was legitimate
activity. Once he receives affirmation, he demonstrates
that he is a good bureaucrat by diligently
carrying out the king’s orders (Ezra
6:13).
5:3. Shethar-Bozenai. If this is a personal
name, it refers to an associate of Tattenai (possibly
a scribe) who participated in the investigation
of Jerusalem’s temple building activities.
It is also possible that the name is a title
applied to Tattenai meaning “chief clerk of the
chancery.”
5:8. large stones and timbers in the walls.
There is some difference of opinion on the
meaning of the Aramaic word translated
“large stones.” Some commentators tie it to
the root meaning “roll” and thus speculate
that the large stones were cut in such a way
that they could be rolled into place before they
were shaped to fit together. Others point to an
Akkadian phrase, aban galala, meaning ashlar
stones. The timbers may have been designed
for either earthquake protection or a mimicking
of the style of building in Solomon’s temple
(see comment on 1 Kings 6:36.
5:12. God of heaven. See the comment on
Ezra 1:2.
5:12. Nebuchadnezzar’s destruction of
Jerusalem. It is interesting to compare the arguments
made by the elders of Jerusalem for
the rebuilding of the temple with those
found in the Elephantine letter requesting
permission to rebuild the destroyed temple
in that Egyptian military colony about 400
B.C. In both cases the “God of heaven” is invoked,
as well as arguments of past history.
The case in Ezra makes use of an explanation
that blames the Babylonian destruction on
the unfaithfulness of the people of Judah and
the need for a period of cleansing (see Jer
25:8-14). The Persian king is now called upon
to serve as the instrument of their religious
restoration as his predecessor Cyrus had (see
Is 45:1-3.
5:14. Sheshbazzar. See the comment on Ezra
1:11.
EZRA 6:1-10 466
6:1-12
Darius Grants Permission
6:1. archives in the treasury of Babylon. See
the comment on Ezra 4:15 on archive keeping
in the Persian empire. During the reign of
Darius, Babylon was still the capital of the satrapy
of Trans-Euphrates and thus would be
the repository of all records concerning its
provinces. Many of these documents would
have been on clay tablets or cylinders, although
some might have been on papyrus or
leather scrolls.
6:2. citadel of Ecbatana. Until 550 B.C. Ecbatana
had been the capital of the Medes. It was
located in the Zagros mountains in northwestern
Iran, at the foot of Mount Orontes. After
its capture by Cyrus it became the summer
residence of the Persian kings, as they moved
their court back and forth between Susa and
Ecbatana to take advantage of more temperate
climates. The extent of the search for the
record of Cyrus’s dealings with the Israelite
exiles was broadened to this royal archive
when nothing was found in the regional center
at Babylon. Scrolls of leather were widely
used in the Persian empire for this type of
document.
Ezra 6:1-10 6:3. dimensions. The numbers given for the
dimensions are generally considered to have
confused by a scribe, since the temple of Solomon
had been only sixty cubits long, twenty
cubits wide and thirty cubits high. Since this
temple was to be built on the foundations of
the former, it would be expected that it would
have the same dimensions. Alternatively, the
numbers in the text of the decree may represent
ideal figures or maximum allowable dimensions.
It is interesting that Cyrus and
Darius took such an interest in sponsoring
temple building, since temples are not attested
(in either literature or archaeology) as playing
any significant role in Zoroastrianism, the
religion of Achaemenid Persia. Herodotus
likewise notes the absence of temples in Persian
religious practice.
6:7. rebuilt on its site. One of the tasks most
often recorded in Mesopotamian royal annals
was temple restoration (for example, those of
Ur-Nammu from Ur III and the Kassite king
Kurigalzu). Once sacred space has been identified
and used for religious purposes, it becomes
essential that it remain in use. Thus,
kings like Cyrus would expect that the only
appropriate site for the restoration of a temple
would be on the foundations of the old one
(see the comments on Ezra 3:3 and 3:10). This
practice also explains why conquering nations
or religions tend to build their places of worship
on the sites of earlier temples and churches.
6:8. payment out of the royal treasury. The inclusion
of dimensions for the restored temple
(see v. 3) implies a concern for cost overruns
on the part of the Persian government. It is
possible that a special tax or levy on the satrap
of Trans-Euphrates was exacted to help pay
for the restoration project, but these funds
would have first been sent to the general treasury
and then disbursed as needed to the contractors
in Jerusalem. There is also an official
stamp given to the project since it has a line in
the royal budget. The Cyrus Cylinder (see
comment on 1:2-4) is unclear about the extent
to which the royal treasury contributed to the
rebuilding projects mentioned there, though
excavations in a number of sites throughout
Babylonia have recovered bricks used for
sanctuary rebuilding that are stamped with
Cyrus’s name. This suggests that the royal
treasury financed the project.
6:9-10. use of the goods provided in sacrifice.
Darius’s generosity as reflected here is also evidenced
in inscriptions throughout the empire.
In fact, the Egyptians who benefited from
his magnanimity dubbed him “the friend of
all the gods.” The animals mentioned are specifically
designated for burnt offerings (see
comment on Lev 1:3-4. The ration of wheat,
salt, wine and oil may have been divided between
the priests and the construction workers,
since this is a daily portion, but may have
been used in offerings as well. Grain offerings
(made with oil and semolina) often accompanied
other offerings, and portions were given
to the officiating priest (for the use of wheat,
oil and salt in these offerings see the comments
on Lev 2. For the use of wine for libations
see the comment on Leviticus 23:12-13.
Josephus reports the provision of funds for
temple construction and of these same ingredients
for sacrifices to the Jews several centuries
later by Antiochus the Great.
6:10. praying for the well-being of the king.
This request parallels similar remarks in the
Cyrus Cylinder, asking the gods and presumably
their worshipers to “recommend”
Cyrus and his son to the god Marduk so that
they would be granted “a long life.” While
this may represent a simple desire to receive
the blessing of the god, it may alternatively
be designed to prevent petitioning the gods
to overthrow or curse the king. In fact, Herodotus
reports that prayers for the king had
to accompany every sacrifice. The Elephantine
papyri also offers prayers to a Persian
official if he would aid them in the reconstruction
of their destroyed temple. The
467 EZRA 6:11-22
drafting of a decree so as to portray the king
as knowledgeable and concerned about the
religious practice of the subjects involved is
demonstrated in the Xanthos Charter. This
document from Lycia (in modern day Turkey)
dated to 358 B.C. formalizes Persian
support for the cult there with some of the
same issues addressed as here.
6:11. punishment for disobedience. It is common
for treaties and royal decrees to end with
a curse or clause threatening punishment for
disobedience to the stipulations of the document.
It would be possible to compare
Joshua’s curse on the man who would rebuild
Jericho in Joshua 6:26 and the curse on any
prince who replaces the gate constructed by
King Azitawada of Karatepe with this injunction.
Such a statement is also found in the epilogue
to the Code of Hammurabi, charging
future rulers to provide justice or face a curse
from the gods. The punishment of impalement
is depicted in Assyrian Lachish reliefs
and mentioned in a number of royal archives.
The practice was to impale the corpse of the
executed victim on a pointed stake in public
view. Impalement is known in Persia, for instance
in Amestris’s execution of Inaros (leader
of a Libyan revolt) during the reign of her
son, Artaxerxes. The victim was thus denied
proper burial, as the birds and insects devoured
the remains. One curse used by Darius
in his inscriptions is: “If you should blot out
these words, may Ahura Mazda slay you and
your house be destroyed,” while another says
“What you make, may Ahura Mazda pull
down.”
6:12. curse in the name of local god. Since
many of the peoples of the ancient world believed
that gods were localized, that is, tied to
particular places and peoples, it would be appropriate
that events within that divine “jurisdiction”
should be handled by the local
deity.
6:13-22
Completion, Dedication and
Passover Celebration
6:15. date of completion. Such an important
event as the completion of the second temple
required careful recording. The date provided
places it in the twelfth Babylonian calendar
month, Adar, which would have been in February-
March. The sixth year of Darius would
have been 515 B.C., and the third day of the
month of Adar would make the completion
date March 12, 515. It should be noted that
1 Esdras 7:5 and Josephus both place the date
on the twenty-third of Adar, and this has been
preferred by some since the third was a Sabbath.
Ezra 6:11-22 6:17. dedication sacrifice compared to 1 Kings.
See the comment on 2 Chronicles 7:5-7 for dedicatory
activity for Solomon’s temple. The actual
number of sacrificial animals in the
dedication ceremony for the second temple is
much smaller than at the time of Solomon (1
Kings 8:63): 22,000 oxen versus 100 bulls;
120,000 sheep versus 200 rams and 400 male
lambs. The sin offering of twelve male goats is
according to priestly ritual Lev 4:22-26; see the
comment on Lev 4:13-32 and fits into Ezra’s attempt
to reestablish the idea of a twelve-tribe
coalition, now reborn through the exile experience
and prepared to resume its covenantal
relationship with Yahweh in Judah and Jerusalem.
6:19. Passover. There has been no mention
of a celebration of Passover since the time of
Josiah (over one hundred years earlier; see
comment on 2 Chron 35:18. Now, as a part
of the rejuvenation of the restored Jewish
community in Judah, this ritual (see the
comment on Ex 12:1-28, which parallels the
escape from bondage just experienced by
the returned exiles, must be reinstituted.
The date of the fourteenth of Nisan (the first
month) is based on the religious calendar
Ex 12:2-6; Lev 23:5. Note the previous celebrations
of Passover following the cleansing
or renovation of the temple (see comments
on 2 Chron 30.
6:21. separated from unclean Gentiles.
There are several possibilities for this group
of people. It is possible that they were remnants
of the people of the northern kingdom
or those from Judah who were not taken
into exile (see 2 Chron 30:17-21. Their contact,
during the period of the exile, with
non-Israelites could have been perceived as
a contamination from which they would
have to consciously separate themselves. It
is also possible that the Passover ceremony
was, as in Exodus 12:48, extended to proselytes
(gerim) who had converted to Yahweh-
only worship.
6:22. Feast of Unleavened Bread. See the comments
on Exodus 12:14-20 and Leviticus
23:6-8. Since the celebration of this festival is
also attached to Hezekiah’s 2 Chron 30:13
and Josiah’s 2 Chron 35:16-17 celebration of
the Passover, it is appropriate here as well.
The joy expressed in this seven-day celebration
is tied to the act of God in “changing the
attitude of the king of Assyria” (a symbol for
the Persian rulers of Mesopotamia), which has
made the restoration possible.
EZRA 7:1-17 468
7:1-28
Ezra’s Arrival with Commission
from Artaxerxes
7:1, 7-8. chronology. If these events occur during
the reign of Artaxerxes I, then the seventh
year of that king would be 458 B.C. This is
nearly sixty years after the events described in
the last chapter. The departure date given is
the first day of Nisan (April 8) and the date of
their arrival in Jerusalem is the first of Ab, the
fifth month (August 4). This time of year,
spring through midsummer, is dry and hot,
and would have required a northern route,
avoiding the desert and careful planning to insure
adequate water resources were available
for the returnees.
Ezra 7:1-17 7:1-5. Ezra’s ancestry. It was important that
Ezra be recognized as having the proper credentials
so that his mission would be sanctioned
and his actions would have the force of
law. Unlike Jeshua (see comment on 3:2) there
is no suggestion that Ezra was a high priest,
but the Aaronide genealogy provided for him
(that only provides sixteen generations between
Aaron and Ezra; for complete list see
1 Chron 6:5-53 shows that he is of prominent
ancestry. The text likely suggests that he is a
descendant of the Seraiah who was high priest
at the time of the destruction of the temple in
586 B.C. Since Jeshua is not mentioned in his
ancestry, it is likely that he was either from a
different part of Seraiah’s line or that this is a
different Seraiah (a common name of the period).
7:6-12. Ezra’s expertise. Ezra is given a variety
of attributes, most of them centering around
his ability as a scribe and teacher of the law of
the God of heaven. As a scribe, Ezra was possibly
a member of the Persian bureaucracy. It
was a common practice for ancient Near Eastern
governments to employ persons trained
not only as secretaries or clerks, but as diplomats
and lawyers. These individuals were
used to interpret documents from subject and
allied peoples. They were also sent on investigative
missions to aid the king and his advisors
in making decisions (for more information
see comment on Neh 8:1. Examples
include the seventh-century Assyrian scribe
Ahiqar and the description of the scribal profession
in the Middle Kingdom Egyptian “Satire
on the Trades” where the profession of
scribe is praised as a worthy vocation with
benefits that far exceed other types of employment.
7:8. four-month journey. As is so often the
case, the actual events of a long journey are
not recounted here (see Gen 12:1-9. Since they
departed in April and arrived in early August,
this would have been a dry and hot trek. Most
likely they would have taken the northern caravan
route (approximately nine hundred
miles) up the Euphrates, perhaps turning west
at Mari across to Tadmor, then southwest
through Damascus and on into Palestine.
Considering the size of the company, including
whole families, an average of ten miles a
day could be expected.
7:14. seven advisors of the king. Based on the
reports of Esther 1:14 and the ancient historians
Xenophon and Herodotus, we know that
the Persian kings relied on a group of seven
princes or advisers as their privy council. It
would be natural that an investigative commission,
such as that given to Ezra, would
come in the name of the king and his advisers.
7:14. nature of commission. The Persian kings
showed a consistent interest in insuring that
their subject peoples maintained the favor of
their gods. Restoring temples had been one
way to accomplish that, and here we find that
obeying religious mandates was another. If
the God of Israel was pleased by the people’s
obedience to his instructions, then by all
means they should be enforced. Personnel
should be put in place to instruct as well as
monitor and assess compliance. It is, therefore,
Ezra’s commission to determine whether
the Jews in the Persian province of Yehud are
obeying the law found in the Torah. There had
been enough complaints and queries sent
from persons there to suggest such an investigative
mission was necessary. As a scribe,
Ezra has the expertise to handle this mission
and to make judgments about compliance. In
this way, the Persian king used a member of a
subject people (just as Nehemiah was used) to
try and insure continued divine approval for
his empire and avoid the wrath of God (see v.
23).
7:15-17. Persians offering sacrifices to Yahweh.
The Persian kings are known to have
made public sacrifices to local deities as a way
of showing respect, as well as for the political
advantage it would give them in placating the
newly conquered people (such as Cyrus’s actions
for Marduk in the Cyrus Cylinder). The
actual list of sacrificial animals and the addition
of cereal and drink offerings (see Num
15:2-10) suggests that Jewish experts had been
consulted in order to draft the Persian decree.
Such a practice is evidenced during the reign
of Cambyses (530-522). An Egyptian priest of
Sais, Uzahor, played a significant advisory
role in attracting the king’s interest in the restoration
of the sanctuary of Neith and overseeing
the process of restoration. This
469 EZRA 7:22—8:21
restoration included laying a foundation, reestablishing
the rituals and festivals, and providing
for government grants to fund the
operation of the temple.
7:22. amounts provided. The ration list issued
by Artaxerxes to his provincial officials has
limits, but the numbers are still amazingly
high: 3 3/4 tons of silver, 650 bushels of
wheat, 600 gallons of wine, 600 gallons of oil,
and unlimited quantities of salt. These
amounts are not necessarily based on an assessment
of what is required to operate the
temple. Instead, as the next verse suggests, it
was calculated as what was necessary to avert
the wrath of Israel’s god.
7:23. theological mentality. In the appeasement
mentality of the ancient world, if God’s
wrath were not appeased, rebellious factions
in Israel could claim that their actions against
Persia were taken at the instigation of Yahweh.
There was revolt in progress in the Persian
empire at the time of Ezra. Inarus, a
Libyan, had seized control of Egypt in 460 and
had found ready support from the Athenian
fleet in the Mediterranean. The revolt was
crushed by Megabyzus between 456 and 454,
so Ezra’s journey (458) comes right at its
height. By showing great respect for Yahweh,
the temple and the priesthood, Artaxerxes followed
previous Persian policy (Cyrus Cylinder),
acknowledging the power of the God of
heaven and adding a sense of urgency to the
decree: “let it be done with diligence.”
7:24. temple personnel tax exempt. There
may have been a dual purpose behind this exemption
from taxation. Ezra was coming into
a situation where he was unknown and was
associated with a foreign power. Tax exemption
would have helped him gain some support
from the Jerusalem temple community.
Precedent for this practice by the Persians is
found in the Gadatas Inscription from the
reign of Darius, which granted tax exemption
to the priests of the Greek god Apollo.
7:25. appointment of officials. It seems very
appropriate that Ezra would have been given
the right to appoint magistrates and judges
within the area of his jurisdiction. In that way
he would not have to contend with judicial
opposition, and he could insure a common set
of policies (see Jehoshaphat’s judicial reform
in 2 Chron 19:4-11. Persian administrative
structure consisted of a dual set of officials—
one for local and customary issues and the
other charged with enforcing royal decrees
and statutes. It is possible that Ezra would
have jurisdiction to appoint both within the
Trans-Euphrates satrapy, but more likely, given
the reference to the “laws of your God,” his
prime concern was with local magistrates,
who would be dealing with Jewish law
throughout the province.
7:26. empowered to punish. Since Ezra is operating
under the aegis and with the power of
the Persian government, the list of penalties
match those of the Persian penal code. Capital
punishment and confiscation of goods do appear
in Israelite law, but there is no mention of
imprisonment, other than house arrest (Lev
24:12), except for prisoners of war and those
in protective custody for political reasons (Jer
37:11-16). The word translated “banishment”
might better be rendered “flogging” or “corporal
punishment” based on its common usage
in Persian law. The right to punish
signifies the seriousness of Ezra’s mission,
whether or not he is ever forced to exercise
this power.
EZRA 7:22—8:21
8:1-36
Ezra Leads the Return to Jerusalem
8:2-14. size of returning group compared to
first return. The total number of males listed
in Ezra’s returning group is 1,513. An estimate
of 5,000 total returnees (based on a conservative
number of wives and children) would
make this group about one seventh the size of
that listed in Ezra 2:64-65 (42,360).
8:15. canal of Ahava. This is most likely one of
the many canals that radiated out from the
Euphrates River near Babylon (at least within
a radius of ninety miles). It may also be a settlement
along one of these water channels, but
variations in the sources (LXX; 1 Esdras 8:61
has Theras as the site) have confused the issue.
As a result the exact site is still unknown.
8:17. Casiphia. If this is a place name, then it is
in the vicinity of Ahava, but neither site has
been identified beyond the general direction
north of Babylon. It is also possible, based on
the LXX reading, that this is a noun (a variant
of Hebrew kesep, “silver”) and thus reflects either
that Iddo was the leader at a treasury site
or of a guild of silver smiths.
8:20. temple servants. In addition to the 38
Levites who were induced to join Ezra’s returning
group, a body of 220 temple servants
are also enrolled. The importance of these individuals
as assistants to the Levites should
not be overlooked. With such a small number
of Levites available, their servants would have
been essential to proper ritual activity, since
there were many menial tasks to be done. Ezra
certifies them by the mention of a list of names
with their ancestry.
8:21. fasting. Fasting is little attested in the ancient
Near East outside the Bible. It generally
EZRA 8:21—9:12 470
occurs in the context of mourning. In the Old
Testament the religious use of fasting is often
in connection with making a request before
God. The principle is that the importance of
the request causes an individual to be so concerned
about his or her spiritual condition
that physical necessities fade into the background.
In this sense the act of fasting is designed
as a process leading to purification and
humbling oneself before God Ps 69:10. As indicated
in the text, the Jews are here concerned
about their safety. Their request is to
procure the protection of God so that their
journey may be seen to have been undertaken
at his bidding.
8:21-23. danger of being robbed. Since Ezra’s
group will be traveling without a military escort
(compare Nehemiah’s entourage in Neh
2:9), the dangers of the road were a serious
matter. Political forces were at work upsetting
the balance in the western portions of Persia’s
empire. Plus, an unarmed group, transporting
large quantities of gold and silver, might have
easily been picked apart by a determined
band of outlaws.
8:26-27. amounts. In weighing out and recording
the gifts given by the Persian king, Ezra
fulfills that portion of his mission. The 650 talents
of silver equal 24 1/2 tons, while the 100
talent weights of silver objects and 100 talents
of gold each weigh approximately 3 3/4 tons
each. The 20 golden bowls weighing 1,000
darics are equal to 19 pounds. While this is an
extremely large amount, it does represent
both royal gifts as well as those from exilic
Jewish families.
8:31. length of journey. Since it was April at
the time of departure, a journey directly
across the desert (approximately five hundred
miles) would not have been possible. Thus the
travelers took a longer, northern route, up the
Euphrates and then west to Damascus and on
to Palestine (approximately nine hundred
miles). See the comments on 1:11 and 7:8.
8:35. sacrifices. See the comment on Ezra 6:17
on the dedicatory sacrifices for the second
temple. The Persian king had ordered that
these sacrifices be made when the exiles returned
to Jerusalem Ezra 7:17. Ezra is now
recorded carrying out these orders. The mention
of “sin offering,” as in Ezra 6:17, is a further
indication of the need to purify each
returning group.
8:36. satraps and governors. The Persian empire
was divided into twenty-one satrapies
(twenty-two after Babylon became a separate
province). Each was administered by a governor
or satrap. However, considering the huge
size of some of these provinces, it was necessary
to have a secondary layers of officials,
each known as a peh[a, to aid in carrying out
tax collection and enforcement of royal decrees
(see the comment on Ezra 5:14.
EZRA 8:21—9:12
9:1-15
The Problem of Intermarriage
9:1-2. nature of accusation. Ezra is soon informed
of a major violation of the Law that he
had come to establish: intermarriage with a
standard list of non-Jewish people, a practice
that endangered the cultural and religious existence
of Israel. Endogamy, or marriage only
within a select group (which did include converts),
had become a tenet for the exilic community
(see comment on 9:10-12). They
realized that intermarriage would create cultural
divisions and weaken their religious
identity as a separate and “chosen” people.
What makes this charge particularly outrageous
is that priests and Levites, who should
know the Law (compare Hos 4:6, are also participating
in this “unfaithful” practice.
9:1. people list significance. The list of non-Israelite
peoples names the standard population
groups from the time of the conquest (that the
Israelites had been charged with driving out)
and mixes in some of those that had treated Israel
poorly in the exodus period Deut 23:3-6.
It therefore reflects the time period of the law
Ezra is citing rather than the postexilic period.
A number of these people groups were no
longer in existence in Ezra’s time. The intent of
the list is not, then, to target these particular
peoples but to identify certain categories. In the
postexilic context there were those who could
be identified as needing to be driven out, as
well as those who had set themselves up as enemies
of the Jews. Any people identified in one
of those categories would thereby be ineligible
for intermarriage.
9:3. Ezra’s response. Ezra’s initial response to
the charges of intermarriage are traditional
grief rituals: tearing clothing and pulling hair.
These practices were common throughout the
ancient Near East and are found depicted in
Egyptian tomb paintings and in literature
(Ugaritic Tale of Aqhat). For more information
on these and other mourning practices see
comment on Esther 4:1.
9:10-12. the offense of exogamy. Although the
prohibition against exogamy, marriage outside
the designated group, comes primarily
from Deuteronomy 7:1-5, the citation here is
actually a synthesis of several passages from
Leviticus and Deuteronomy. It was common
among ancient Near Eastern societies to marry
inside one’s clan (endogamy), or to make a
471 EZRA 10:3-17
marriage alliance with another friendly
group. Cultural attitudes discouraging exogamy
can be seen as early as the Sumerians. The
myth The Marriage of Martu describes the Bedouin
people as barbarians who eat raw meat
and do not bury their dead—a group with
whom no civilized people should intermarry.
The Israelites had been commanded to marry
within their “spiritual” clan (i.e., the worshipers
of the Lord). In this time period, however,
the issues went beyond spiritual homogeneity.
Election and covenant issues made landownership
theologically significant. Intermarriage
was one of the ways that land tenure could be
jeopardized and, with it, covenant benefits.
The Elephantine texts (Jewish texts less than
fifty years removed from Ezra and Nehemiah)
show how land became redistributed and lost
to a family through foreign women marrying
into Jewish families and becoming enfranchised.
Marriage with peoples of the land
would culturally contaminate the Israelites,
weakening their religious identity as a people
set apart by God and violating the terms of
the covenant that allowed them to “eat the
good things of the land” Deut 6:11.
10:1-44
The Solution to the Problem of
Intermarriage
10:3. divorce in the Persian period. There is
no specific requirement in Jewish law that a
man is to divorce his foreign wife. According
to Deuteronomic legislation Deut 7:1-5, this
sort of union was not supposed to occur in the
first place. What is known of divorce in the
Persian period comes from the Jewish documents
from Elephantine. Marriage contracts
often included stipulations concerning the
disposition of the dowry, bride price, property
and children in the event of a divorce. Divorce
appears to have been common and uncomplicated,
with economic implications being of
greatest concern. At Elephantine no reason for
the divorce had to be offered.
10:8. forfeiture of property, expelled from assembly.
A three-day period is sufficient for all
citizens to make their way to Jerusalem to answer
for the practice of mixed marriage. Forfeiture
of property to the temple (seen also in
the apocryphal 1 Esdras 9:4) and expulsion
from the assembly are complementary punishments,
since membership in the assembly
entitled a citizen to property (note the death
sentence in 2 Chron 15:13. The crime is considered
a violation of the covenant and a sign
of disloyalty to the community. As early as
Hammurabi’s Code sexual crimes could lead
to the sentence of exile. In both cases the crime
involved inappropriate sexual activity and a
violation of societal norms.
10:9. chronology. This event occurs on the
twentieth of Kislev (the ninth month) during
the third week in December in the year 458
B.C., just over four months since his arrival.
The heavy rains and cold in Jerusalem at that
time of the year would have certainly discomforted
the assemblage. Their trembling and
the high emotions associated with the dissolution
of their marriages were simply compounded
by the weather.
EZRA 10:3-17 10:13. rainy season. October through February
is the cold and rainy season in Judah and
Jerusalem. The word used here often describes
torrential rains. It would not be unusual
for temperatures to be in the forties at this
time of year. It is possible that holding an assembly
in an open square during the rainy
season of late December (the nineteenth)
might dampen spirits enough that the men
would be willing to compromise and accept
Ezra’s solution to the marriage issue. However,
the discomfort of the cold and the rain
might also have raised tempers, especially if
the men had to stand there very long. Referring
the matter to a commission at least would
get them out of the elements.
10:16-17. chronology. A ten-day delay was
needed to assemble the commission. They began
work on the first day of the tenth month
(Tebeth) and continued until the first day of
the first month (Nisan). Thus their task required
them to make inquiries from late December
until late March (March 27, 457 B.C.;
about seventy-five days).
10:16-17. what is being investigated. At issue
is whether the wives of 110 individuals were
in fact non-Israelites. There certainly must
have been numerous ambiguities concerning
questions of ancestry and regarding which
groups the new legal rulings referred to. The
list of those questioned includes priests, Levites,
singers, gatekeepers and persons not associated
with the temple community. Since
many of these men were influential, it may be
assumed that the commission had to handle
their task diplomatically. Each must have been
carefully questioned. The matter of any children
by these marriages was determined,
since this also affected inheritance patterns
within the community. Then each was required
to take an oath (see 1 Chron 29:24 to
put aside their wives and disown their children
by these foreign women. In addition, it
would be determined what the appropriate
guilt offering should be (see Lev 5:14-26.
NEHEMIAH 1:1-11 472
N E H E M I A H
1:1-11
Nehemiah’s Prayer Concerning His
Mission
1:1. Nehemiah. Nehemiah held the important
position of cupbearer to the king of Persia in
the mid-fifth century B.C. during the reign of
Artaxerxes I (465-424 B.C.). A revolt broke out
in Egypt in 460 B.C. that took five years to put
down. Megabyzus, a satrap north of Mesopotamia,
also rebelled in 448 B.C. Thus this was a
turbulent period in the life of the empire. Because
of this, it can be surmised that the Persians
were willing to ally themselves with a
number of the minority groups within the empire,
such as the Jews. It is thus plausible that
Jews such as Nehemiah held high positions
within the empire in the middle of the fifth
century B.C.
1:1. Kislev. Kislev was the postexilic Hebrew
month name corresponding to our mid-November
to mid-December. The Jews apparently
followed the Babylonian monthly calendar
after their deportation to Babylon in the late
sixth century B.C. and continued to employ
this system into the Persian period.
1:1. chronology. It is not certain what the
“twentieth year” refers to. It may refer to the
twentieth year of Nehemiah at Susa. More
likely is the idea that the twentieth year refers
to the reign of Artaxerxes I (r. 465-424 B.C.),
and his name was simply omitted (see Neh
2:1). If this is the case, then the twentieth year
was 445 B.C.
1:1. citadel of Susa. The citadel of Susa was
the winter residence of the Persian kings. It
was set apart from the remainder of the city of
Susa, an area that had an ancient past. Susa
had been inhabited since at least the fourth
millennium B.C. Later, Susa was an Elamite
stronghold until it was captured by the Medes
and Persians in the seventh century B.C. The
ten-acre citadel is located on an elevated area
on the northern point of the site, the Apadana.
The palace was built by Darius and used by
several of his successors. Excavation of the
palace has identified many of its features, including
the audience hall, where the Persian
kings held court. It was a square building over
350 feet on each side featuring seventy-two
stone columns each estimated at sixty-five to
eighty feet tall. Greater Susa, located about
225 miles east of Babylon, was built on three
hills overlooking the Shaur River. The diamond-
shaped mound is about two and a
quarter miles in circumference, covering nearly
250 acres. An additional twenty acres comprises
the merchant quarter across the valley
to the east.
1:2-3. condition of Jerusalem. Jerusalem still
lay in ruins from its destruction by Nebuchadnezzar
II 140 years earlier. A city that had its
walls and gates broken down was entirely
vulnerable to outside aggression. The book of
Ezra describes an earlier aborted attempt to
restore the walls during the reign of Artaxerxes
I (c. 458 B.C.). Thus it is apparent that the individuals
were describing this most recent
endeavor which failed. Some have suggested
Persian action against Jerusalem during the
reign of Xerxes, but the evidence is scant,
though fighting between the Persians and
Greeks in the southern Levant is attested.
1:4. Nehemiah’s response. The response of
Nehemiah was in fact typical of Jews who
were confronted with tragedy (see Ezra 9:3-5.
Mourning was often accompanied with the
shaving of the head and beard. Fasting was
often added to prayer so the individual could
concentrate wholly on the issue at hand, at the
expense of physical needs.
NEHEMIAH 1:1-11 1:4. “God of heaven” in Zoroastrianism. The
term “God of heaven” was well-known in the
Persian empire and had become part of the religious
language of the Jews. The term is also
found in the Jewish correspondence in texts
from Elephantine in Egypt dating to the fifth
century B.C. The origin of the term can be
traced to Zoroaster, an Iranian holy man who
probably lived in the late second millennium
B.C., although his exact dates are not known
and remain controversial. Zoroastrianism had
become the religion of the Persian kings by
the time of Darius I (r. 521-486 B.C.). The Zoroastrians
worshiped the “God of heaven,”
known as Ahura Mazda, an eternal being with
moral designs. They also acknowledged the
existence of an evil deity who was the exact
counterpart to Ahura Mazda and equal to him
in power. Nehemiah, however, does not hesitate
to attribute this familiar title to Yahweh.
1:11. cupbearer. The cupbearer in the ancient
Near Eastern court held a very important position.
He had direct access to the king and
thus had great influence. Texts and reliefs describe
cupbearers in Assyrian and Persian
courts. The cupbearer was in close proximity
to the king’s harem and thus was often a eunuch,
although there is no evidence that this
was the case with Nehemiah. Later sources
473 NEHEMIAH 2:1-8
identify the cupbearer as the wine taster. In
addition he was the bearer of the signet ring
and was chief financial officer.
NEHEMIAH 2:1-8
2:1-10
Nehemiah Sent on a Mission
2:1. Nisan. The Hebrew month of Nisan corresponds
to our mid-March to mid-April. Nisan
brought early rains as well as the barley and
flax harvests. Nisan was a month name borrowed
from the Babylonians during the Jewish
captivity. Abib had been the previous
name of the month.
2:1. Artaxerxes. Three Persian kings were
named Artaxerxes. The one mentioned in Nehemiah
is most likely the successor of Xerxes
I, Artaxerxes I (r. 465-424 B.C.). Outside of
Scripture, little is known of him. The Greek
historian Herodotus described a taxation list
and some poor economic policies that occurred
during this king’s reign. The Greek
city-states, fresh from their victories against
the Persians at Salamis and Plataea (480-479
B.C.), used every occasion to undermine Persian
authority in the Near East. Thus Artaxerxes
endured two revolts during his reign
(see the note on Neh 1:1. He was, however,
able to rule for forty years.
2:1. responsibilities of courtiers in king’s
presence. In Persian reliefs courtiers are sometimes
portrayed with their hands shielding
their mouths so as not to offend the king by
breathing on him. Whether this represents
health consciousness (unlikely), the prevalence
of bad breath or simply extreme deference
is unknown. As a result, however, facial
expressions would be somewhat masked. It
would have been expected that the joy of being
in the king’s service would be reflected on
every face.
2:5. rebuilding of city where fathers are buried.
Family ties were of supreme importance
in most ancient Near Eastern cultures. The living
inhabitants of a family were required to
pay strict attention to the preservation of the
remains of family members who had passed
on. In the ancient cultures this entailed performing
ritual acts to ensure the maintenance
of the dead. In Israel the bones of the dead
were preserved. It was apparently thought
that they did have a conscious existence after
death. Joseph implored his family to return
his bones to Canaan when they left Egypt, and
Nehemiah was concerned about maintaining
the tombs of his fathers.
2:6. queen sitting beside king. There are numerous
examples in ancient Near Eastern iconography
of the queen seated next to the king,
usually upon her own throne. Many have argued
that queens had an unusually powerful
influence at the Persian court in this period,
based upon the writings of the Greek historian
Herodotus. Artaxerxes’ wife was Damaspia,
but there is a possibility that the
queen’s throne was occupied by the queen
mother, Amestris, known to be a strong personality
(see the comment on Esther 5:3, who
was still taking an active role as late as 449
and perhaps was still alive at this time.
2:6. length of journey (distance and time).
Nehemiah most likely took a long overland
route from Susa to Jerusalem on the Persian
Royal Road into northern Mesopotamia and
west into Syro-Palestine. The distance was
about nine hundred miles and would have
taken about four months. That is the length of
time it took Ezra to make the journey (see
comment on Ezra 7:1.
2:7. governors of Trans-Euphrates. The term
used here for “governors” can either refer to a
district governor of a small province or a satrap,
a major regional governor of the Persian
empire. The empire was organized into a large
number of compact satrapies that were highly
efficient and often somewhat autonomous.
The Trans-Euphrates governors ruled the area
due north of Mesopotamia in the region of Armenia
and Georgia.
2:7. letters of safe passage. Since Nehemiah’s
purpose was political, he may have anticipated
hostility from the local Persian officials. He
also may have been concerned because of the
unrest that existed in various parts of the empire
(see comment on Neh 1:1. Aramaic documents
from the fifth century include such a
letter. Its main function is to instruct regional
officials to provide the travelers with provisions
from the king’s stores.
2:8. keeper of the king’s forest. The keeper
of the king’s forest had a Hebrew name
(Asaph). The forest was probably in Lebanon
(which the Persians had overtaken in
the mid-sixth century B.C.), although some
areas in the coastal plain of Palestine may
have served in this capacity. Greek historians
such as Xenophon and Diodorus mention
local parks under the care of officials of
the Persian government.
2:8. use of timber/intended construction. The
timber was requested for clearly specified uses:
(1) the gates of a citadel, the forerunner of
the Antonia fortress, built on the north side of
the second temple by Herod the Great; (2) the
reconstruction of the city wall (though the
walls were built of stone and mud brick, timbers
were used for stabilization and for gateways);
and (3) for Nehemiah’s own residence
NEHEMIAH 2:10—3:8 474
(as governor). Though mud brick and stone
were the most common materials for residence
construction, cedar would be used for
interior paneling.
2:10. Sanballat. Sanballat the Horonite was
governor of Samaria. He is attested in Aramaic
papyri from Elephantine in Egypt, which
also mentions two of his sons. Papyri from
Wadi Daliyeh give a sequence of Samarian
governors, three of whom were named Sanballat.
As his sons had names with the
theophoric element of Yah, Sanballat may
have been a worshiper of Yahweh (although
see Neh 13:28. The term Horonite is not clear,
although it may simply mean a person who
came from one of the towns with the element
“Horon” in it. Sanballat opposed Nehemiah
because Jerusalem and Judah had previously
been under his jurisdiction, though it is unclear
whether Judah was part of his province
or that he had been given administrative oversight
of the Judean district.
2:10. Tobiah. Tobiah was an Ammonite and
thus was of foreign origin. He may have been
an ancestor to the important Tobiad family
from Jordan in later generations. Though it is
not expressly stated, he may have been governor
of Ammon, as his grandson (also Tobiah)
of the third century was.
2:11-20
Nehemiah’s Night Inspection
2:13-15. topography of fifth-century Jerusalem.
It has been very difficult to locate the places
mentioned in these verses. The walls and
gates inspected by Nehemiah on the north and
west sides no longer exist, or are buried under
Herod’s temple platform. The King’s Pool on
the eastern side is probably to be identified
with the Pool of Siloam. The valley referred to
here is most likely the Kidron Valley. Excavations
have shown a strewn mass of stones,
which are at least like the ones that blocked Nehemiah’s
path. Nehemiah had evidently chosen
to abandon the eastern slope of the town
and to build the new city wall there. Thus the
city was certainly smaller than in preexilic
times. It is estimated that the circumference of
the city at this time was about one and a half
miles, enclosing perhaps eighty or ninety acres.
2:16. groups referred to. The officials were likely
representatives of the Persian empire, either
those who had come with Nehemiah or those
who had local jurisdiction. The term Jews referred
to the citizenry at large. The priests took
on a major role in the life of the Jerusalem community
after the exile, with an increasing political
role. The nobles refers to the heads of the
important families in the area, perhaps the
equivalent to what are called elders in earlier
literature.
2:19. Geshem. Geshem the Arab is known
from extrabiblical sources. There is a Geshem
in Libyanite and Aramaic inscriptions who is
known as the king of Kedar. The name is also
found in a later inscription at Beth Shearim, as
well as on a silver vessel dedicated by his son
Qainu to the goddess Han-’Ilat found at Tell
el-Mashkuta in the Egyptian Delta. The Arabs
had recently settled in the Negev and Transjordan
regions (see Neh 2:10.
NEHEMIAH 2:10—3:8
3:1-32
Building Assignments
3:1-32. assigning sections. In Assyrian times
the building of walls was assigned out by sections
to various groups of laborers. When Sargon
built his capital at Khorsabad, the wall
was assigned in sections to workers from the
various provinces of the empire.
3:1. Sheep Gate. The Sheep Gate (other times
called the Benjamin Gate) north of the temple
mount, exits from the area of the Bethesda
Pool (known in this period as the Sheep Pool)
into the Kidron Valley. It is toward the northern
side of the east wall and would have led to
the Jericho road.
3:1. tower of the hundred and tower of Hananel.
These two towers were positioned on
the northwest side of the city near the Temple
Mount. This is about the same location as the
Antonia fortress in Herod’s Jerusalem.
3:3. Fish Gate. The Fish Gate (otherwise
known as the Ephraim Gate) led out of the
city toward the northwest. This would be one
of the routes one would take to the coastal
plain.
NEHEMIAH 3:1-15 3:3. gate structure. The text mentions four parts
of the gate: the doors, the beams, the bolts and
the bar. Two gate doors were generally set into
stone sockets buried just under the ground.
The beams flanked the gate on either side.
They were made of wood and joined to the
wall. The bars slid across the gates and the end
fit into holes or brackets in the beam. These
bars could be locked in place by a series of
small wooden dowels that slipped into holes
on a block mounted on the gate. One could
therefore not exit the city without a key once
the gate was locked.
3:6. Jeshanah Gate. Sometimes called the Old
Gate, this gate is generally located just south
of the Fish Gate. Some would identify this as
the Mishneh Gate that opened into the western
quarter of the city.
3:8. goldsmith and perfume-maker. In an-
475 NEHEMIAH 3:8-27
cient cities certain quarters were occupied by
the members of particular guilds. Craft guilds
often were made up of families that had developed
their own techniques and trade secrets,
which would be practiced and passed
on from generation to generation.
3:8. Broad Wall. Excavators on the western
hill in Jerusalem have uncovered an unusually
thick wall (over twenty feet thick) from this
period that extends toward the west from the
western wall of the Temple Mount. Repairs
were not made to the Broad Wall itself for it
seems that the western hill was not occupied
during this time.
Nehemiah 3:8-27 3:9. ruler of a half district. The familiar Assyrian
title rab pilkani, “head of the district,” offers
the best understanding of the terminology
used only in this context. Unfortunately,
little is known of the details of the administrative
districting of the region.
3:11. Tower of the Ovens. Most interpreters
associate this with the bakers’ district, which
was situated in this part of town so as to be
near the palace and temple complex (see Jer
37:21).
3:13. Valley Gate. The Valley Gate is in the
western wall along the slope of the City of
David leading into the Tyropoeon Valley.
What is believed to be this gate was identified
in Crowfoot’s excavations in 1926-27. It is approximately
twelve feet wide.
3:13. Zanoah. This is a town in the Shephelah
region about fifteen miles west-southwest of
Jerusalem.
3:14. Dung Gate. The Dung Gate is at the
southern tip of the city of David, a little over
five hundred yards south of the Valley Gate. It
opens into the Valley of Hinnom and the road
to the spring at En Rogel and is to be differentiated
from the Dung Gate in the present configuration
of the city (near the southwest
corner of the Temple Mount, dating to the Ottoman
period).
3:14. district of Beth Hakkerem. Beth Hakkerem
is modern Ramat Rachel, just outside of
Jerusalem.
3:15. Fountain Gate. Located at the southeastern
side of the city, this gate is only a few hundred
yards from the Dung Gate and probably
gave access to the Pool of Siloam where the
Gihon Spring was channeled. Such a gate was
excavated in the 1920s.
3:15. district of Mizpah. Mizpah is identified
as Tell en-Nasbeh about eight miles north of
Jerusalem.
3:15. wall of the Pool of Siloam and the
King’s Garden. This pool is generally thought
to refer to a canal that channeled the waters of
the Gihon Spring for irrigation along the eastern
flank of Jerusalem. It was located at the
southern end of the city and provided water
for the King’s Garden, at the juncture of the
Kidron and Hinnom Valleys.
3:15. steps from city of David. These steps
were located at the southern end of the city to
ease the steep ascent from the Kidron Valley.
Remains of an ancient staircase have been
found in this area.
3:16. half district of Beth Zur. Beth Zur was
the southern extremity of the province. It is located
about four miles north of Hebron.
3:16. tombs of David. The place often identified
to tourists as David’s tomb on presentday
Mount Zion is a late tradition. The only
monumental tombs from the first temple period
are in the modern village of Silwan across
the Kidron Valley from David’s Jerusalem.
These are from Iron Age II but are not royal
tombs. The Judahite kings from Rehoboam to
Ahaz were buried in the City of David (except
for some notable exceptions). Later kings were
either buried in the “garden of Uzziah” (Manasseh
and Amon) or in their own tomb (Josiah).
The burial places of Hezekiah and the
successors of Josiah are not mentioned. The
site of the royal burials in the City of David
has not been determined with certainty.
3:16. artificial pool. This was a separate pool
from that referred to in the last verse but was
in the same vicinity.
3:16. house of the heroes. This most likely refers
to the barracks used by the elite troops,
represented early by David’s mighty men (see
comment on 2 Sam 23:8.
3:17. half district of Keilah. Keilah is located
nearly between Zanoah (v. 13) and Beth Zur
(v. 16), twenty miles southwest of Jerusalem.
3:25. description. The palace area was just
south of the temple mount. The tower at the
corner of the palace complex was skirted by
the city wall, and this angle is most likely the
one being referred to.
3:26. Ophel. The Hill of Ophel is identified as
the section between the Temple Mount and
the southern ridge known as the City of David.
Apparently it featured fortifications that
surrounded the temple-palace complex. Some
believe that there was a citadel located here
that was itself designated “the Ophel.”
3:26. Water Gate. This gate was across the
ridge from the Valley Gate and opened to the
east, leading to the Gihon Spring and the
Kidron Valley.
3:27. wall of Ophel. The wall of Ophel extended
from the Ophel to the southwest along
the Kidron Valley to the Water Gate. In earlier
times this portion of the wall had been positioned
partway down the slope, but Nehemi-
NEHEMIAH 3:28—5:15 476
ah repositioned it at the crest of the slope.
Portions of this wall have been found in the
excavations in the City of David.
3:28. Horse Gate. This gate led from the temple
complex east down into the Kidron Valley.
3:29. East Gate. Some associate this with what
is now commonly called the Golden Gate on
the east side of the temple complex. Beneath
the current Golden Gate the arch of an older
gate has been observed.
3:31. Inspection Gate. Little is known about
this gate, which is sometimes called the Muster
Gate. Most would identify it as a gate in
the wall of the temple complex rather than in
the city wall itself.
3:31. room above the corner. This is generally
associated with the northeast corner of the
city. It most likely functioned as a watchtower.
3:32. Sheep Gate. See comment on 3:1.
3:32. goldsmiths and merchants. One of the
important merchant centers of the city was located
by the gates on the north, so it is logical
that these groups be assigned this section.
NEHEMIAH 3:28—5:15
4:1-23
Enemy Opposition
4:1. Sanballat. See comment on 2:10.
4:2. army of Samaria. Though not a military
colony, the governor of Samaria had an army
to aid the Persian king. However, it is not
certain whether these troops were Persian
garrison troops or a local militia.
4:2. sacrifices. Typically major construction
projects were dedicated with sacrificial rituals.
Foundation sacrifices are well known in the
ancient Near East.
4:2. bring stones back to life. This phrase may
refer to the ancient Near Eastern idea that
stones blackened with fire were cursed and
could not be reused as building material. The
Israelites do not have the time to quarry fresh
stone, and the burnt limestone from the previous
walls would be too unstable and fragile to
reuse.
4:3. Tobiah. See comment on Nehemiah 2:10.
4:18. man who sounded trumpet. Throughout
the biblical period trumpets were used for signaling
in religious, civil and military contexts.
This text speaks of the ram’s horn (shofar) that
is used for signaling all the way back at
Mount Sinai Ex 19:13. For more information
on signaling, see comments on Numbers 31:6
and Joshua 6:4-5.
5:1-19
A Ruling to Aid the Poor
5:3-5. nature of the complaint. Because of the
work of reconstructing Jerusalem, these people
were not able to produce enough grain to
stay alive. They had to buy grain but did not
have enough funds, causing them to mortgage
their property (fields, vineyards and
houses). Furthermore, the Persian kings evidently
took over a real estate tax that had been
imposed by the Chaldeans. Darius I (r. 521-486
B.C.) levied a tax on the crops yielded in fields.
Often both in Israel and elsewhere in the ancient
Near East, parents sold their children
into slavery to enable them to meet their material
needs, hoping to redeem them at a later
date (see comment on Ex 21:2-6.
5:7. usury. Usury in its purest sense was the
charging of interest for a loan. An individual
was forbidden to charge a fellow Israelite interest
on a loan (see comments on Ex 22:25;
Lev 25:38; and Deut 15:1-11. It was permissible,
however, to charge a foreigner interest. Interest
is mentioned as being permissible in the
Babylonian Code of Hammurabi (eighteenth
century B.C.). However, these were commercial
loans, and there was no counterpart in Israel.
An Israelite loan was considered charity
and was done to help a needy fellow countryman,
not to help a merchant build up his business.
5:11. solution. Any land that had been seized
because the individuals had been unable to repay
a debt was now to be returned without
any conditions. It was a common practice in
the ancient Near East to take over one’s property
(including children) if that person could
not repay a debt. It appears that interest had
also been raised in this case and was returned
to the debtors.
5:14. time period of Nehemiah’s governorship.
Nehemiah was appointed governor
from 445 to 433 B.C. This was his first term as
governor. Some believe a second term followed
some time later (see comment on
13:6-7). There is no extrabiblical information
concerning Nehemiah or his term as governor.
5:14. food allotted to governor. Like a satrap,
a Persian governor had the right to collect taxes
from his subjects for his own treasury, not
just for the Crown. Monies collected in this
way paid for local projects and supported the
administration. Food and drink went to the
governor and his household. Elamite texts
from this period discovered at Persepolis
(Treasury Texts) reflect this practice as they
document outlays from the royal treasury.
5:15. forty shekels. While the previous governors
referred to may have been Judean, it is
possible that the reference is to non-Jewish
governors appointed by the satraps of the region.
The only other governor mentioned in
477 NEHEMIAH 5:18—7:72
the biblical text is Zerubbabel seventy years
earlier. It is unclear in the text whether the forty
shekels was an annual amount paid by each
citizen or the daily amount used to support
the administration. In either case it is a large
amount. Storage jars have been found in excavations
that are thought to have been used by
the Persian governors as a tax-gathering apparatus.
Stamp impressions are also believed by
some to preserve the names of governors of
this period.
5:18. daily provision. The meal provisions for
the 150 Jewish officials were likely part of
their salary. Like other governors, Nehemiah
was required to entertain regularly for both
domestic officials and foreign dignitaries. Because
of the great cost of this, it is all the more
amazing that he did not collect taxes for his
personal treasury.
NEHEMIAH 5:18—7:72
6:1-19
Conspiracy Against Nehemiah and
the Completion of the Wall
6:2. Plain of Otto. The Plain of Otto (or Ono)
is about twenty-seven miles northwest of
Jerusalem. During the Persian period, it was
either at the northernmost border of the province
of Judah or in neutral territory between
the provinces of Ashdod and Samaria. At any
rate, it was dangerous territory in which to
meet one’s enemies.
6:7. prophetic proclamation of kingship.
Though there is little known about the prophetic
offices in postexilic times, prophets
played a role as “kingmakers” in earlier periods.
The northern kingdom, Israel, had come
into being by means of a prophetic pronouncement
1 Kings 11:29-39, and each of
the major dynasties (Jeroboam, Baasha, Omri,
Jehu) rose and fell in accordance with prophetic
pronouncement. In the ancient Near
East priests often play significant political
roles, but no prophets from the ancient Near
East are known to have played the same role
as these Israelite kingmakers. Nonetheless,
throughout the ancient world it was believed
that prophets not only proclaimed the message
of deity but in the process unleashed the
divine action. One can understand why rumors
of prophetic proclamations might incite
insurrection or impose doom.
6:15. time of completion. Although the Jewish
historian Josephus (A.D. 37-100) claims the
walls were built in two years and four
months, the biblical text does say it took a
mere fifty-two days to complete the work.
There are some parallels in antiquity for such
a feat. For example, Thucydides claims that a
wall around the city of Athens was built in
one month (fifth century B.C.). Since Jerusalem
was small (archaeologists consider that the
circuit of the wall in this time was merely one
and a half miles), only the eastern wall was
built from the foundation (as the other walls
were refurbished), and archaeologists claim
that the work was not one of a high standard,
it is not unreasonable to assume that the task
was completed in such a short time.
7:1-73
Family Records
7:2. commander of the citadel. The Persians
employed numerous military commanders of
garrisons throughout their empire. Though
often staffed with Persian troops rather than
local militia, they were under the command of
the governor or his appointees.
7:65. eating restrictions. This restriction is repeated
in Ezra 2:63. Those priests with uncertain
genealogies were restricted from eating
from the “most holy things” (see Lev 2:3;
7:21-36), food that priests ate as their portion
after the cultic rites. The Urim and Thummim
were oracular devices (see comment on Ex
28:30) that would be used to inquire of God as
to the credentials of those who claimed priestly
ancestry.
7:70. a thousand drachmas of gold. Gold
drachmas were either the Persian daric, the
Median shekel or the Greek drachma (which
was in more common use). Darics were not
coined until the time of Darius. Darics were
about 8.4 grams, so one thousand of them
would equal about eighteen and a half
pounds. The shekel was equal to the daric,
while the Attic drachma was the equivalent of
half a daric.
7:72. twenty thousand drachmas of gold, two
thousand minas of silver. In gross weight this
represents about 370 pounds of gold and 2220
pounds of silver (a mina was equal to sixty
shekels). To compare this to the amounts used
for Solomon’s temple, see the comments on 1
Chronicles 22:14. A number of silver coins
have been found in archaeological excavations
that were minted at or near Jerusalem
during the Persian period. These were struck
with the inscription yhd or Yehud (Judah).
They depicted the head of Pallas Athena, with
an owl (the insignia of Athens) on the back
side. The craftsmanship was clearly inferior to
the Greek drachma. The coins had only a fractional
value of silver and thus were worth less
than counterparts found along the coast at
Tyre and Sidon.
NEHEMIAH 8:1-14 478
8:1-18
The Reading of the Law
8:1. chronology. It is presumed that the Israelites
gathered together in the year that Nehemiah
arrived, 445 B.C. Ezra would have
already been there for thirteen years. The seventh
month is Tishri (spans September-October),
the beginning of the civil new year and
the month that Yom Kippur and the Feast of
Tabernacles are celebrated.
8:1. Water Gate. The Water Gate (see Neh 3:26
was near the Gihon Spring and thus afforded
access to the water source. It has been argued
that the gate referred to a preexilic wall that
was not rebuilt by Nehemiah. It is not known
whether this gate was included in the new
wall or was east of it. In any case, Ezra did not
read the Torah in or near the temple.
8:1. scribe. In Persian and general Mesopotamian
usage, the position was that of a local
commissioner charged with maintaining law
and order, but a much broader scope is observable
in the ancient world. Scribes would
have been trained in reading of the various
languages in use at the time, in the production
of texts (whether copying, receiving dictation
or composing), in the knowledge of traditional
literature (canonical and noncanonical), in
the range of international literature (particularly
wisdom literature) and in the interpretation
of literature (perhaps including legal
literature or ritual literature). Scribes in Israel
were, therefore, experts in the Law of Moses.
One of their primary duties was to study the
Scriptures. They became paramount in Jewish
life in the postexilic period. They may have
been organized into families and guilds (see
1 Chron 2:55. Later they were originators of
the synagogue service. Many scribes were also
priests and/or community leaders, as Ezra
was. They were guardians of culture and tradition.
Persian interest in this is shown in Darius’s
commissioning of an Egyptian high
priest to reorganize the scribal school and
temple practice of Sais. It is likely that scribes
had the most significant role in the canonization
process of the Old Testament.
8:1. Book of the Law of Moses. The Book of
the Law of Moses contained, if not the entirety,
at least a large proportion of the first
five books of our Old Testament (Genesis—
Deuteronomy).
8:3. public reading of state documents. Because
of the lack of accessibility of written materials
in the ancient Near East, the public
reading of state documents by a scribe or herald
was a very common occurrence. Letters
from Kalhu in Assyria feature an Assyrian official
reading a pronouncement in front of the
people of Babylon.
8:4. reading platform. The platform referred
to here can be compared to the platform Solomon
used at the dedication of the first temple
2 Chron 6:13. The term used here has the
root meaning of tower, emphasizing the
height of the structure, so everyone could
view Ezra as he read.
8:5. books or scrolls? Although the Hebrew
word is translated as “book,” Ezra certainly
read from a scroll. Folded pages in the form of
a modern book were not in existence until the
second century A.D. and did not fully replace
the scroll until some two centuries later.
8:5. stand up for reading. Standing up was a
sign of respect in the Old Testament (see Judg
3:20; Job 29:8; Ezek 2:1.
8:6. worshiped. The response to the reading of
the Scriptures was one of worship. The raising
of the hands showed the people’s dependence
on God (see Ezra 9:5; Ps 28:2; 134:2). Prostration
demonstrated their humility before God
and his word. Prostrating oneself before a superior
was a common occurrence throughout
the Near East. The princes in the Akkadian
letters from Amarna in Egypt symbolically
prostrate themselves before Pharaoh.
8:7-8. interpretation of religious documents.
The thirteen people mentioned in verse 7 were
Levites who were responsible for the interpretation
of the Law 2 Chron 17:7-9. They also
translated the text, presumably from preexilic
Hebrew into Aramaic, the common language
of Palestine by the fifth century B.C. It also is
possible that the word “translate” means that
the Levites “broke down” the text, or in other
words translated or interpreted the text paragraph
by paragraph. Akkadian documents
have various terms for commentaries on documents
as well as attesting an oral commentary
tradition. These commentaries are
connected to canonical literature such as the
omens of Enuma Anu Enlil as well as to legal
traditions.
8:10. food. We are not told the specific type of
feast the Israelites had when they were sent to
their homes. It was certainly a feast of thanksgiving,
since they were required to give a portion
to their neighbors. Eating of the “fat,” or
choicest portions, was a common occurrence
(see Lev 3; 2 Sam 6:19; 1 Chron 12:40-41; 29:22;
2 Chron 7:8-10; 30:21-26).
NEHEMIAH 8:1-14 8:14-17. celebration of the Feast of Booths.
For information on the feast see comments on
Exodus 23:16; Leviticus 23:33-36, 39-43; and
Deuteronomy 16:13-15. The Feast of Booths
was normally celebrated on the fifteenth day
of the seventh month. The uniqueness of the
479 NEHEMIAH 8:16—9:20
celebration appears to have to do with the
combination of traditions. Leviticus 23:40 instructs
the celebrants to gather branches, and
verse 42 tells them to live in booths. But Leviticus
does not specify the building of
booths, nor does it require pilgrimage to
Jerusalem. Deuteronomy 16:15 designates the
festival as one of the three pilgrimage feasts
but says nothing about gathering branches or
living in booths. Ezra’s ruling combines these
traditions so that the people are gathering
branches and building booths in which to live
in Jerusalem for the time of the feast.
8:16. Water Gate and Gate of Ephraim. For
the Water Gate see the note on verse 1. The
Ephraim Gate was part of the preexilic wall
(see comment on 2 Chron 25:23 and was located
about six hundred feet from the Corner
Gate. This gate may have opened in the direction
of Ephraim to the northwest. However,
there is no mention of this gate in the list in
Nehemiah 3.
NEHEMIAH 8:16—9:20
9:1-38
Confession of Sins
9:1. chronology. The fasting occurred a few
days after the celebration of the Feast of
Booths, in the seventh month of 445 B.C. If it
started on the fifteenth as prescribed in the
Law, it would have continued through the
twenty-second. In that case it would be odd
that there is no mention of the Day of Atonement,
which is supposed to be observed on
the tenth day of the seventh month. Verse 13,
however, suggests that the festivities began on
the second day and therefore would have lasted
until the ninth. Perhaps the Day of Atonement
was also slightly out of time and is
represented in this fast, though no reference is
made to the rituals of Leviticus 16.
9:1. occasion for fast. Fasting is little attested
in the ancient Near East outside the Bible. It
generally occurs in the context of mourning.
In the Old Testament the religious use of fasting
is often in connection with making a request
before God. The principle is that the
importance of the request causes an individual
to be so concerned about his or her spiritual
condition that physical necessities fade into
the background. In this sense the act of fasting
is designed as a process leading to purification
and humbling oneself before God (Ps
69:10). As indicated in the following prayer,
the Jews are here concerned about their own
sins and the sins of their forefathers that have
violated the covenant. This has become evident
in the reading of the law. Their request is
to be delivered from foreign rule.
9:1. sackcloth. Sackcloth was a typical sign of
mourning and repentance in the Bible. It was
a coarse cloth, normally of black goat’s hair. It
was usually worn next to the skin as a band or
a kilt tied around the waist. The symbolic significance
of the wearing of sackcloth can be
found among the Assyrians, Moabites, Phoenicians
and Arameans.
9:6. you alone are Yahweh. This is a typical
biblical admission of the absolute uniqueness
of God (see comment on Deut 6:4. The
uniqueness is expressed particularly in relation
to creation and the covenant.
9:6. creator deities in Persian period. The Persians
(or at least the Persian state) were primarily
Zoroastrian during the period of
Nehemiah. They believed that the god representing
the power of good, Ahura Mazda, by
his spirit created the world perfectly good.
However, an equally powerful deity existed,
Angra Mainyu, who brought forth evil and ignorance,
thus perverting the creation of Ahura
Mazda. However, by way of foreknowledge,
Ahura Mazda made his creation to combat
this evil god, paving the way for the restoration
of the world to its original pure state.
9:6. multitudes of heaven. The “(starry) host”
early in the verse and the “multitudes of heaven”
near the end of the verse translate the
same Hebrew term. The term can refer either
to the stars or the angelic host, both of which
were objects of reverence (and often indistinguishable
since the stars were manifestations
of gods) in the surrounding cultures. In Zoroastrianism,
Ahura Mazda created all the other
gods (yazatas), but he was, in some ways, dependent
on them and offered sacrifices to
them.
9:7-37. recitation of history in prayer. The reciting
of Israel’s history in prayers or hymns is
a common occurrence in the Bible (e.g., Ps 78;
105; 135; 136). In this regard the Israelites were
unique. Their neighbors referred to the New
Year in prayers but did not refer to either creation
or past historical events.
9:20. Spirit to instruct them. Because of the
phrase “your good Spirit,” a common appellation
for the Zoroastrian god, Ahura Mazda,
some have argued for a Persian influence upon
Judaism. However, the differentiation between
the Spirit of the Lord and an evil spirit was used
long before any contact between the two peoples
(see 1 Sam 16:14; 1 Kings 22:23-24. Additionally,
in the Persian period the Israelites were
not shy about adopting titles familiar from Zoroastrianism
and attaching them instead to Yahweh
(see comment on 1:4). Such reuse of
familiar divine titles can be observed as early as
Abraham (see comments on Gen 14:17-24.
NEHEMIAH 9:36—10:35 480
9:36. slaves to the Persian king? The Jews,
like all other people groups of the Persian empire,
were subjects of the Persian king and
were required to pay taxes. In virtually all ancient
Near Eastern monarchies all inhabitants
were considered slaves (or subjects) to the
king. However, the monarch himself was a
slave to the national deity (Ashur in Assyria,
Marduk in Babylon).
9:38. seals. Seals were very commonly used
throughout the ancient Near East from Egypt
to Iran from the fourth millennium B.C. onward.
Literally thousands of seals have been
found in archaeological excavations. They
were used as a mark of authenticity and prestige,
to witness a document or to prevent anyone
from entering doors or opening other
receptacles. The most common form of seal in
Mesopotamia was the cylinder seal, but Israelites
favored stamp seals. Most seals were engraved
by a skilled seal-cutter, using a variety
of materials. Hundreds of Hebrew seals have
been found, as well as over one thousand jar
handles with seal impressions.
NEHEMIAH 9:36—10:35
10:1-39
Decision of the People
10:30. endogamy clause. The legal background
for this clause is found in Ezra 9:1-2.
Since the Law of the Pentateuch, Israelites had
been forbidden to take foreign wives (see
comment on Deut 7:3. The Israelites had intermingled
with the nations about them and
thus had been contaminated by their religious
practices. It was common among ancient Near
Eastern societies to marry inside one’s clan
(endogamy) or to make a marriage alliance
with another friendly group. The Israelites
were thus encouraged to marry within their
“spiritual” clan (i.e., the worshipers of the
Lord). In this time period, however, the issues
went beyond spiritual homogeneity. Election
and covenant issues made landownership
theologically significant. Intermarriage was
one of the ways that land tenure could be
jeopardized and, with it, covenant benefits.
The Elephantine texts (Jewish texts less than
fifty years removed from Ezra and Nehemiah)
show how land became redistributed and lost
to a family through foreign women marrying
into Jewish families and becoming enfranchised.
10:31. Sabbath regulations. Sabbath regulations
prohibited Israelites from engaging in
their vocations on the seventh day. At first this
would have included mostly farming and
herding activity. As Israel developed a merchant
economy in the monarchy period, the
prohibition had been applied to engaging in
the vocation of trade, that is, in the selling of
merchandise. In this postexilic period the
question arose whether buying of merchandise
from those not prohibited from selling it
(foreign merchants) was permitted on the Sabbath.
It could be argued that buying is not the
exercise of one’s vocation. Nevertheless, the
community leaders extended the Sabbath prohibitions
to apply to selling as well as buying.
10:31. seventh year regulations. The “seventh”
year described here is likely the sabbatical
year described in Exodus 23:10-11 and
Deuteronomy 15:1-3 (on which see comments).
It is speculated that Nehemiah was
combining the two and perhaps even regulating
their observance so that everyone was
practicing the two together at the same time.
This would certainly have made the law more
enforceable.
10:32-33. temple tax. Originally there was no
annual tax levied for the upkeep of the temple.
Exodus 30:13 prescribes one-half of a shekel to
be paid to the temple at the time of a census,
but that is a different matter. Though the Persian
kings Darius I and Artaxerxes I had promised
to assist the building of the temple (see
Ezra 6:9-10; 7:21-24), they had not endowed its
operation budget (though Ezra 7:21-22 may refer
to some ongoing aid). Coinage had become
the economic standard during the reigns of
Darius and Xerxes. The development of a cashbased
economy during this period required
cash support for the operations of the temple.
The third of a shekel mentioned here was probably
due to an adjustment made to adapt to the
monetary system used in the Persian empire.
At this time the basic coin of the Persian empire,
the daric, weighed 8.4 grams and was
equated to the Babylonian shekel. The Aramaic
zuz was one-half of that and equivalent to the
Greek drachma. The standard Israelite shekel,
however, had long been 11.4 grams (as was the
Assyrian shekel), but there was also a royal
shekel (“heavy” shekel in Ugaritic terminology),
which is represented in archaeological
finds as weighing 12.5 to 12.8 grams. Therefore
a zuz, at 4.2 grams, could be roughly equated to
one-third of the traditional royal shekel.
10:34. wood provision. In the monarchy period
the temple had sufficient staff to gather the
wood that was necessary. Cutting wood was
one of the jobs assigned to the Gibeonites in
Joshua 9:27. In this period, however, the temple
is significantly understaffed, so an alternate
plan is necessary for the provision of the
wood.
10:35. firstfruits commitment. The general religious
principle involved in offering the
481 NEHEMIAH 10:36—12:25
“firstfruit” (animal, vegetable or human) to
the gods is based on the promotion of fertility.
From earliest times, the assumption is made
that the gods create life in its various forms
and that they expect to receive as their due offering
the first of the harvest or the firstfruit of
the womb. Israelite religion tempered this by
allowing for the redemption of some animals
and all human firstborn males Ex 13:11-13;
Num 18:14-15. The giving of the firstfruits
could also take on a political character. The
Assyrian annals of Sennacherib (705-681 B.C.)
contain his command that conquered peoples
pay their firstfruit offerings of sheep, wine
and dates to the gods of Assyria. In Israel the
firstfruits of the harvest were traditionally
part of the support of the priests. Numbers
18:12-13 specifies grain, wine and oil. Here
fruit trees are added to the list.
10:36. firstborn commitment. Since human
children and unclean animals were redeemed,
this practice provided for some “cash flow” for
the temple operations. For more information
on the laws concerning the firstborn see comment
on Exodus 13:1-3.
10:37. offerings to priests and Levites.
Whether or not the worshiper ate a portion of
the sacrifice, a number of the sacrifices provided
an opportunity for the priests to eat.
This was also true in Babylonian practice, according
to which the king, the priest and other
temple personnel received portions of the
sacrifices. As early as Sumerian texts it was
considered a grievous crime to eat that which
had been set apart as holy. Most peoples in
other ancient Near Eastern religious traditions
were required to maintain temples in
much the same way. The food was to be
“consumed” by the god(s) but, of course, was
instead eaten by the temple personnel. For
more information on tithing see comment on
Numbers 18:31-32.
NEHEMIAH 10:36—12:25
11:1-36
Populating Jerusalem
11:1-2. why would people not want to live in
Jerusalem? The mere fact that lots were cast
implies that some were forced to live in Jerusalem.
Lot casting was considered in the ancient
Near Eastern and Mediterranean world
as a way of allowing God (or the gods) to determine
the fate of a certain situation. Thus
the people who were chosen to go considered
it a divine mandate (for more information
about the casting of lots see comments on Josh
7:14-18 and Jonah 1:7-10. Since Jerusalem had
been devastated and was the point of great
contention between the Jews and neighboring
peoples, it was not an attractive nor a safe
place in which to live in the fifth century B.C.
Additionally, it can be understood that people
would not be anxious to abandon their farms
and jeopardize their landholdings.
11:23. singers under the king’s orders. The
king referred to here is most likely the Persian
king Artaxerxes I, who was interested in the
continuation of the cultic practices (see Ezra
4:8-10; 7:21-24). Most ancient Near Eastern
kings from the third millennium B.C. onward
employed professional singers in their courts.
For instance, Zimri-Lim of Mari (c. 1780-1760
B.C.) had a large retinue of singers connected
to his court. For singers in Israel see comment
on 2 Chronicles 29:27-30.
11:24. the king’s agent. There is evidence in
the sources dealing with the Persian empire of
high-level emissaries who represented the
king in the various satrapies. They occasionally
appear in the Persian court to make appeals
on behalf of the satrap, and they report to the
king about activities in the region and advise
him on local matters.
11:25-36. territorial settlements. All of the
names of the cities in the list appear in Joshua
15, except for Dibon, Jeshua and Meconah. The
list shows that the Jews lived in a comparatively
large area. The Judah list focuses on the Negev
and the Shephelah, while the Benjamin list
covers the central hills and the coastal plain.
This may offer the parameters of the Persian
province.
12:1-26
List of Priests and Levites
12:8. in charge of songs of thanksgiving.
There is a detailed account of the organization
of the Levitical choir and orchestra by David
in 1 Chronicles 15:16-24. However, few other
descriptions of the music of the court are given.
There may have been an equal number of
males and females in the choir (see Ezra 2:65.
Some have argued that the choir actually
chanted rather than sang. Apart from this passage
we have no evidence of the responsibilities
of the person in charge of the songs of
thanksgiving. Musicians are counted among
temple personnel in Neo-Assyrian inscriptions
and included both male and female singers.
A chief singer is mentioned in one text
from Nimrud.
12:24. instructions of David. The only instructions
for worship associated with David are
those found throughout 1-2 Chronicles (e.g.,
see 1 Chron 15—16; 23—29).
12:25. gatekeepers who guarded the storerooms
at gates. For a discussion of the func-
NEHEMIAH 12:27—13:28 482
tion of the gatekeepers see comment on
1 Chronicles 9:22-27.
NEHEMIAH 12:27—13:28
12:27-47
Dedication of the Walls
12:27. cymbals, harps and lyres. For information
concerning musical instruments see the
comments on 2 Chronicles 5:12 and 29:25. The
terminology used for musical instruments in
Israel has close parallels with terms used at
Ugarit.
12:28-29. surrounding villages. The guild villages
are all in close proximity to Jerusalem:
Netophah, southeast of Jerusalem, Geba and
Azmaveth, two Benjaminite cities six miles
north of Jerusalem. Beth Gilgal was likely a
longer term for Gilgal near Jericho.
12:30. purifying gates and wall. It is unclear
what is meant by the purification of the gates
and wall, as it is an unprecedented idea in the
Bible. The term used here normally applies to
objects used in rituals or to places where rituals
were performed, though houses that have mildew
needed to be purified (see comments on
Lev 14:34-53. If the former is in mind, it may
reflect an idea of the sanctity of Jerusalem as a
holy city. If the latter, it seeks to remedy the uncleanness
brought on at the time the walls were
destroyed (specifically by corpse contamination
or idolatrous practices performed in the
gates or on the walls, or generally from their
moral corruption; see Jer 13:27. The purification
ritual is not described here. The walls may
have been sprinkled, a concept that was practiced
with the cleansing of private houses.
12:31-37. placement of first choir. The processions
appear to have begun in the vicinity of
the Valley Gate on the west side of the city.
This first choir procession walked southward
(counterclockwise) on the top of the wall to
the Dung Gate at the southern tip of the city.
They then proceeded north along the eastern
flank to the Water Gate directly east across the
narrow saddle of the ridge from the Valley
Gate. They thus made the circuit of the southern
half of the city, the old City of David.
12:38-39. placement of second choir. Another
procession followed Nehemiah clockwise from
the west to the north and east. They also began
around the Valley Gate and did the circuit of
the northwest end of the city. The gates and
towers are mentioned in Nehemiah 3, while the
Ephraim Gate is mentioned in Nehemiah 8:16.
The Guard Gate is mentioned only here in
Scripture and is generally considered the meeting
point of the two groups by the temple complex
(the first group arriving from the Water
Gate, the second from the Sheep Gate). Each
group traveled about two-thirds of a mile on
the walls. That distance on the modern ramparts
is from the Jaffa Gate to Herod’s Gate,
which takes about thirty minutes to walk.
13:1-31
Other Reforms
13:1-3. exclusion of foreigners from worship.
The law referred to here is Deuteronomy
23:3-6, concerning the exclusion of Ammonites
and Moabites from worship. The law was thus
interpreted in a wider sense to include any foreigner
in the community who did not worship
the God of Israel. The Ammonite reference was
especially relevant, since Tobiah’s Ammonite
ancestry was well known (see Neh 2:10.
13:4-5. provisions for Tobiah. For information
on Tobiah, see comment on 2:10 (see also
6:17-19). The Persian king, Cambyses, is similarly
reported to have purged foreigners from
the temple complex at Neith in Egypt.
13:6-7. details of Nehemiah’s two terms as
governor. Since this section deals with other
matters, we are told little of the details of Nehemiah’s
terms as governor of Judah. Nehemiah
was absent from Jerusalem for an
undetermined period of time. Since he had to
ask permission to return, it probably was not
the intention of Artaxerxes I to have him return
for a second term of office. The text does
not say nor imply that he returned in the same
capacity of governor. It is possible he returned
specifically because of the aforementioned circumstances
concerning Tobiah.
13:16. men from Tyre. The men of Tyre were
famous Phoenician merchants (see Ezek
27:12-36; 28:16) who traded throughout the
entire Mediterranean world. Ancient economists
had concluded that it was not enough to
have caravans traveling the cities and towns
of the region. They went the next step of establishing
merchant colonies in the large trading
centers as an ongoing outlet for their
merchandise. There was evidently a colony of
Tyrians in Jerusalem who had been permitted
to operate outside the parameters of Jewish
law. See the comment on 10:31.
13:24. language of Ashdod, language of
Judah. Though Ashdod had been a Philistine
city in preexilic times, it is not known what language
was spoken here during this period.
They would have spoken either a dialect of Aramaic,
the diplomatic and trade language of
the Persian empire, or some generic Canaanite
dialect. The “language of Judah” refers to biblical
Hebrew (see comment on 2 Chron 32:18.
13:28. Sanballat. See comment on Nehemiah
2:10.
483 ESTHER 1:1-4
E S T H E R
1:1-22
Vashti Deposed
1:1. Xerxes. Xerxes, the Greek name for the
king the Hebrew text refers to as Ahasuerus,
ruled Persia from 486 to 465 B.C. His father
was Darius the Great, and his mother was
Atossa, the daughter of Cyrus. He inherited
an extensive empire from his father but was
unable to expand its borders during his reign
despite several attempts. His policies toward
religious groups changed dramatically from
the tolerance that had characterized Cyrus
and Darius. His own religion, like that of his
father, was Zoroastrianism. He was more sensitive
to religion as a basis for rebellion and
was known to have destroyed many temples
in an effort to curb nationalism. The lack of
new conquests also created economic tensions
that had not previously existed. The wars
with Greece, rather than supplying booty and
tribute to the treasuries and expanding trade
opportunities, became a drain on the economy.
There are over twenty inscriptions associated
with Xerxes, the most important known
as the Daiva Inscription. For more information
see comment on Ezra 4:6.
1:1. 127 provinces. The primary administrative
geographical division in the Persian empire was
the satrapy. The number of these varied between
twenty and thirty-one, so the text is not referring
to satrapies. It is likely a reference to smaller administrative
districts or to the people groups
who constituted the empire.
Esther 1:1-4 1:1. India to Cush. The territory of the Persian
empire extended from the Indus Valley in
northwest India, across the Near East and into
northern Africa, including Egypt, Libya and
Cush (modern Sudan). In the northwest it included
Thrace, the Scythians and all of Asia
Minor, and ranged east across Armenia, Urartu
and Bactria.
1:2. citadel of Susa. The ten-acre citadel is located
on an elevated area on the northern
point of the site, the Apadana. The palace was
built by Darius and used by several of his successors.
Excavation of the palace has identified
many of its features, including the
audience hall, where the Persian kings held
court. It was a square building over 350 feet
on each side, featuring seventy-two stone columns
each estimated at sixty-five to eighty
feet tall. Greater Susa, located about 225 miles
east of Babylon, was built on three hills overlooking
the Shaur River. It had long been the
capital of ancient Elam. The diamond-shaped
mound is about two and a quarter miles in circumference,
covering nearly 250 acres. An additional
twenty acres comprises the merchant
quarter across the valley to the east. Susa
served as the capital for the Persian kings only
in the winter months. Since temperatures
soared to as high as 140 degrees in the summer
the court moved north to Ecbatana.
1:3. chronology. Xerxes came to the throne
upon the death of his father in November of
486. The third year of his reign was therefore
March 483 to March 482 B.C. The main events
that are known from this period are the two
revolts in Babylon, a minor one in 484 and a
more significant one in August 482.
1:3. officials on guest list. It was common for
kings to sponsor lavish parties. Assyrian king
Ashurnasirpal once claimed to have entertained
nearly seventy thousand for a ten-day extravaganza.
The guest list details people from all over
Assyria in addition to foreign dignitaries, people
from the capital city (Kalah) and palace dependents.
Persian banquets were known to host up
to fifteen thousand guests. The guests in Esther
include the aristocracy of Media and Persia, the
courtiers who were ranking officials in the administration,
the military brass and perhaps the
provincial governors.
1:4. six-month display. Verse 5 speaks of another
banquet, one for the citadel staff. The
HERODOTUS
Herodotus was a Greek historian who lived in the fifth century B.C. He is best known for his Histories
(written about 445 B.C.), which document the history of the Persian Wars against the Greeks, including the
battles at Marathon, Thermopylae and Salamis. As a contemporary of the events, he provides valuable
information concerning the history and culture of both Greece and Persia during this period. Though he is
considered too willing to accept the validity of rumors, his work is valuable both for its reports on events
and its descriptions (for instance, of the city of Babylon). Above all, Herodotus is valued as a great storyteller.
Though his stories can at times be contradictory, he is considered an important chronicler of events,
places and practices. There are numerous places in the book of Esther where comparison can be made
with the information contained in Herodotus. These comparisons sometimes clarify what is found in the
book, while at other times they can bring confusion.
ESTHER 1:5-10 484
citadel was a residence only for the king’s
household and administration, but the wording
here suggests that lower ranking officials
who served in the citadel were also included.
The six-month display of the treasury stretches
between the two banquets. The practice of
showing off the royal treasury is also seen in
Israel Is 39:2.
1:5. enclosed garden of king’s palace. The enclosed
garden is connected to the bitan (NIV:
“palace”), which is a technical term from the
Akkadian, bitanu, a separate building in the
palace complex. The bitanu in Esarhaddon’s
palace complex measured 150 by 50 feet. It is
understood as a gazebo-style pavilion reserved
for royal use. This building was often
surrounded by a private garden planted with
fruit trees and shade trees, with watercourses,
pools and paths—more like a park. Its arboretum
often contained many exotic trees and
plants. Such gardens have been excavated at
Pasargadae, Cyrus the Great’s capital city.
1:6. garden decor. The main area for the banquet
was a large colonnaded courtyard outside
the pavilion paved with mosaics. In the classical
world mosaics were very popular. The
stone was not artificially colored, but rather
stones of different shades were imported from
wherever they could be found to give color to
the mosaic. The earliest mosaic floors were
made from colored pebbles laid out in geometric
designs. Only later did they begin cutting
the stone into cubes (tessellation) and forming
them into pictures. The earliest examples of
mosaics in the Near East date to the eighth
century B.C. (Gordion in Asia Minor), though
the art of inlay was known as early as the third
millennium (as in the royal standard of Ur). A
number of the words used in the description of
the garden furnishings are obscure, but the extravagance
was clearly spectacular. The fabrics
are the best available and colored with the
most expensive dyes (see comment on Num
4:6). The variety of vessels used to serve the
wine (not goblets for drinking as in the NIV)
was typical of Persian elegance.
1:6. marble. Some translations call this alabaster.
Marble had to be imported from Greece
and is not evident in the ancient world until
its introduction into Phoenicia in the Persian
period. Marble capitals (the decorative tops of
pillars) are not attested archaeologically in the
Near East until the first or second century A.D.
Oriental alabaster was a calcium carbonatelike
marble, unlike European alabaster, which
is gypsum. It was used for fine vessels
throughout the region during the biblical period,
as well as for columns in architecture. In
Sennacherib’s “palace without rival” mostly
white limestone was used, though he had
some access to alabaster.
1:7-8. drinking protocol. The alleged protocol
for these gala affairs was that when the king
drank, everyone drank. In contrast, here the
guests were not obliged to follow that guideline.
They were not required to follow the
king’s lead by drinking every time he did, and
there was an “open bar” policy that allowed
them to drink freely. Examples of beautifully
crafted golden drinking cups have been found
dating to this period. One famous one features
a winged lion whose hindquarters flare up
into a goblet shape.
1:9. Vashti. Vashti is never mentioned in Herodotus,
nor is she known from contemporary
Persian records. Her name is a typical Persian
name, but no further information is available.
In Herodotus’s account, Xerxes’ wife is named
Amestris. She is the mother of Artaxerxes, the
successor of Xerxes, who was born about 483.
Ctesias records several examples of the cruel
power she exercised as queen mother during
the reign of Artaxerxes, as well as her death in
424. Some linguists believe that Vashti and
Amestris are the respective Hebrew and
Greek attempts at rendering the same Persian
name.
Esther 1:5-10 1:9. separate banquet for women. It is known
that Persian queens had considerable estates
and were well provisioned. On the other
hand, there is no documentation for the women
eating separately from the men or banquets
that are just for one group or the other.
ESTHER 1:6-10 1:9. Xerxes’ harem. Xerxes followed a policy
of monogamy, but that did not eliminate his
harem. Though he had only one wife at a
time, his harem consisted of over 360 concubines.
His many affairs were likewise well
documented and were the cause of much
court intrigue.
1:10. high in spirits. Herodotus reports that
the Persians typically made important decisions
while drunk and then validated them
once they were sober.
1:10. seven eunuchs. Eunuchs were highly
valued in government service in many varied
roles. The great demand for eunuchs led to
young boys being included in the tribute paid
to Persia so that they could be castrated and
trained for government service. They had no
families to distract them from their service.
They were often entrusted with the care and
supervision of the royal harem. Having been
castrated, they posed no threat to the women
of the harem and could not engender children
by the harem women who might be mistaken
for royal heirs. They would be less likely to
become involved in conspiracies, because
485 ESTHER 1:11—2:5
they would have no heirs to put on the throne.
Assyria, Urartu and Media had all made use
of eunuchs in government offices prior to the
Persian period. Four of the names in this list
have been attested in Elamite documents and
can therefore be considered authentic names
of the period. Herodotus names the chief eunuch
of Xerxes Hermotimus. Herodotus describes
the men surrounding Xerxes as
cringing, fawning leeches who tell the king
only what they think he wants to hear.
1:11. display her beauty. One need not think
that Vashti was asked to do anything immodest
or morally compromising (as early rabbinic
interpretation assumed). In some eastern
societies, the harem was carefully sequestered
and the law prohibited anyone from looking
on the faces of the royal women. Persian
women of this period went about in closed
carriages so as not to be exposed to the gaze of
the general public. If this is the case, as Josephus
reported it was, Xerxes would be requesting
Vashti to do something beneath her
station and demeaning to her royal personage.
Exposing her to the gaze of the entire citadel
population would be a far greater
humiliation than not bowing to an honored
official, but would be a similar violation of
protocol.
1:13-14. consulting experts in matters of law.
Herodotus reports that the Persian kings had
a panel of judges with lifetime appointments
whom the king relied upon for interpretations
of the law. Xenophon likewise confirms this
panel of seven principal advisors.
1:19. laws of the Medes and the Persians. No
concept of “laws of the Medes and Persians
that cannot be changed” has been documented
outside the books of Daniel and Esther.
Nonetheless, a tradition at least as early as the
time of Hammurabi (eighteenth century B.C.)
recognized that a judge could not change a decision
that had been made. In this sense, we
may be dealing with a ruling rather than a
law. Greek sources conflict with one another,
as Herodotus indicates significant freedom on
the part of Persian kings to change their
minds, while Diodorus Siculus cites an instance
where Darius III could not. Certainly
no lower official could countermand the decrees
of the Persian king, and the king himself
may have thought it humiliating to go back
and reconsider something he had already decreed.
The royal code of honor would have
made it out of the question for the king to rescind
an order.
1:19. Vashti’s punishment. The punishment
decreed for Vashti is not execution or divorce.
She was simply demoted within the harem so
that she would have no chance of an official
presence in Xerxes court. This would effectively
strip her of power and prestige, and remove
her from a position where she could
hope to receive favors from the king.
1:20. circulation of dispatches. The Persian
Empire was renowned for its communication
system—similar to that used by the Pony Express
in the American West over two millennia
later. Herodotus describes the system as
featuring stations for every day of the journey
with a man and a horse for each day. He even
comments that neither snow, rain, heat or
darkness deters them from their task.
ESTHER 1:11—2:5
2:1-18
Esther Becomes Queen
2:1. time interval. The gathering referred to in
chapter one is generally assumed to involve
planning for the Greek campaign. Herodotus
mentions such a conference at which Xerxes
makes a stirring speech urging action against
the Greeks. The campaign was launched in
the spring of 481, Xerxes’ fifth year. For over
two years he was engaged in the west, as the
Greeks and Persians fought in the Battles of
Thermopylae (August 28, 480), Salamis (Sept
22, 480), Plataea and Mykale (August 479). In
the fall of 480 Xerxes left Greece but wintered
in Sardis on the west coast of Asia Minor. He
did not return to Susa until the fall of 479,
about the seventh month of his seventh year.
Perhaps it was during his winter in Sardis that
he began to miss Vashti and put the plan into
action to replace her.
2:3. beauty search. This practice is only documented
in the time of the Sasanian king, Chosroes
II (about A.D. 600), when each satrap was
commanded to seek out beautiful girls to be
sent up to the king.
2:3. harem life. Life in the royal harem clearly
had its advantages and disadvantages. While
the women enjoyed every sort of material comfort
and were indulged and pampered in many
ways, they had no recourse for intimate relationship
with a husband. Their opportunities
to be intimate with the king would have been
rare and would offer no companionship. Undoubtedly
they found companions among the
other women of the harem or even occasionally
with the eunuchs entrusted with the care of
the harem. But the special relationship found
with a husband, raising children within a family
setting—these pleasures were denied them.
2:5. Benjaminite son of Kish. This is a familiar
pedigree—King Saul had also been a Benjaminite
son of Kish, and Shimei is known as a
relative of Saul’s in the time of David (2 Sam
ESTHER 2:6—3:1 486
16:5). It is difficult to know whether the Kish
and Shimei referred to here are actually the
characters from the books of Samuel or just
ironically share the same names. Given the extensive
use of irony throughout the book of
Esther, the latter would not be out of place.
For further intriguing connections see the
comment on 3:1.
2:6. chronological perspective. Chapter 2 is
taking place in 479/478 B.C. The exile of Jehoiachin
under Nebuchadnezzar took place in
597 B.C., about 120 years earlier. For this reason
it is logical to assume that it was one of
the listed ancestors who had been taken captive
in 597 rather than Mordecai himself.
2:9. special food. This simply indicates that
Esther was put on a regulated diet provided
through the palace kitchens.
2:12. nature of beauty treatments. One common
suggestion is that a process was used in
which the woman was daily exposed to the
smoke of burning spices so that both her
clothing and her skin would absorb the aroma.
Archaeologists have discover many cosmetic
burners that they believe were used in
this way. While this would suit the details given
in the passage, the actual practice is not attested
until modern times. Ointments were
used to moisturize the skin, which easily became
dry in the arid climate of the Near East.
Myrrh was imported from southern Arabia
(modern Somalia and Yemen), where it was
manufactured from the resin collected from
commiphora bushes when they were tapped.
2:14. concubines. Concubines were girls who
came to a marriage without a dowry. They
had not been taken into the harem in connection
with political alliances with other countries
nor for associations to be made between
the crown and a wealthy family. As concubines
they would continue to be supported as
a member of the royal household but would
be unlikely to enjoy any of the king’s attention
in the future (see comment on 2:3).
2:16. chronological placement. Xerxes had returned
from his stay in Sardis (in connection
with the Greek campaign) by the seventh
month of his seventh year (see comment on
2:1). Esther was summoned in the tenth
month of that same year. This would be January-
February 478. Herodotus gives little information
concerning Xerxes after the Greek
campaign ends, so there is no detailed record
of the events of this period.
ESTHER 2:3-23 2:17. Esther in Persian records. There are no
contemporary records from either Persian inscriptions
or Greek historians that mention
Esther or any of the events in which she was
involved.
2:19-23
Mordecai Reports a Conspiracy
2:19. king’s gate. Excavations at Susa have
identified a monumental gatehouse about one
hundred yards east of the main palace. The
passageway through the gate was about fifty
feet long. Four towers graced the outside of
the structure, and four pillars (about forty feet
high) decorated the 12,000-square-foot chamber
through which the passageway entered
the palace complex. An inscription ordered by
Xerxes at the gate identifies it as having been
built by his father Darius.
2:23. hanged on a gallows. “Gallows” is
somewhat interpretive since the Hebrew text
vaguely indicates a wooden object. From what
is known of Persian practice, this likely does
not refer to the actual means of execution. Instead,
it is generally agreed that this reflects
the practice of impaling the corpse of the executed
victim on a pointed stake in public view.
This practice is known in Persia, in, for example,
Amestris’s execution of Inaros (leader of a
Libyan revolt) during the reign of her son, Artaxerxes.
The victim was thus denied proper
burial, as the birds and insects devoured the
remains. Hanging is unattested as a form of
execution in the ancient world. If a form of execution
is intended here, it would most likely
be crucifixion (as interpreted by the Septuagint),
which is identified by Herodotus as a
Persian practice. But it must be noted that for
Herodotus even crucifixion could be something
done to a corpse.
2:23. royal annals. Royal annals were kept
throughout the ancient Near East, with most
examples coming from mid-second millennium
Hittite kings and from ninth- to sixthcentury
Assyria and Babylon. The annals
could be represented by annalistic royal inscriptions
that give detailed accounts of military
campaigns. In addition there are court
chronicles that give information of important
events in each year. As of yet no annals from
Achaemenid Persia have been discovered.
ESTHER 2:6—3:1
3:1-15
Haman’s Plot
3:1. Haman the Agagite. Just as Mordecai was
identified in such a way as to evoke memories
of King Saul (see comment on 2:5), Haman is
now introduced in a way that associates him
with Saul’s ancient protagonist, Agag, king of
the Amalekites (see 1 Sam 15:7-9, 32-33.
3:1. Haman’s office. Though no title is given
to Haman in the text of Esther, those who
study the book often title him the vizier. In
487 ESTHER 3:2-11
Persian reliefs the high-ranking official pictured
in the king’s presence is designated the
hazarapatish (often translated “chiliarch”) and
holds the king’s weapons. This officer commanded
the royal guard and determined who
could or could not get in to see the king. Another
important official in the Persian court
was designated the “King’s Eye.” Xenophon
reports that this office observed the peoples of
the provinces and reported what he saw.
3:2. homage protocol. Herodotus reports that
the Persians of equal rank greeted one another
with a kiss on the mouth. Someone of slightly
lower status would greet a superior with a
kiss on the cheeks. If there was a great difference
in their status, prostration was the required
protocol. Mordecai’s refusal is unlikely
to concern inhibitions about worship, for
there is no suggestion that Mordecai had trouble
prostrating himself before the king. The Israelites
were known to show deference
through this sort of obeisance. Though obeisance
could be an act of worship, that was because
it was a way of showing reverence and
respect. There was no inferred deification
here. More likely is that Mordecai was not
willing to acknowledge the wide difference in
status between himself and Haman that the
act would have implied.
Esther 3:2-11 3:7. chronology. The twelfth year of Xerxes is
474 B.C., so Esther has been queen for about
four years. The month of Nisan begins in our
March. The month of Adar was the twelfth
month, beginning in February.
3:7. casting of the pur. Pur(u) is the Babylonian
word for lots. Archaeologists have discovered
an example of these clay cubes. The
lot of Iahali, the vizier of Shalmaneser III
(ninth century) measures about one inch per
side. Though shaped like dice (which go back
at least to the third millennium), this has an
inscription (prayers for good luck) rather than
dots. The purpose of the casting of lots is to
determine which would be a favorable day for
the type of action that Haman plans to undertake.
One speculation concerning a way the
month could be determined would be by casting
the pur on a board that had each month’s
name written on it to see in which space it
would land. Typically the same answer would
have to come three consecutive throws in order
to be considered valid.
3:8-9. Persian intolerance. The Persians are often
considered by historians to be relatively
tolerant. This assessment is supported mainly
by the policy of Cyrus allowing exiled peoples
to return and rebuild their temples. But it
need not be assumed that an attitude of tolerance
motivated this decision. There are economic,
political and religious factors that
would commend such a policy. It had now
been sixty years since Cyrus’s decree, and it
had become obvious that tolerance did not
eliminate revolt. In general in the ancient
world, religious persecution, where it existed,
had political or economic roots (perhaps today
is no different). As Haman presents the
problem, it is not a religious group or worship
practice that needs to be eradicated, but an
ethnic group with customs that preserve a nationalism
whose fervor has brought it to the
brink of revolt.
3:9. amount provided by Haman. Ten thousand
talents of silver (according to the standard
set by Darius) is about 333 tons. At
current market value of roughly five dollars an
ounce, this would be the equivalent of about
$5.6 million. A more useful understanding,
however, can be gained when we compare this
amount to contemporary quantities. Herodotus
reports the amounts of annual tribute paid
by twenty provinces to Darius. The highest
paying province, Assyria-Babylonia, paid one
thousand talents (thirty-three tons). The total
tribute income from these twenty provinces is
the equivalent of about thirteen thousand talents
of silver (by the standards of Darius). This
then is a significant amount that Haman feels
is necessary to fund the extent of military activity
he has in mind (the last phrase in v. 9
makes it clear that the money is offered for
funding purposes). An even more interesting
comparison can be made to the contribution
offered by the Lydian, Pythius, to finance Xerxes’
war effort in Greece. Pythius, reported in
Herodotus to be the second wealthiest man in
the world (after Xerxes), had a fortune valued
at 16,400 talents of silver, which he placed entirely
at Xerxes’ disposal. For one final comparison,
Thucy-dides reports that Athens, in its
golden age, had a total reserve of 9,000 talents
of silver (= 10,440 by the Persian standard).
3:10. signet ring. Current evidence suggests
that the early Persian kings used cylinder
seals for empire business and stamp seals or
signet rings for personal business, though the
latter were growing in usage through this period.
A signet ring held the official seal of the
king by which he authorized the business of
the empire. Only a few of these have been
found by archaeologists. The seals were typically
made of chalcedony and featured pictures
of the king doing heroic acts (like killing
beasts) under the protection of the winged
sun disk (representing Ahura Mazda). Many
of the Persepolis fortification tablets contained
stamp seal impressions.
3:11. keep the money. The phrase NIV trans-
ESTHER 3:12—5:1 488
lates “keep the money” actually says “the silver
is yours” (as several commentaries
observe) and suggests that Xerxes thus approved
the expenditure (notice that 4:7 assumes
the money has been transferred). It is
unclear whether Haman is providing the
funds from his personal fortune or from funds
that he has access to. Each district had its own
treasury and staff. If Haman was a provincial
official, he may be transferring funds from his
provincial treasury into the royal treasury,
from which it was disbursed for the military
expedition under the auspices of the crown.
The Persepolis treasury texts illustrate the role
of the treasurer, who assigns work groups and
disburses funds for their rations.
3:12. chronology. Passover, that great celebration
of deliverance of the Israelites, was celebrated
on the fourteenth of Nisan. The edict
was written on the thirteenth of Nisan, so it
began to be distributed on the fourteenth.
Thus, just as the Jews were celebrating deliverance
from their great enemy of the past, the
Egyptians, they were learning of a new plot
from a new enemy.
3:13. nature of the decree. It is clear from verse
nine that formal military action was intended
(NIV: “for the men who carry out this business”;
the same phrase is used in 9:3 for the
ones who helped the Jews). Since each of the
provinces provided troops for the Persian army,
there were garrisons placed in each of the
nations that made up the provinces. We do not
need to assume that a decree went out to the
general public encouraging and allowing anybody
who wanted to kill Jews. Rather, all of the
troops of every people, in every garrison, in every
province were put on alert for concentrated
military action on the given day. It is not necessarily
confined to a “single” day. The Hebrew
expression is best rendered “the same day”
meaning that this was a coordinated action–all
the provinces were acting at the same time.
ESTHER 3:12—5:1
4:1-17
Esther’s Help Enlisted
4:1. torn clothes, sackcloth and ashes. The
practice of putting dirt, dust or ashes on one’s
head was a typical sign of mourning throughout
the Old Testament and into the New Testament
period. It is a practice also known from
Mesopotamia and Canaan. Many mourning
rites function as a means for the living to identify
with the dead. It is easy to see how dust on
the head and torn clothes would be symbolic
representations of burial and decay. Sackcloth
is made of goat or camel hair and was coarse
and uncomfortable. In many cases the sackcloth
was only a loin covering. Persian mourning
as recorded by Herodotus included tearing
clothes, weeping and wailing.
4:2. limitations on going beyond king’s gate.
Herodotus identifies the king’s gate as a place
where supplicants stand and wail when they
are victims of an injustice created by the system
that they desire the king to rectify. It would be
logical that there would be restrictions against
such supplicants crowding into the palace
complex, but no such law is known from ancient
sources.
4:4. maids and eunuchs. These are the two
categories of personal attendants for the
queen. For more information on eunuchs see
comment on 1:10.
4:11. limited access to king. It was a common
necessity of proper court function that there
must be limited access to the king, and Herodotus
gives indications that the same was true
of the Persian rulers. But the details concerning
the death penalty and the gold scepter are
not described. Many commentators have
wondered why Esther could not have simply
gone through proper channels to secure an audience
with the king or perhaps even waited
longer to see if she would be summoned (the
set time was many months away). If, however,
Haman holds the office of hazarapatish (see
comment on 3:1), she would have to make arrangements
through him and thereby jeopardize
the whole plan.
4:11. gold scepter. Persian reliefs of kings in
audience scenes depict them holding long
scepters.
4:11. Esther’s lack of access. Whereas one
might think that the queen and chief wife of
the king would have many opportunities to
have a passing word with the king, such was
not necessarily the case. The queen did not
regularly share the king’s bed, nor were their
meals taken together. She had her own private
quarters. While she could be invited to join
the king in the audience chamber, she did not
have unlimited access.
4:16. fasting. In the Old Testament the religious
use of fasting is often in connection with making
a request before God. The principle is that
the importance of the request causes an individual
to be so concerned about their spiritual
condition that physical necessities fade into the
background. In this sense the act of fasting is
designed as a process leading to purification
and humbling oneself before God Ps 69:10.
5:1-14
Esther’s Request and Haman’s Plot
5:1. topography of palace. Since the king is on
489 ESTHER 5:3—8:1
his throne, this is undoubtedly the audience
chamber. Despite the extensive excavations at
Susa and at palaces at other Persian sites, the
terminology used here is too vague to attach it
to specific areas of the palace complex. See
comment on 1:2 for what has been found of
the palace complex at Susa.
5:3. Xerxes’ granting of requests. Herodotus
tells of two occasions when Xerxes made
open-ended offers to grant requests and ended
up regretting it. On the first occasion his offer
was intended to win the favors of his
intended mistress, Artaynte. Unfortunately
for everyone she requested his beautiful robe
that had been handwoven by his wife, Amestris.
Amestris therefore discovered Xerxes’ affair
and sought revenge. She gained it when,
on his birthday, she was granted a request and
asked for Artaynte’s mother (whom she believed
to be behind the whole fiasco). She had
the woman brutally mutilated, and this led
the woman’s husband, Xerxes’ brother, to instigate
a revolt. The offer of half the kingdom
is known as early as Neo-Assyrian literature,
when it is suggested that the Assyrian king
would have given away half the kingdom for
someone to cure his son’s illness.
5:4. banquets in the Persian world. Banquets
were popular among the Persian royalty and
were sumptuous affairs. Herodotus describes a
typical birthday banquet as featuring a whole
cooked animal (ox, horse, ostrich, camel or donkey).
Persians were especially fond of desserts
and large quantities of wine. Musicians and attendants
to care for every detail were present.
Their feasts tended to be dignified rather than
disorderly, and did not honor or encourage the
cycle of gluttony and disgorging.
5:14. gallows. See comment on 2:23.
6:1-14
Haman Honors Mordecai
6:1. circumstance in Esther. In the book of Esther,
circumstance is a powerful literary motif.
While men such as Haman try to harness circumstance
to their advantage through schemes
and omens, the Jewish audience would have
seen circumstance as being in the hands of
God who works behind the scenes. Of interest,
then, are the words that Herodotus places
in the mouth of Artabanus, an adviser to Xerxes,
on the threshold of what will become a disastrous
Greek campaign: “Men are at the
mercy of circumstance, which never bends to
human will.” Haman is about to learn the
same lesson.
6:1. book of the chronicles. See comment on
2:23.
6:7. royal robe. The Persian king’s robe is described
by Xenophon as purple with gold embroidery.
In Plutarch’s Themistocles, Demaratus,
the exiled king of Sparta (contemporary
of Xerxes), requests as his gift to ride through
Sardis wearing the crown of the Persian kings.
Plutarch also reports that Artaxerxes once
honored a request for his royal robe but qualified
the gift with the command that it not be
worn. Xerxes had a famous robe featured in
one of Herodotus’s stories as a gift begrudgingly
and fatefully given to his lover (see comment
on 5:3).
6:8. royal crest on the horse. Persian reliefs at
Persepolis depict a horse with a crest perched
between its ears.
7:1-10
Haman’s Fall
7:7. palace garden. The banquet was probably
being held in the same location as the banquet
in chapter 1 (see comment on 1:5).
7:8. couch where Esther reclined. Persian
style was to recline on couches while eating.
Haman, in his desperation, had violated strict
protocol about approaching the person of the
queen. To be found on the same couch on
which any member of the harem was reclining
had the direst consequences. In eleventh-century
Assyria, no one could approach within
seven paces of a member of the harem.
7:8. covered face. Greeks and Romans typically
covered the head of criminals condemned
to death, but if that were the case here we
would expect the word “head” instead of
“face.” In an Assyrian elegy covering the face
is seen as a treatment of the dead. Since the
hanging is generally considered to be a treatment
of the corpse rather than a means of execution
(see comment on 2:23), this face
covering can be presumed to indicate Haman
has died. The king does not issue a death sentence.
ESTHER 5:3—8:1
8:1-17
Deliverance for the Jews
8:1. Haman’s estate given to Esther. Herodotus
gives examples of confiscation of the property
of those executed by order of the crown.
That Xerxes would have been likely to grant
Esther such property is demonstrated by another
example from Herodotus. After Artaynte
had asked for the cloak that Amestris
had woven for Xerxes (see comment on 5:3),
the king had offered her whole cities, vast
amounts of gold and even her own personal
army in an attempt to get the cloak back.
ESTHER 8:1—10:3 490
8:1. Mordecai in Persian records. There is a
Persian official, Marduka, identified in a tablet
from Borsippa, who is sometimes equated
with Mordecai by commentators. Marduka is
an accountant who lived during the last days
of Darius and the early days of Xerxes. The
name occurs frequently on the Elamite Persepolis
tablets dating between 505 and 499 B.C.
and belongs to several different individuals.
Whether any of these individuals represents a
Mordecai before his elevation cannot be determined.
There are no sources that refer to him
in the elevated position in which the book
places him.
8:2. signet ring. See comment on 3:10.
8:9. chronology. Sivan 23 fell in the month of
June 474 B.C., seventy days after the issuing of
the edict.
8:9-10. Comments on the provinces and the
extent of the empire can be found in 1:1. For
comment on the signet ring see 3:10. For the
courier service see comment on 1:20.
8:11. strategy of decree. Since the previous
edict could not simply be revoked, the strategy
was to offset the first by the second. The
first had removed the protection of the empire
from the Jews and had provided the financing
for military action against them. The second
edict allowed the Jews to form their own militia
groups and, in effect, withdrew the royal
protection (though not the funding) from
those who had been hired against the Jews.
Royal support was neutralized so that action
against the enemies of the Jews would not be
construed as rebellion against the crown. This
puts Haman’s crew in the same situation as
the Jews, making them targets that could be
attacked without fear of reprisals from the
government.
8:15. Mordecai’s garments. The colors and
materials of Mordecai’s regalia identified him
with nobility and high political station. The
royal colors could only be worn by those
closely associated with the king. The gold
“crown” does not designate rule but favor. So
Herodotus reports that Xerxes rewards a ship
master whose advice had saved the ship from
sinking with a gold crown. It is gold, so it is
not just a turban. But since this type of headgear
is generally bound on, a coronet worn on
the forehead is most likely.
8:17. became Jews. This word occurs only
here in the Bible and has been interpreted in a
number of different ways. The non-Jewish
population could “become Jews” by conversion,
by claim (“made themselves out to be
Jews” because of the potential benefits) or by
association (“sided with the Jews”). The last
would explain the upcoming victory of the
Jews, as they would have had many willing
participants in their militia groups.
9:1-17
Victory for the Jews
9:1. chronology. This is now late February or
early March of the year 473 B.C.
9:1-10. enemies of the Jews. The enemies of
the Jews are those who are still engaged in
Haman’s plot against them. They are groups
of mercenaries or garrison troops who had
been organized by Haman and funded by
him for this military action. Verses 7-10 suggest
that Haman’s sons had carried through
with the plot of their father. Herodotus tells
how during the reign of Darius a high-ranking
official and close associate of the king
was judged to be involved in a revolt. As a
result most of his family was executed. Additionally
Herodotus tells the fascinating story
of how two magi attempted to seize the
throne after the death of Cambyses and were
assassinated by Darius and seven other conspirators.
The day turned into a public outrage
against all the magi, in which the
general populace became involved in killing
every magus they could lay hands on. Herodotus
even reports that the anniversary of
the day became an important holiday in the
Persian calendar.
ESTHER 8:1—10:3
9:18-32
Establishment of Purim
9:18-32. Purim. Though this passage gives account
of the origins of the celebration of Purim,
the evidence for the celebration’s being
customary does not come until much later.
The apocryphal book of 2 Maccabees (15:36)
contains the earliest reference to the festival
outside of Esther. There the thirteenth of Adar
is identified as the day before Mordecai’s day.
In the first century A.D. Josephus called the
holiday phrouraious, and soon after that, the
Mishnah uses the term Purim.
9:24-26. pur. See comment on 3:7.
10:1-3
Mordecai
10:2. book of the annals of the kings of Media
and Persia. See comment on 2:23.
10:3. Mordecai’s position. Though identified
as second to the king, no official position is
named for Mordecai. Positions that may be
significant enough to designate the official
second to the king are discussed in relation to
the position of Haman in the comment on 3:1.
P O E T I C &
W I S D O M
L I T E R AT U R E
I n t r o d u c t i o n
The IVP Bible BackgrPoOuEnTdI Co &m WmIeSnDtaOryM: OLlIdTn tETrReosdAtuaTmcUtieRonEnt
A modern reader acquainted with the book of Psalms would sense some
resemblance when reading certain Egyptian or Babylonian material. The
attributes that deity is praised for, the issues that induce prayer, the personal and
corporate concerns, and even the turn of phrase would ring a chord of familiarity.
In any of the ancient Near Eastern societies the gods were considered responsible
for maintaining justice and were concerned about justice in the human realm.
This was frequently the subject of praise and the basis for petition. Additionally,
all peoples shared the plight of humanity and wanted relief from common ills of
sickness, oppression, abandonment and life’s trials.
Hymns and Prayers
Despite the surface-level similarities, deep-seated differences in the worldviews
of Israel and her neighbors can be discerned from this literature. When requests
for deliverance and rescue, or mercy and grace, are made, certain assumptions are
exposed about how the divine world works and how it interacts with the human
world. Both the Israelites and their neighbors believed that they suffered because
of deity’s inattention. In the ancient world at large it would have been typical to
believe that the deity was inattentive because he or she had been offended. Since
ethical behavior played a much less significant role in how they understood their
responsibilities to deity, the assumption would usually have been that the deity
had become offended at not receiving the appropriate attention from the afflicted
individual. The worshiper would have little hope of discerning what ritual might
THE IVP BIBLE BACKGROUND COMMENTARY: OLD TESTAMENT 492
have been omitted or what had caused the offense. The only option was to try to
relieve the god’s anger rather than specifically redressing the offense. Thus the
individual would willingly concede guilt (for who knows what) and direct the
prayers, incantations and rituals toward appeasement (soothing the heart of the
deity) to try to regain the attentive care and protection of deity.
The Israelites were less convinced that Yahweh’s inattention was due to his
anger. They readily confessed that they were sometimes mystified as to why he
didn’t come to their aid. As individuals they were usually not willing to concede
guilt but focused their prayers on pleas for vindication. They needed vindication
because their suffering would naturally lead others to conclude that God was
punishing them for some sin. God’s answer to their prayer would demonstrate
that he was not angry with them and that they had not committed some grave
offense. When they committed offense, it was recognized as concerning ethical
failure rather than ritual omission. They expected God’s grace to emerge from
who he was; they did not expect to be able to induce it by means of gifts and flattery
or to conjure it out by magical rites.
Despite these fundamental differences, there is much in the ancient Near Eastern
literature that can lend understanding to the biblical psalms. Many biblical
metaphors come out of the cultural setting of the time. The imagery of God as, for
instance, a shepherd, a rock or a shield will find ready parallels in the literature of
Mesopotamia. Phrases such as the “desire of one’s heart,” being “raised from the
pit” or using the winds as messengers have precedents that help explain what
Israelites would have meant by them.
There are scores of compositions from all parts of the ancient world that fall
into the general category of address to deity. Sumerian, Akkadian and Egyptian
literature all have numerous representatives. There is very little hymnic material
in Ugaritic or Hittite. In addition to praise hymns, there is an extensive incantation
literature in Mesopotamia. These include ershemmas, psalms intended to
appease an angry deity; ershah~ungas, laments concerning sorrow or calamity;
shuillas, prayers of petition; shigus and dingirshadibbas, prayer of penitence; and
shurpu, prayers of purification, just to name a few of the more prominent categories.
Egyptian hymns date primarily to the second millennium and are full of
descriptive praise. They are grandiose, optimistic and confident, with little trace
of lament or petition (with notable exceptions in the Nineteenth-Dynasty texts of
Deir el-Medina and Papyrus Anastasi II).
Wisdom Literature
A modern dictionary definition of wisdom would include words such as common
sense, prudence, discernment, judgment, insight and understanding. Any reading
of the biblical wisdom literature would indicate that these same components
would be associated with Israelite wisdom. But we would be mistaken if we
thought that wisdom in the ancient world was restricted even to areas such as
knowledge, intelligence, education or maturity. Instead, wisdom reflected a much
broader concern to understand the place of human beings in the cosmos. It is
probably best understood as the ability to bring order out of chaos or to perceive
order in the midst of chaos. The wisdom of deity (whether Israelite or otherwise)
493 POETIC & WISDOM LITERATURE
was reflected in bringing order out of chaos by organizing, maintaining, sustaining
and operating the cosmos. That is why there is such a prominent creation
theme in wisdom literature. Wisdom includes understanding the natural world
and the human world; society and civilization; the commoner and the king; the
world of the gods and the world of nations. Human beings are faced with the
challenge of achieving wisdom as they bring order out of chaos in their own
world and perceive the order that God has built into the cosmos. This includes
ethics and etiquette; philosophy and psychology; and understanding how the
world works (science) and how the human heart works (establishing justice).
Egyptian thought is most linked to the order that comes in establishing truth
and justice. The term ma’at encompasses this aspect of natural, social and political
propriety. Mesopotamian literature shows a great concern for understanding the
order that can be achieved through the reading of omens, the recitation of incantations
and the performance of rituals. This wisdom is the skill that is expressed by
the term nemequ. Many of the proverbial sayings found in Mesopotamia are connected
to omen series and can be classified as omen-wisdom. Omens made observations
(often from natural phenomena) and drew conclusions (often about
destiny or future happenings). Wisdom likewise makes observations (often about
behavior) and draws conclusions (often about inevitable results). Old Testament
wisdom literature insists that only the fear of the Lord (as the beginning of wisdom)
can bring order out of the chaos of life. Additionally, however, the rituals of
the temple were also a means by which order was maintained.
The materials from the ancient Near East include proverbial sayings, admonitions
and instructions, and philosophical debate in the form of dialogues, monologues
and fables. These deal with many of the same subjects as the Israelite
wisdom literature, including, notably, several examples in which a sufferer is
exploring the reasons for his suffering.
The problem under discussion that ties all of these “righteous sufferer” works
together is theodicy—the justice of deity. Tension is created between divine justice
and human suffering based on a belief in what is termed the retribution principle.
Simply stated, this principle affirms that the righteous will prosper and the
wicked will suffer. If an apparently righteous person is suffering and the retribution
principle is accepted, then doubt is cast on God’s justice. This tension was not
as strongly felt outside of Israel because there was not as strong a belief in the ethical
qualities of deity. Furthermore, in a polytheistic setting an individual’s behavior
might please one deity but offend another. Human suffering for no apparent
reason or doubts concerning the existence of divine justice understandably undermined
the ability to affirm an ordered world. When life is going wrong, one feels
surrounded by chaos rather than order. Mesopotamian wisdom literature typically
resolved the problem by objecting that there really was no such thing as a
righteous sufferer. They were also willing to accept that the gods were inscrutable.
Instruction literature is most prominent in Egypt, where over a dozen compositions
range over more than two thousand years (early third millennium to late
first millennium). These compositions demonstrate that Israelite wisdom literature
such as that found in Proverbs was part of an international genre (just as the
book of Kings claims, 1 Kings 4:30. Ancient Near Eastern instruction literature
THE IVP BIBLE BACKGROUND COMMENTARY: OLD TESTAMENT 494
includes short, pithy statements like those found in Proverbs 10—29, as well as
longer admonitions like Proverbs 1—9. The closest parallel is found in comparing
the Instruction of Amenemope (about 1200 B.C.) to Proverbs 22:17—24:22, where
there are quite a few similar phrases and topics.
The treatise of Ecclesiastes has been related to a subcategory known as “pessimism
literature” and exemplified by the Akkadian Dialogue of Pessimism and by
the Egyptian Songs of the Harper and The Dispute Between a Man and His Ba. These
all display a tongue-in-cheek cynicism about life. The Dialogue of Pessimism portrays
a conversation between a master and his slave in which the master states his
intention to embark on various different enterprises. Each suggestion is met with
the slave’s affirmation of the benefits of the proposed course of action. In each
case the master then changes his mind and decides not to carry out his plans. The
slave then replies with an affirmation of this decision as well, citing all the disadvantages
the action would have incurred. The topics include going to the palace,
eating, hunting, settling down with a family, leading a revolution, loving a
woman, offering sacrifice, setting up a creditor business and serving public charity.
The piece ends as the master finally asks the slave about a suggested course of
action. He responds, “To have my neck and your neck broken and to be thrown
into the river is good.” The basis of this type of literature is to make the point that
it is not simple to find meaning and purpose for life and its pursuits. Drawing
order out of chaos is rarely accomplished to one’s satisfaction.
The Song of Songs is also often included in the wisdom literature. This categorization
can be supported by the realization that the book uses love poetry to
illustrate a wisdom teaching (8:6-7). Other examples of the love poetry genre are
known in the Sumerian mythological literature concerning Dumuzi in the third
millennium, but the closest parallels are found in a group of Egyptian love songs
from the period of the Judges (Egyptian Nineteenth and Twentieth Dynasties,
1300-1150 B.C.). These love songs were typically performed at festivals and share
many of the features found in Song of Songs. They lack, however, the wisdom
teaching that the biblical book considers crucial: romance, love and sex can also be
forces of chaos that need to be brought under the umbrella of order.
It is evident in all of the above that as God included poetic and wisdom genres
in his revelation to Israel, he did not design new literary styles to use or new
issues to address. Instead he used that which was very familiar to any resident of
the ancient Near East. He met his people where they were and communicated in
clear and powerful ways. Increasing our knowledge of ancient Near Eastern culture
and literature can therefore only enhance our understanding of the Bible.
Job 1:1-15
495 JOB 1:1-15
J O B
1:1—2:13
Trials of Job
1:1. Uz. The location of the land of Uz is not
precisely known. It may have been a general
term for the Near East. A southern location is
implied in Lamentations 4:21, where the
daughter of Edom lives in the land of Uz.
However, in Jeremiah 25:20-21 Uz is associated
with Philistia, Edom and Moab.
1:3. size of herds. The size of Job’s herds was
enormous. Aristotle claims that the Arabs had
as many as three thousand camels, the same
number listed here. The numbers can be compared
to the three thousand sheep and one
thousand goats of Nabal 1 Sam 25:2. Thirdmillennium
texts record temple flocks of
about fourteen thousand sheep, but personal
flocks were usually much smaller. In the ancient
Near East sedentary herds would generally
not exceed three hundred animals.
Transhumant herds (practicing controlled migration)
would range from two to five hundred.
Nomadic herds would be the largest,
numbering in the tens of thousands. The ratio
of small animals to large in Job’s herd is fairly
typical. Most numbers that are available in ancient
sources are connected with Assyrian
tribute lists that give little indication of what
personal holdings would be.
JOB 1:1-15 1:3. people of the East. The “people of the
East” (literally, “sons of the east”) in Semitic
languages usually refers to the inhabitants of
the region east of Byblos where seminomadic
Semites lived. This is how the term is used in
the Egyptian Story of Sinuhe from the early
second millennium B.C. In Genesis 29:1 the
term refers to Arameans living along the
northern Euphrates River, in Isaiah 11:14 to
the Edomites, Moabites and Ammonites, and
in Judges 6:3 to the Midianites. In sum, the
“people of the East” appears to be a general
term like “Uz.”
1:5. purification after feasts. Purification
usually provides for an individual to enter
sacred space or to participate in ritual activities.
In Israel there were levels of purity required
for remaining “in the camp” and for
entering the sacred enclosure or temple precinct.
Job is ritually fastidious as he seeks to
maintain a level of purity for his family at all
times. Like Balaam in Numbers 23, Job presided
over the sacrifices as the patriarch of
his family, without a priest. It is possible that
the purification involved washing and
changing of clothes Gen 35:2 and Ex 19:10.
1:5. cursing God in heart. The term for
“cursed” is literally “blessed,” a euphemism
found elsewhere in Scripture (e.g., Job 1:11;
2:5, 9; 1 Kings 21:10, 13. The term often means
“to despise, esteem lightly.” Thus, instead of
actually cursing God, Job’s children may have
neglected or disregarded God. The term can
refer to anything from treating with disrespect
to outright repudiation.
1:6. angels (sons of God). In the ancient
Near East the “sons of the gods” were lesser
members of the pantheon. In both Mesopotamian
and Ugaritic texts there are glimpses of
the meetings of the gods and their divine
court. In Israel the sons of God are angels,
who, like the sons of the gods, station themselves
before God at the divine court. Micaiah
ben Imlah had a vision of God holding
court with his subordinates (1 Kings
22:19-23). The sons of God are also called
“gods” in Psalm 82:1, 6.
1:6. Satan. It is important to note that the
term here, sat@an (literally, “the accuser”), is
preceded in Hebrew by the definite article
(“the”). Thus, in the context of Job it appears
to describe a function rather than serving as a
proper name. Though the individual functioning
as an adversary to Job here may well
be the one who later bears the name Satan,
that cannot be concluded with certainty. The
Hebrew word sat@an is used to describe an adversary
and can be used of human beings or
supernatural beings. Even the angel of the
Lord can exercise this function Num 22:22.
The term does not clearly take on the role of a
personal name until the intertestamental period
(specifically the second century B.C.).
Those who serve as adversaries are generally
in the role of monitoring or challenging
God’s policies and decisions. It is not clear
whether Satan was one of the sons of God
(NIV’s “angels”).
1:6. role of accuser. The term sat@an refers to
one who acts like a prosecuting attorney. The
same term is used for a political foe who attempts
to overthrow the king (e.g., 2 Sam
19:22). It also refers to one who brings charges
against another in court Ps 109:6; Zech
3:1-2). In Persia and Assyria similar secret
agents toured the empire, attempting to discern
the allegiance of particular groups and
individuals, and then bringing charges in
court.
1:15. Sabeans. There are three groups of Sa-
JOB 1:16—3:8 496
beans in Scripture. One group is from Sheba,
modern Yemen, an area that was highly urbanized
and had achieved a complex degree
of civilization by this period 1 Kings 10.
Many inscriptions have been found from the
Sabeans in this area. There are also Sabeans in
Ethiopia Is 43:3. In Job 6:19 the Sabeans are
equated with Tema in north Arabia, and are
probably identified with the Saba of the Assyrian
inscriptions of Tiglath-Pileser III and
Sargon II in the late eighth century B.C. These
Sabeans are most likely the ones mentioned
here in Job 1.
JOB 1:16—3:8 1:16. fire of God. Lightning is described here
as the “fire of God.” During the contest between
Yahweh and Baal in 1 Kings 18:38, the
lightning is called the “fire of the LORD” (also
see 2 Kings 1:12; Job 20:26; Num 11:1-3; 16:35;
and 26:10). Storm gods are typically pictured
with lightning bolts clutched in the hand.
1:17. Chaldeans. The Chaldeans are known
from Assyrian annals as early as the time of
Ashurnasirpal II (r. 884-859 B.C.). They appear to
have been a seminomadic group that had settled
in Babylonia and was successful in controlling
the area in the late eighth century B.C. Moreover,
they succeeded the Assyrians as the great empire
builders of the Near East in the late seventh
century B.C. The height of their power came during
the reign of Nebuchadnezzar II (r. 605-562
B.C.), the destroyer of Jerusalem.
2:7. painful sores. In Ugaritic this term refers
to fever rather than sores. In Hebrew the term
has usually denoted a variety of skin diseases
(see comment on Lev 13:2. In Ugaritic texts
the disease strikes the loins and leaves the victim
prostrate. It is not certain which skin disease
is depicted here in Job 2. Pathology in the
ancient Near East was always considered in
the light of supernatural cause and effect. Either
hostile demons or gods angry at the violation
of some taboo were considered
responsible. Categories of disease are classified
by symptoms rather than by cause, so diagnosis
is often difficult if not impossible.
2:8. broken pottery. Broken pottery (Greek, ostraca)
has been found in great abundance in
archaeological excavations throughout the
Near East. Such broken pottery was often “recycled”
or put to some use. It is not clear in
this context whether the ostraca were used to
scratch the skin for relief or to scrape the body
as a sign of grief. In most cases in Scripture ostraca
are used for the latter purpose. In Mesopotamia
and in the Ugaritic tale of Aqhat the
“mound of potshards” appears to have been a
name for the abode of the dead. In the Baal epic,
when El mourns for Baal he puts dirt on his
head and scrapes his skin with a stone.
2:8. sitting among the ashes. The ashes mentioned
here were most likely found on a
“dunghill” or town dump outside the city limits,
where dung from the town was periodically
burned. Mourners in the Near East went to
sit amidst the dung ash heap and lacerate
themselves. Priam, the father of Hector in the
Iliad, rolled himself in the dung of the city ash
heap.
2:11. lands of Job’s friends. Classical (Pliny
the Younger) and early church scholars (Eusebius
and Jerome) associate Teman with Nabataean
territory near the city of Petra in present
day Jordan. Cuneiform sources identify a
Suhu as a site along the Middle Euphrates
south of the Habur River. However, Shuah
was the son of Abraham and Keturah, and an
uncle of Sheba and Dedan, thus implying a
southern locale for the Shuhite. Nevertheless
its location is not certain. The Naamathite is
possibly identified with Jebel el Na’amaeh in
northwest Arabia, although that is not certain.
2:12. mourning practices. In ancient Israel
tearing one’s garments and sprinkling dust on
one’s head were considered signs of mourning.
They are also known from Mesopotamia
and Canaan. Many mourning rites function as
a means for the living to identify with the
dead. It is easy to see how dust on the head
and torn clothes would be symbolic representations
of burial and decay.
JOB 1:16—3:8
3:1-26
Job’s Lament
3:3-6. cursed and unlucky days. Day lists in
Mesopotamia identify evil days in the month
(days 7, 14, 19, 21 and 28). These were inauspicious
days in which the person was encouraged
not to engage in business activities, to
build a house or to marry. It was even forbidden
to eat fish and leeks on the seventh day of
the seventh month. In addition, Mesopotamian
omen lists describe days in which it was
improper for a man and woman to engage in
sexual relations, for a woman to give birth and
for people to engage in a variety of other social
activities. Furthermore, certain events that
occurred caused a day to be unlucky (e.g., the
birth of an anomaly or the death of a king). In
the Myth of Erra and Ishum the governor of the
city that is being destroyed is portrayed as expressing
to his mother a wish that he had been
stillborn or obstructed in the womb so that he
would not have been born to this destiny.
3:8. rousing Leviathan. Leviathan appears in
the Bible as a sea monster representing the
forces of chaos who is defeated by God (Ps
74:14; Is 27:1. This text requests the services of
497 JOB 3:9—4:18
a skilled magician who would even be able to
rouse a dormant Leviathan by an incantation.
The description of Leviathan has similarities
with Babylonian and Ugaritic sea monsters
who threaten the existence of creation (see
comment on 41:1).
3:9. morning stars. The morning stars here are
Venus and Mercury, which should have remained
“dark.” These planets were considered
the forerunners of each day.
3:13-19. afterlife concept. The Israelite concept
of afterlife was very similar to that of
their neighbors in Ugarit and Mesopotamia.
However, death is not usually described as a
place of rest as it is here in Job. Death (Hebrew,
sheol) is a precise place where the dead
eat dust and drink dirty water. According to
the Akkadian epic of the Descent of Ishtar, there
are bars and gates keeping the dead in. Sheol
is also a place of darkness where there is no
light, only silence. The dead cannot praise
God in their condition. For more information
see sidebar in Isaiah 14.
Job 3:9—4:18
4:1—5:27
First Speech of Eliphaz
4:9. destructive breath of God. Here in Job the
breath of God represents the wind of the
desert that destroys vegetation Hos 13:15 and
Is 40:7. Normally it refers to God’s dynamic
activity (see Gen 2:7.
4:13-15. spirit bringing dreams. The theme of
God causing a heavy sleep to fall on a person
in order for them to receive a dream recurs
throughout Scripture. For example, God
caused a heavy sleep on Abraham during the
covenant ceremony Gen 15:12-21. This also
occurred with deities in Mesopotamia. Dagan
(biblical Dagon) often spoke to temple worshipers
at Mari and Terqa in northeast Syria
through the use of dreams. These worshipers
often stayed overnight to sleep in the temple,
hoping to receive a dream. In the Gilgamesh
Epic a zephyr passes by that brings sleep and
gives a dream. In Mesopotamian thinking, Zaqiqu
was the god of dreams, and his name is
from the word that denotes a spirit. This spirit
or breeze passes through the cracks in doors
to come to people at night. Both the Odyssey
and the Iliad attest the same idea.
4:18. charging angels with error. Second Peter
also describes the punishment of rebellious
angels, but clear evidence of such a belief in
the Old Testament is not available. In Ugaritic
myths, subordinates to the gods (specifically,
RETRIBUTION PRINCIPLE
Verses seven and eight articulate what is referred to as the retribution principle. In its most basic form it
contends that the righteous will prosper and the wicked will suffer. On a national level this principle is
built into the covenant, with its potential blessings and threat of curses. On the individual level it had
been determined that this was necessary in order for God to maintain justice. Since the Israelites had only
the vaguest concept of the afterlife and no revelation concerning judgment or reward in the afterlife,
God’s justice could only be accomplished in this life. Most Israelites believed that if God were to be considered
just, rewards and punishments in this life would have to be proportional to the righteousness or
wickedness of the individual. These beliefs had also then led most Israelites to believe that if someone
was prospering, it must be a reward for righteousness, and if someone was suffering, it must be a punishment
for wickedness. The greater the suffering, the greater the wickedness must be. Babylonian and
Assyrian writers of magical texts describe this same principle of retribution. But since they were not completely
convinced of the justice of the gods, it was not as big a theological issue in Mesopotamia. In the
book of Job this principle is turned on its head, because Job, the apparent epitome of righteousness, is suffering
every possible disaster. All of the characters in the book believe in the retribution principle. This is
the basis on which Job’s friends accuse him, and it is the reasoning by which Job questions the justice of
God. It is even the logic by which the satan can feel so confident about his accusation. He uses the retribution
principle to create the tension for his accusation against God. If God operates by the retribution principle,
the satan argues, then he will prevent the development of true righteousness, because people will
behave righteously only to gain the reward. On the other hand, if God does not operate by the retribution
principle, then people like Job will conclude that God is unjust. The satan’s case can be won if Job relents
to the pressure of his friends. They want him to appease God by simply confessing to anything and everything,
regardless of whether he considers himself to be faultless or not. In this way he can rejoin the ranks
of the righteous and regain his prosperity. This is the integrity that Job refuses to compromise—he is not a
righteous man simply for the gain. He is interested in being exonerated, not just in regaining his prosperity.
His integrity is a vote of confidence for God, because it insists that to God, righteousness is more
important than appeasement. The book resolves the problem by suggesting that the retribution principle
does not constitute a guarantee or a promise, but that God delights in rewarding righteousness and takes
seriously the need to punish the wicked. God’s justice cannot be evaluated, because no one has sufficient
information to call him to account. Instead people can believe that he is just because they are convinced
that he is wise (the thrust of God’s discourses).
JOB 4:19—7:14 498
divine slave girls) are often found to be disobedient
and untrustworthy. To add to the difficulty,
the term translated “error” occurs only
here in the Old Testament, and its meaning is
uncertain.
4:19. houses of clay. “House” is used as a figure
for the body in the apocryphal work Wisdom
of Solomon 9:15, in 2 Corinthians 5:1 and
in 2 Peter 1:14, but the idea of the spirit inhabiting
the body is unknown elsewhere in the
Old Testament. Clay and dust signify the
weakness of the human body and human
mortality.
5:1. holy ones. The term “holy ones”, which
designates servants or angels, occurs elsewhere
in Scripture Hos 11:12; Zech 14:5; Dan
4:10, 14, 20; 7:13; and Ps 89:7. They are holy
because of their closeness to God, not because
of any inherent purity.
JOB 4:19—7:14
6:1—7:21
First Speech of Job
6:2. anguish and misery on scales. Balance
scales were used by merchants to quantify objects
by weight. Job desires here that his misfortune
be weighed against the largest thing
that he knows, the sand of the seas, which often
represents an immeasurable amount or
massive weight.
6:4. Almighty (Shaddai). Shaddai (“almighty”)
is occasionally an epithet of God Gen 17:1.
Here Shaddai functions as a reverser of fortunes,
similar to Resheph, the god of plague
and war in the Canaanite pantheon, who
spread diseases by shooting victims with bow
and arrow.
6:15-17. wadis. The wadis of Palestine are similar
to overflowing rivers in the rainy season.
However, they have little or no water during
the summer season, precisely the time when
water is most needed.
6:19. caravans of Tema. Tema (modern Teima)
was an important oasis and trade center in
northwestern Arabia, two hundred miles
south of Damascus. Tema is also listed as a
son of Ishmael Gen 25:13-15.
6:19. merchants of Sheba. Sheba was an important
trade center in southwestern Arabia.
See the note on Job 1:15.
7:1. hard service, hired man. The term for
“hard service” was used of military service
and occasionally corvee labor, such as that
which Solomon exacted for laborers to cut
down trees in Phoenicia 1 Kings 5:13-14. The
hired man also was used both for military service
Jer 46:21 and domestic service (Lev
25:40). They were considered to be poor and
were obliged to be paid daily Lev 19:13. In
the Babylonian creation epic, humankind was
created specifically to do the menial tasks that
the gods were unwilling to do (build the god’s
houses and provide food for the gods).
7:6. weaver’s shuttle. Some of the language
needs clarification here. The word NIV translates
“weaver’s shuttle” is elsewhere always
rendered “loom.” The adjective they translate
“swift” has the basic meaning of “light” or
even “insubstantial.” Finally, the word translated
“hope” also means thread (e.g., Rahab’s
scarlet thread in Josh 2:18. On the horizontal
looms of the day, four stakes were driven into
the ground in a rectangular pattern. The
threads that would make up the warp of the
fabric were tied at regular intervals to sticks on
both ends, and the sticks were then used to
stretch out the threads between the stakes.
When the ends of each stick were braced behind
the stakes, the threads would be stretched
horizontal to the ground, taut for weaving. A
shuttle would then be tied to the thread that
was to be woven in as the woof of the fabric,
with a bar being used to separate alternating
threads of the warp to allow the shuttle with
the woof thread to pass through. Once the
woof thread was in place, the pin would be
used to tighten that row against the previous
rows. When the fabric was complete, the warp
threads would be cut from the loom, leaving
only remnants of threads tied to sticks. The following
translation picks up the imagery: “My
days are more insubstantial than a loom in that
they come to an end with no hope/thread.”
7:8. the “eye.” In Egyptian mythology the sky
god Horus had one eye injured in a battle with
Seth. The sun is seen as his good eye and the
moon as his injured eye. Thus day and night
the eye of Horus looks down on the world of
men.
7:9-10. afterlife concept. Here the emphasis is
on the finality of death. For more information
about concepts of afterlife, see comment on
3:13-19.
7:12. sea monster under guard. In ancient
Near Eastern traditions the sea or the monsters
that inhabited it represented the forces of
chaos that had to be defeated and contained
so that order could be brought to the world.
Marduk, the divine champion in the Babylonian
creation myth, took hold of Tiamat and
put her under a vault, where a bar was pulled
down and guards were posted. Yamm, the sea
monster in Ugaritic mythology, was taken
captive by Baal and placed under guard. This
sort of imagery is also used in poetic sections
of the Old Testament Ps 74:13; 89:9-10;
104:7-9).
7:14. frightened with dreams. Nightmares
499 JOB 7:15—9:6
were traditionally seen in the ancient Near
East and the classical world as coming from a
demonic or malevolent divine agent. There
are also references to demonic terrors of the
night in the writings of the classical authors
Ovid and Plutarch. Here in Job 7:14, however,
the agent is God. In the Babylonian story of
the man who is suffering without knowing
why (Ludlul bel Nemeqi), the sufferer also reports
being plagued by fearful omens and terrifying
dreams.
7:15-16. preference for death in ancient Near
Eastern wisdom literature. The unique Mesopotamian
Dialogue of Pessimism is a satirical
discussion between a master and his slave. At
the end of the discussion, the master asks
what is good, and the slave responds by saying
that both he and his master should have
their necks broken and then they should be
thrown into the river. However, the cynical
context for these statements does not allow us
to argue that suffering Mesopotamians preferred
death to life.
7:20. watcher of men. In ancient Near Eastern
usage the divine watcher is usually serving a
positive role of protection. Perhaps the closest
parallel would be found in the occasional reference
to the seven ancient sages as watchers.
This is also usually true of Yahweh’s protective
watching over Israel Deut 32:10; Ps 12:7;
25:20; 31:23; 40:11; 61:7). In this case, Job sees
God as a scrutinizer rather than a preserver of
human beings.
JOB 7:15—9:6
8:1-22
First Speech of Bildad
8:6-7. retribution principle. See the sidebar in
chapter 3.
8:8-10. importance of traditional instruction
from ancient Near East wisdom. Along with
other passages in Scripture Job 15:18; Deut
4:32; and the apocryphal Ecclus 8:9), a great
deal of wisdom literature from Mesopotamia
(e.g., the Babylonian Theodicy, “I Will Praise
the Lord of Wisdom” and various Sumerian
proverbs) contends that wisdom from the ancients
is significant. In Mesopotamian tradition
the bearers of wisdom are the seven sages
of old, known as the apkallu, who brought wisdom
and the crafts of civilization to humankind.
This tradition is represented in the
works of Berossus by his statement that the
sum total of revealed knowledge was given
by the antediluvian sages.
8:11-12. papyrus analogy. Papyrus was not
only used in Egypt but also in Palestine.
Ugaritic texts describe papyrus coming from
the marshlands of Lake Samak. It was used
for a variety of things, including baskets, mats
and parchment for writing. Papyrus grows to
a great height, sometimes over ten feet. But its
luxuriance quickly dissipates if the water
source dries up.
9:1—10:22
Second Speech of Job
9:2. no one righteous before God. The Sumerian
wisdom text titled Man and His God states
that “never was a sinless child born to his
mother.” This was no concept of original sin
however, as this thought echoes the Sumerian
idea that the gods had incorporated evil into
human civilization from the outset.
9:5-9. cosmic control by deity in ancient Near
East. The last half of verse 4 along with verse 8
make it clear that the context for these comments
is the cosmic conflict of the divine warrior.
The cosmic conflict motif depicts the
principal deity overcoming cosmic forces
(usually forces of chaos like death or sea) to
bring order to the cosmos. In the ancient Near
East these forces are usually personified as
gods, but this passage preserves a certain ambiguity
on that count. Here Yahweh overcomes
mountains (v. 5), terrorizes the
netherworld (v. 6; the Hebrew word translated
“earth” at times means netherworld, and the
verbs here convey shuddering in horror, not
earthquake), extinguishes the sun (v. 7; probably
by eclipse), locks the stars in their sequence
of appearance (v. 7), stretches out the heavens
(v. 8; with corpse of defeated enemy as in Enuma
Elish?), vanquishes the sea (v. 8) and forms
the constellations (v. 9).
9:6. pillars of the earth. Pillars are sometimes
thought to represent boundaries. Solomon’s
temple featured two free-standing pillars on
the portico, which may have served as a
boundary to the holy place. The tabernacle
used pillars from which the partitions were
hung to create a boundary for the courtyard.
Even when the pillars supported something
(as in the Philistine temple that Samson tumbled),
archaeological information suggests
that they stood as boundaries to porticos or
courtyards. In Babylon, boundary markers
known as kudurrus were pillar-shaped, but the
connection may be incidental. Ancient Near
Eastern literature has no parallel for the earth
being supported by pillars. The only other reference
in the Old Testament is Psalm 75:3,
which could be interpreted as maintaining
boundaries of distinction. In Job 26:11 the
heavens have pillars, but this comment also
occurs in the discussion of boundaries (v. 10).
It is more likely that cosmic boundaries of the
JOB 9:7-30 500
earth would be those between the living and
the dead. The word translated “earth” in this
verse sometimes refers to the netherworld. In
Akkadian literature, the boundaries of the
netherworld are represented by gates.
9:7. seals the stars. The word “light” (NIV)
does not occur in the Hebrew, which says,
“He affixes a seal around the stars.” This
would suggest that Yahweh is the one who
dictates the sequence of their appearances and
the paths they will follow. In Mesopotamian
astronomy (Mul-Apin series) the thirty-six
principal stars were divided into three segments
known as the paths of Anu, Enlil and
Ea. These fixed stellar paths occupied the
northern, southern and equatorial bands of
the sky. In the omen series known as Enuma
Anu Enlil the gods Anu, Enlil and Ea established
the positions, locations and paths of the
stars. In Enuma Elish Marduk sets up the stations
of the stars. In Mesopotamian understanding
the stars were engraved on the
Jasper surface of the middle heavens, and the
entire surface moved. All of these examples
give explanation to the verb “to seal” used
here in the text, since that which is fixed or inscribed
is sealed.
JOB 9:7-30 9:8. treads on waves. The term “waves” is
more likely denoting the “back” of something.
This is how the same Hebrew word is used in
Deuteronomy 33:29, where the backs of the
enemy are trampled. In the Baal myths, Yam,
“Sea,” is one of Baal’s main opponents. Since
Yam is also the Hebrew word for Sea in this
verse, treading on its back would be an appropriate
image of subjugation. Egyptian iconography
pictures the pharaoh using the defeated
enemies as his footstool. Just as treading on
the back expresses defeat of an enemy, stretching
out the heavens evokes the imagery of
Marduk using the corpse of the defeated enemy,
Tiamat, to form the heavens. Both of these
reflect back on verse 4: “Who has resisted him
and come out unscathed?”
9:9. constellations. Textual evidence from
Babylonia, including the “Venus tablet” of
Ammisaduqa (c. 1650 B.C.), indicates that astronomical
studies were conducted with skill
and precision. Although astrology was also
prevalent in late Egyptian periods and in Persian
period Mesopotamia, it seems that this
divinatory activity, interpreting omens (see Is
47:13), is only an extension of the work of a
true science. There are records of the movement
of the planets, placement of the major
fixed stars and constellations, as well as descriptions
of the phases of the moon and solar
and lunar eclipses. Given the widespread
knowledge of the stars and the planets in both
Mesopotamian and Egyptian cultures, it
would have been necessary for the biblical
writers and prophets to attribute these celestial
bodies to Yahweh’s creation. Mesopotamian
constellations included: animal figures
such as a goat (=Lyra) and snake (=Hydra);
objects such as an arrow (=Sirius) and a wagon
(=Big Dipper); and characters such as Anu
(=Orion). The most popular of the constellations
was Pleiades, often portrayed on seals
even in Palestine and Syria. Neo-Assyrian
texts preserve sketches of stars in constellations.
A prayer to the gods of the night from
about 1700 B.C. invokes the constellations by
name calling on them to give answers to the
diviner seeking an omen. The first constellation
mentioned in this verse is uncertain. Leo
and Ursa Major are the two prime candidates.
9:9. constellations of the south. In Mesopotamian
literature the southern band of the sky is
referred to as the path of Ea. But the text here
refers to the “chambers” of the south, which
may or may not refer to constellations.
9:13. Rahab and cohorts. Rahab is described
as one of the sea monsters slain by God (Job
26:12, Ps 89:11, Is 51:9. In both the Babylonian
and Ugaritic myths of creation, the champion
deity (Marduk in Babylon and Baal in Ugarit)
fights and slays a sea monster and its cohorts
in a manner similar to that of Yahweh. In other
contexts, Rahab is symbolically used as a
designation for Egypt Is 30:7; Ps 87:4. The
name Rahab has not yet been found in extrabiblical
sources.
9:17. crush with storm. Some interpreters
have argued (with support of an ancient version)
that the Hebrew word for “storm” is actually
“hair” since one is not necessarily
“crushed” with a storm. It would thus read
“for a hair, He crushes me,” meaning, that
God crushes Job for a hair (or for little or no
reason). Against this is the fact that the verb
need not be so specific as “crushed,” but refers
to dealing someone a potentially mortal blow
(same verb as that used twice in Gen 3:15.
The reference to storm would also fit better in
the cosmic context.
9:26. boats of papyrus. There are artistic representations
from Egypt showing that they
used papyrus reeds for the construction of
some of their boats. This is stated explicitly by
the classical author Pliny in his Natural History.
Isaiah 18:1-2 refers to these reed vessels
which were considered to be very light and
swift but very fragile.
9:30. soap, washing soda. The terms used here
are soapwort, derived from the plant Leontopetalon,
and lye, and alkaline solution, two of
the strongest cleaners known to the Israelites.
501 JOB 9:31—14:5
Since the cleaning of the body was normally
done by covering the skin with oil which was
then rubbed off, the use of these powerful detergents
was an extreme measure.
JOB 9:31—14:5 9:31. slime pit. Although the term for slime pit
usually designates the abode of the dead in Israel
Job 17:14, 23:22; 28) and the ancient Near
East, here the term refers to a cesspool.
9:33. arbitrator in the ancient Near East judicial
system. Sumerian texts often describe
an individual’s personal god who pleaded the
person’s cause before the high council of the
gods. He was in fact his advocate. Moreover,
the judicial system in Mesopotamia was very
sophisticated. A judge often arbitrated between
two parties that were contesting movable
and immovable property (e.g., inheritance,
location and dimensions of land, and
the sale price of property). The Egyptian Instruction
of Amenemope advises “Do not say,
’Find me a protector, for one who hates me
has injured me.’ Indeed, you do not know the
plans of god” (translation of M. Lichtheim).
10:15. full of shame. Given the belief in the
retribution principle (see sidebar in chap. 3),
shame would be the natural result of suffering.
Suffering would proclaim to all around
that the victim was being punished by God.
The more dramatic the change of fortunes and
the more serious the suffering, the greater the
sin was supposed to be. Job therefore would
have been judged a vile person based on the
circumstantial evidence, thus leading to public
humiliation.
10:18. wish to have never been born. In the
Myth of Erra and Ishum the governor of the city
that is being destroyed is portrayed as expressing
to his mother a wish that he had been
stillborn or obstructed in the womb so that he
would not have been born to this destiny.
10:21-22. land of deepest night. Five Hebrew
words are used here to describe darkness in
the land of “deepest night,” Sheol, the
abode of the dead. This place was considered
darker than the dead of night on earth.
The netherworld in the ancient Near East is
typically considered a place of darkness
(Akkadian “house of darkness”) where
there is no light.
11:1-20
First Speech of Zophar
11:13. stretch out hands. Stretching out one’s
hands as a common gesture of prayer was a
typical form in ancient Near Eastern iconography.
The individual raised the hands with the
palms outwards but close together and at face
level. It was considered a gesture of humility.
12:1—14:22
Third Speech of Job
12:24. leaders deprived of reason. There were
many examples in the ancient world of kings
who became victims of their own quests for
glory. Whether individual quests such as Gilgamesh’s
search for immortality that took him
to the ends of the earth; religious (economic?)
quests such as Nabonidus’ thirteen-year
self-imposed exile in Teima; or military quests
such as Persia’s disastrous attempt to expand
into the western Mediterranean, these were
fed by colossal megalomania and characterized
by insatiable self-indulgence.
13:4. physicians methods in the ancient Near
East. There were two types of medical technicians
in Mesopotamia: a magician who cured
the patient by means of incantations (usually
to expel evil demons), and a doctor who usually
used herbs and drugs. The doctor was
normally subservient to the magician, who directed
the former by means of the incantations.
The functions of the two were not
exactly distinct; the magician often used drugs
in his cures, and the doctor often used incantations.
13:12. proverbs of ashes. Ashes were mixed
with water to form soot that was used for a
writing substance. It was used only in the
most informal and temporary situations.
Much like chalk today, it was easily erased or
obliterated. One would certainly not want to
record memorable truths for all time using
ashes. Job suggests that the legacy of his
friends’ wisdom is nothing but chalk graffiti.
13:12. defenses of clay. The uncertain meaning
of the word translated “defenses” creates
several possibilities here. If “defenses” is part
of the metaphor, and a city’s defenses are referred
to, then the clay is that used to make
mud brick. In Mesopotamia the clay bricks
were baked resulting in a very durable material.
In other regions, including Israel, sun-dried
brick was a significantly inferior building material,
and city walls of mud brick would not
withstand attack. A second possibility is that
“defenses” refers to verbal defenses, that is,
the rhetoric of the friends. In this case the clay
might refer to a clay tablet that could be written
on but then wiped clean, continuing the
theme of how vacuous their arguments were.
13:27. marks on the soles of feet. The exact
symbolism of this phrase has escaped commentators.
Some suggest the prisoner’s feet
were marked or branded in some way so that
he would be successfully tracked, but there is
no evidence of such a practice.
14:5. number of man’s days decreed. The idea
JOB 14:10—16:9 502
that man’s days were numbered is known
elsewhere in Scripture Ps 39:4. However, the
idea here is probably not that any particular
lifespan was predetermined but that any
lifespan was a comparatively insignificant period
of time. In the Gilgamesh Epic Gilgamesh
tells Enkidu that the gods live forever, but
man’s days are numbered and nothing they
achieve is of any substance.
14:10-13. afterlife concept/Sheol. See comment
on 3:13-19.
JOB 14:10—16:9 14:13-14. resurrection in ancient Near East.
There are several different concepts of afterlife
that are evidenced in the ancient Near East.
The most fundamental concept is continued existence
in a gravelike netherworld where there
is no differentiation in the treatment of the
righteous and wicked. The Israelites called this
place Sheol, and they believed that it allowed
for no interaction with God. In Canaan and
Mesopotamia there were netherworld deities
who governed this realm. In Egypt the netherworld
existence was more congenial for those
who passed the judgment and entered its confines.
Those who were not approved were devoured.
None of these concepts include the
idea of resurrection out of the netherworld. In
general, the only awakening that took place in
the ancient worldview was the calling up of
spirits of the dead (which was not permanent
and not a bodily presence) or the awakening of
the fertility gods of nature cycles. These died
annually when the agricultural cycle came to
an end, and “wintered” in the netherworld.
Then they were ritually awakened in the
spring. None of this bears any resemblance to a
theological doctrine of resurrection. Likewise
not comparable are the occasional revivifications
(when an individual is restored to life) or
the indications of national return to life (Ezekiel’s
dry bones). A fully developed doctrine of
resurrection in the modern sense includes six
elements: (1) individual, not national; (2) material,
not spiritual; (3) universal, not isolated; (4)
outside of the netherworld; (5) permanent immortality;
and (6) distinctions drawn between
righteous and wicked. Zoroastrianism appears
to have all of these elements, but the nature of
the sources makes it difficult to determine how
early the Persians developed these concepts
(For further discussion see comment on Is
26:19).
14:17. sealed in a bag. Important items (such
as papyrus documents) were often put in a
bag and sealed, usually with clay, and thus
were made inaccessible to unauthorized persons.
Thousands of clay sealings have been
found throughout Mesopotamia and elsewhere
in the Near East. In Mesopotamia,
however, clay sealings and bags (or jars) were
not used for documents. Important clay tablets
were sealed by a clay envelope that actually
summarized the contents of the document
inside.
15:1-35
Second Speech of Eliphaz
15:7. first man equated with wise man. In Israelite
tradition the first man, Adam, was
made, not born, and was never equated with a
tradition of wisdom. In the Mesopotamian
tradition, Adapa, sometimes considered the
first man, was given as a model for mankind
by Ea, the god of wisdom. Adapa was given
wisdom but not, however, eternal life. When
offered eternal life by Anu, the king of the
gods, Adapa was tricked into refusing it.
Thus, all of mankind was now resigned to a
fate without eternal life and that instead now
included death and disease. Adapa was considered
first in a line of seven sages who
passed the arts of civilization on to mankind.
It is unlikely, however, that a specific tradition
is being referred to in this verse.
15:27-28. connection between fat and prosperity.
Fat was equated with health and
wealth in Israel because only those who were
wealthy and prosperous had the resources to
overeat and the leisure to grow fat. Thus obesity
was a sign of God’s blessing and favor.
15:33. vine stripped of unripe grapes. This is
speaking not of an unhealthy vine but of one
that has its young (sour) grapes stripped off
before they can ripen.
15:33. olive tree shedding blossoms. Although
the olive tree brings forth a great amount of
blossoms, most of them are shed and do not
come to full maturity. Thus, the wicked’s designs,
like the sour grapes and olive tree blossoms,
will not come to full maturity.
JOB 16:15—21:12
16:1-16
Fourth Speech of Job
16:9. ruthless gods. Belligerent deities would
not have been unusual in the religious worldview
of the ancient Near East. In a polytheistic
system the gods were not considered to be
friendly, forthright or predictable. Examples
would include the Mesopotamian god Ea telling
his “favorite” Adapa that the food he
would be offered was “bread of death” when
in reality it would have procured eternal life
for him. In the Gilgamesh Epic, Ea advises deceiving
the people into thinking that blessings
cannot rain down on them unless Utnapishtim
leaves in his boat. After they send him off
503 JOB 16:15—21:12
they are rained on in a totally unexpected way
as the flood comes and destroys them. Around
1200 the Libyans complain that the gods gave
them initial success against Egypt with the intent
to eventually destroy them. In Egypt the
mortuary texts (Pyramid texts and Coffin
texts) are targeted against hostile deities.
Many examples exist of both of the gods as
well as practitioners of magic casting an evil
eye on someone.
16:15. sackcloth. Sackcloth was worn by those
in sorrow over a catastrophe or the death of a
loved one. It was the most conventional sign
of mourning in the ancient Near East. The
clothing itself was most likely a large piece of
cloth, probably in the shape of a sack of grain,
or a smaller cloth worn around the midsection.
The reference here in Job is the only occasion
in Scripture where sackcloth is stitched,
although this is probably a metaphorical reference
to Job stitching it permanently to his skin
(i.e., he will be in mourning for the remainder
of his life).
17:3. pledge/security. The making and receiving
of pledges was common in Scripture (see
comments on Ex 21:2-6; 22:6-7, Deut 24:10-15
and in the ancient Near East. However there
are proverbs warning people not to make
pledges without collateral Prov 6:1; 11:15;
17:18; 22:26). The pledge was a piece of property
(garment, ring or even a child) which the
individual gave to his creditor as a guarantee
that he would repay his debt.
17:16. gates of death. Sheol was believed to be
like an earthly city in that it contained houses
and even a city wall (primarily to keep its inhabitants
in Sheol). In the Descent of Ishtar the
netherworld has a gate complex with seven
gates and gatekeepers at each one to control
access.
18:1-21
Second Speech of Bildad
18:13. death’s firstborn. The prevailing opinion
is that Job is describing a deadly disease.
Ugaritic texts describe a deity named Death
(Mot), who was the ruler of the underworld,
although there is no mention of his first-born.
A logical choice would be Resheph, the god of
plague, sometimes equated with the Mesopotamian
ruler of the netherworld, Nergal. Unfortunately
no indication is given of
Resheph’s ancestry.
18:14. king of terrors. Mot was the king of terrors
in Ugaritic mythology. Terrors were most
likely the demonic host commissioned by Mot
to inflict the living. Demonic hosts in both Mesopotamia
and Greece were considered to be
terrors to the living.
18:15. burning sulfur. Burning sulfur (brimstone)
is found in regions with volcanic activity
(e.g., the Dead Sea area). When it burns it
forms the noxious sulfur dioxide gas. The
term is often associated with God’s wrath (see
comments on Is 30:33 and Ezek 38:22. The
land affected by burning sulfur was infertile
(see comment on Deut 29:23.
19:1-29
Fifth Speech of Job
19:20. skin of my teeth. Some have thought
there is an irony here, in that the teeth, like the
nails, are a part of the body that is not covered
by skin. Alternatively, others have considered
it a reference to the gums, meaning that all his
teeth have fallen out.
19:24. iron tool on lead. It has been assumed
that this is describing an iron stylus that incised
letters, which were filled in by lead. The
Behistun inscription of Darius I of Persia in
Iran appears to have been inlaid with lead.
Moreover, lead tablets were used by the Hittites,
as well as the Greeks and Romans.
20:1-29
Second Speech of Zophar
20:8. dream flies away. “Flying away” can be
used for death Ps 90:10. Other texts describe
enemies as phantoms in dreams Ps 73:20 and
Is 29:7. In Mesopotamian thinking, dreams
were brought from the gods by the deity Zaqiqu,
whose name is derived from a word
meaning spirit or breath.
20:24. iron weapon/bronze tipped arrow. Iron
and bronze together were considered symbols
of strength Job 40:18. The word for weapon
is a general term referring to anything that
would be found in an armory (both defensive
and offensive; see representative list in Ezek
39:9). An iron weapon would therefore refer to
a lethal weapon. It may be significant, however,
that the Ugaritic cognate refers more specifically
to a dart. “Bronze tipped arrow” is
the NIV’s interpretation of “bronzed bow.”
The effectiveness of a bow depends on its flexibility.
One would not therefore expect a bow
to be made of bronze. Bronze models of bows
have been found that have been dedicated
display pieces, but no operational bows with
bronze ornamentation have been discovered.
21:1-34
Sixth Speech of Job
21:12. tambourine, harp and flute. These are
JOB 22:1—24:11 504
all typical musical instruments of the time and
are attested in ancient Near Eastern texts, reliefs
and paintings as early as the third millennium
B.C. The “harp” is hand held and
consists of a few strings with a frame made of
wood. The tambourine has been identified in
archaeological reliefs as the tambour, a small
drum (leather stretched over a hoop) that
would not have the tinny rattle sound of modern
tambourines. The instrument translated as
flute is likely a double pipe made of either
bronze or reed.
JOB 22:1—24:11
22:1-30
Third Speech of Eliphaz
22:2. man’s benefit to God. In Mesopotamia
mankind was considered to have been created
for the express purpose of serving the gods
and doing the menial tasks that they were unwilling
to do. Thus, the gods were dependent
on mankind for the upkeep of their houses
(i.e., temples), for their daily nourishment and
for their clothing needs. The statues of the
gods were literally dressed daily, and food offerings
were presented on a daily basis.
22:6. security. A creditor was allowed to accept
something for security that the debtor selected,
except for a tool that he used in his
work (see Deut 24:6, 10-11. If it was a cloak, it
had to be returned to the debtor at evening, as
protection from the cold Ex 22:26-27, Deut
24:12-13).
22:14. vaulted heavens. A Babylonian hymn to
the sun god, Shamash, extols him as the one in
the circle of heaven who is the director of people.
The Hebrew word NIV translates as “vaulted”
is the same word that is translated “circle”
in Isaiah 40:22 (see comment there). The Akkadian
term used in this and similar contexts suggests
a circular but flat shape, a disk rather than
a sphere for the shape of both the heavens and
the earth. There is some textual evidence that
suggests the heavens were viewed as a dome,
but more information would be needed to arrive
at that conclusion. Israel, having no revelation
otherwise, shares this ancient view.
22:24. gold from Ophir. Gold from Ophir is
mentioned in an eighth century inscription
from Tell Qasile. The precise location of Ophir
is unknown. The fact that it was shipped in at
Ezion Geber suggests an Arabian location,
though sites in India and East Africa have
been considered.
23:1—24:25
Seventh Speech of Job
23:10. come forth as gold. The analogy here is
that of the process of the purification of gold.
Gold is refined or purified by means of a process
called cupellation. The gold is placed in a
crucible with lead and melted. As air is blown
across the surface of the molten mixture, the
impurities are absorbed as dross and the purified
metal remains. Like the gold that comes
forth from the purifying process, Job will have
his honor restored after his own “purifying
process” (i.e., his troubles).
24:2. moving boundary stones. Unlawfully
moving a boundary stone (i.e., property marker)
was considered a terrible crime (Deut
19:14; Prov 23:10. The purpose of the stones
was to protect family property (usually land).
In Mesopotamia the boundary stones were inscribed
with a description of the property
lines and a terrific curse that was leveled
against the criminal who transgressed the
stone. These curses were usually a description
of diseases directed toward the offender’s
body. Ironically, they have taught us much
about the Mesopotamian understanding of
disease.
24:9. infant seized for debt. In Mesopotamia
infants were sometimes given as surety for a
debt or simply seized by the creditors when
the debtor could not repay their debt. However,
the creditors are considered to have been
unlawful in this case. Also see the comment
on Job 17:3.
24:11. olives among the terraces. It is possible
that the term used here (shur) refers to terrace
walls that allowed the olive trees to grow on
hillsides. Other interpreters believe the term
refers to the equipment used for processing
olive oil. The twenty-two olive oil factories in
the caves of Maresha provide details of the
process by which olive oil was made. The initial
crushing of the fruit was done in a stone
basin by means of a lens-shaped rock on its
edge that was rolled over the olives. In the
second stage reed baskets full of pulp were
put into presses hollowed out of the rock
where weights suspended from beams would
be used to extract the remaining oil. One of
the Akkadian words for reed basket is shuru.
24:11. winepresses. The final stage of winemaking
is mentioned here, as the grapes were
tread by foot into the winepress, which emptied
the juice into vats. Winepresses have been
found by archaeologists in Palestine. They
were usually square or circular pits cut out of
rock or dug out of the ground, sealed with
plaster or lined with rocks. The grapes were
placed in the pit and then trampled on. The
juice then flowed from a channel into a lower
vessel (wine vat) which collected the grape
juice and functioned as a fermenting container.
505 JOB 24:17—26:13
24:17. terrors of darkness. The use of “king of
terrors” in 18:14 and the context of the term in
Ezek 27:36 and 28:19 suggest that “terrors”
can be used as a reference to the spirits of the
dead, those who have been consigned to the
netherworld.
Job 24:17—26:13
25:1-6
Third Speech of Bildad
25:2. order in the heavens. The literal phrase
is “He makes peace in His heights,” that is, in
the heavens. Most have argued that the writer
is alluding to the primordial conflict Job 9:13;
26:12-13) where God defeated Leviathan and
other monsters. Both Baal (Ugarit) and Marduk
(Babylon) made peace in the heavens
after the defeat of their enemies. The NIV
translation is not unrelated since the defeat of
the chaos monsters is the means by which order
was established in the cosmos.
25:5. stars not pure. There is no known tradition
of personified or deified stars being guilty
of some trespass or sin. The word “pure” can
also carry the connotation of clear or clean,
and probably here refers to the fact that the
stars do not always shine clear and bright in
the night sky but can be obscured or dimmed.
26:1—27:23
Eighth Speech of Job
26:6-11. cosmology. There was a triparite division
of the cosmos: the heavens, the earth and
the realm of the dead below the earth (Sheol
and Abaddon in v. 6). This threefold cosmology
was roughly similar to that known from
Mesopotamia and somewhat like that in the
texts from Ugarit. The picture of the universe
described here was the common cosmological
view of the ancient Near East. The sky was a
circle (dome? See comment on 22:14) that
arched over the disk of the earth, which sat on
top of a primordial ocean. Under the primordial
ocean was the netherworld, virtually a
mirror image of the space above the earth.
Thus, the entire universe was an enormous
sphere, cut in the center by the earth.
26:6. Abaddon. The parallel to Sheol (NIV:
death) suggests that this refers to a place rather
than a person. The Hebrew root from which
it is built confirms that it is a place of destruction.
In 28:22 it is personified along with
Death (Hebrew, mot), a well-known name for
the Canaanite god of the netherworld. The
Hebrew is adopted as a personal name in Revelation
9:11 where it is equated with the Greek
Apollyon. In Greek mythology, Apollo is a
god of plague and destruction. In Akkadian
the netherworld is referred to as the house of
darkness but not as the place of destruction.
26:7. north. The Hebrew word Zaphon only
comes to mean north because it refers to a
mountain that was in the north (commonly
identified with Mt. Casius, Jebel al’Aqra, in
Syria, elev. 5807 ft.). Its function here is not as
a direction but as the “sacred mountain” (Ps
48:1), the high heavens where the gods meet
in assembly and, in Ugaritic literature, where
Baal’s house is.
26:7. spread out on nothing. It is the vast trackless
waste of primordial waters that is described
as the “nothing” on which the earth
sits. Evidence for this is that the word describing
what the north is spread out on (NIV:
“empty space”) is the same word that describes
the watery cosmic chaos of Genesis 1:2 (NIV:
“formless”). In Babylonian literature, Shamash
is praised as the one who suspends from the
heavens the circle of the lands. This was part of
ancient perception of the cosmos rather than a
covert allusion to modern scientific understanding.
See comment on Psalm 24:2.
26:10. horizon as boundary. In the ancient
Near Eastern worldview, the sun, moon, stars
and clouds enter the sky through gates, and
the horizon serves as the boundary where the
gates are. So when the sun rose or set, it was
passing through the gate on the horizon that
passed into the netherworld. They believed
that during the night the sun passed through
the netherworld to arrive at the other side.
Here this is described as the boundary between
light and darkness.
26:11. pillars of heaven. See comment on 9:6.
26:12. churning sea. This description indicates
a typical mythical scene in which the churning
of the cosmic ocean disturbs the creatures (often
sea monsters) who represent the forces of
chaos and disorder. In Enuma Elish the sky
god, Anu, creates the four winds that stir up
the deep and its goddess, Tiamat. It is also
reminiscent of Baal’s defeat of Yam in Ugaritic
mythology.
26:12. Rahab. Rahab is described as one of the
sea monsters slain by God. In both the Babylonian
and Ugaritic myths of creation the champion
deity (Marduk in Babylon and Baal in
Ugarit) fights and slays a sea monster and its
cohorts in a manner similar to that of Yahweh.
In other contexts Rahab is symbolically used
as a designation for Egypt Ps 87:4 and Is
30:7). The name Rahab has not yet been found
in extrabiblical sources.
26:13. gliding serpent. This is most likely another
allusion to the defeat of the sea monster
and its allies. Marduk defeated Tiamat by
means of a mighty wind and the use of a net
JOB 27:18—29:6 506
to capture her. The fleeing or gliding serpent
also appears in Isaiah 27:1 (see comment
there).
27:18. watchman’s hut. The hut built by a
watchman was by nature flimsy, as it was
used only on a temporary basis. Farmers put
up temporary booths in the middle of their
fields in order to guard the crops during harvest.
27:23. claps hand in derision. Gestures and
body language take on different meanings in
different cultures. In current Western society
clapping hands can be used to show appreciation,
to summon subordinates or children, to
get someone’s attention, to accompany music
or to express frustration (one clap). There
were also several functions in the ancient
world. Clapping could be used in praise (Ps
47:1) or applause 2 Kings 11:12, or as a gesture
of anger or derision Num 24:10. Variations
may exist in the precise movement
involved: compare the different significations
in Western culture of (1) striking the palms together
parallel to the body on a horizontal
plain (applause); (2) slapping the palms together
in a roughly vertical movement (frustration);
and (3) striking the palms together
perpendicular to the body while alternating
which hand is on top and which is on bottom
(as if knocking the dust off).
job 27:18—29:6
28:1-28
Wisdom Hymn
28:1-11. mining in ancient Near East. Palestine,
like Mesopotamia, was generally poor in
mineral resources. There are numerous deposits
of a poor quality of iron ore in Palestine,
but few of high quality ore. The only major
deposits of iron ore known in Palestine today
are at Mugharat el-Wardeh in the Ajlun hills
by the Jabbok River. Copper mining sites are
mostly in Transjordan. While iron can be
mined on the surface, copper mining requires
shafts. Gold was mined in Nubia and South
Arabia, while Turkey was mined for its silver.
Evidence for the mining of ores comes from
Egypt as early as the First Dynasty (c. 3000
B.C.). The method of metallurgy described
here in Job can be seen on a number of Egyptian
funerary wall reliefs from the New Kingdom
(c. 1550-1050 B.C.). The underground
mining that is described here (commonly
called pitting) begins about 2000 B.C. in the ancient
Near East. It involved digging vertical
shafts at intervals in order to reach the horizontal
ore-bearing strata. In Egypt they preferred
open cut mining and sometimes dug
horizontal shafts into the sides of mountains
or cliffs. By the middle of the second millennium
they were doing more shaft mining. The
copper and turquoise mines of Egypt in the Sinai
have yielded much information of mining
techniques and the profession.
28:5. fire. In ancient mines rock was broken up
by a process called fire-setting in which the
rock was heated by large fires and then doused
with cold water mixed with vinegar (believed
to enhance the cold).
28:6. sapphires (lapis lazuli). Sapphire (lapis
lazuli) was a deep, dark blue stone found primarily
in Iran. It has often been found in archaeological
excavations in the Tigris-Euphrates
region, especially in Mesopotamian royal
graves. Lapis deposits were often veined with
pyrites, perhaps the gold referred to here.
28:16-19. gems. The various gems were all of
great value. The term for gold comes from an
Egyptian word from where it was obtained,
probably Nubia. The identity of the precious
stone in verse 16 is not certain, some have
suggested either onyx or carnelian. Glass was
made in Egypt as early as the fourth millennium
B.C., primarily for ornamentation (although
glass vessels were not common in
Palestine until the first century B.C.). The first
gem in verse 18 has been considered coral, a
red gem used for ornamentation. The word
for crystal (gabish) is the origin of the term
gypsum, and is used only here in Scripture.
The gem in verse 18 is a type of ruby, while topaz
designates yellow chrysolite.
28:20-28. source of wisdom in ancient Near
East thinking. Wisdom in Mesopotamia was
not considered an intellectual ability or as
having moral content, but a specific skill, usually
in cultic and magical rituals. The primary
deity associated with wisdom was Enki (or
Ea), who bestowed the cultic and ritual arts on
mankind. Thus, the source of wisdom was
Enki himself, though he is simply the most informed
repository rather than the originator.
Likewise Yahweh, in verses 23-27, is portrayed
as one who knows where to find wisdom
rather than as its originator or creator. If,
however, wisdom is viewed as the ability to
discern the inherent order in the created
world, it can only be achieved through the one
who established the order. Likewise, then, the
sovereignty attributed to Marduk by the
Babylonians allowed him to be addressed as
the Lord of Wisdom.
JOB 27:18—29:6
29:1—31:40
Job’s Discourse
29:6. path drenched with cream. The imagery
here emphasizes the wealthy nature of Job.
507 JOB 29:6—32:2
His flocks produced such an abundance of
curds (cream) that Job was able to wash his
feet in them.
29:6. olive oil from rock. Olive trees, which
were the main source of oil, were able to grow
in rocky soil because they could thrive with
minimal amounts of water. This meaning of
the verse is affirmed through comparison with
Deuteronomy 32:13.
29:7. seat of respect at the gate. The city gate
in ancient Near Eastern cities was a broad,
open area that also housed the town square,
or marketplace. It was also where business
was transacted and where judicial and other
governmental proceedings took place. Thus, it
was the most visible area in the town. As Job
was a family head (i.e., elder), he took his
“seat” (residence) at the city gate, emphasizing
his distinct importance.
29:12. help for orphan and widow. See comments
on Exodus 22:22-24.
job 29:6—32:2 29:20. glory fresh, born new. One’s glory (literally
liver) signified his innermost feelings.
Job’s fresh “liver” meant that he had a strong
emotional stability, and felt content and happy.
A bow could dry out and become brittle
or could be overused and lose resilience. The
bow often signified one’s virility and physical
vigor. Thus, Job was a “new man” with
youthful strength.
30:4. salt herbs. Salt herbs, or saltwort, has
been identified as artiplex halimus, an edible
plant with a very sour taste. The Talmud says
this plant was for the poor and those who
were in danger of starving.
30:4. broom tree. The roots of the broom tree
(retana roetam) were not edible, but were used
for making charcoal (see Ps 120:4. It grows
primarily in the desert regions of the Sinai and
Dead Sea.
30:11. imagery of unstrung bow. An unstrung
bow appears to signify Job’s loss of
strength. The term for bow here, however, is
obscure and has been interpreted in different
manners. It may also denote a tent cord,
which if loosened would cause the entire
tent to collapse. The imagery is clear; Job’s
body is frail and near death.
30:28. blackened. The term “blackened” appears
to refer to Job’s skin (although some
argue it may refer to his garments). The
term translated “blackened” is usually used
for mourning, and that would make the best
sense here. The same phrase is used in
Psalm 38:6 where the NIV translates “mourning.”
Though it could refer to the black
(goatskin) sackcloth, perhaps more likely is
the black soot from the ashes that a mourner
puts on their head. In verse 30 the blackened
(different word) skin is related to Job’s disease.
31:1-40. legal parallels to Job. Job’s renunciation
of evil is similar in many respects to the
negative confession from the Egyptian Book
of the Dead. In this work an individual after
death is presented before the judgment seat
of Osiris where he recites a lengthy list of forty-
two sins that he did not commit. The list
includes lying, theft, murder, killing the sacred
bull, eavesdropping, homosexuality, being
disruptive, talking loud, being impatient
and conjuring against a god, just to give a
range of examples. Even more to the point, in
a Hittite prayer to the Storm-god for relief
from suffering, Kantuzilis declares his innocence
of a list of items (breaking oaths, eating
forbidden things, withholding sacrifices).
This oath has clearly put Job in the position
of defendant. A declaration of innocence was
a common element in legal proceedings that
were being appealed to a judge for a public
hearing. Since it was often impossible to
gather sufficient evidence in this type of
court case, the swearing of an oath took on
great significance. Up until this point Job has
been distressed that God has been silent. By
swearing to this oath of innocence, Job hopes
to turn any continued silence to his advantage.
If God ignores his oath it will be tacit
admission of Job’s innocence.
31:12. Abaddon/destruction. Along with
Sheol, Abaddon is a name for the abode of the
dead (see comment on 26:6), and is paralleled
with the grave. The term literally means destruction.
The term appears as Apollyon in
Revelation 9:11, where it refers to the angel of
the bottomless pit.
31:36. wearing indictment on shoulder. Wearing
or carrying something on the shoulder
caused the item to be considered important,
and the bearer displayed it proudly (see Is 9:6;
22:22). Moreover, an item inscribed or bound
on the hand, neck or forehead became a constant
reminder for the wearer, and an advertisement
to spectators Prov 6:21; Ex 8:16;
Deut 6:8; 11:18).
32:1—37:24
Elihu’s Discourses
32:2. Buzite. Buz was the nephew of Abraham
Gen 22:20-21 and presumably the ancestor of
this Aramean clan (Ram). Jeremiah mentions
Buz along with Sheba and Dedan Jer 9:25;
49:32). The annals of the Assyrian king Esarhaddon
mention the geographic name Bazu,
which has been identified on the island of
Bahrein in the Persian Gulf.
JOB 32:19—38:1 508
32:19. bottled up wine/new wineskins. New
wineskins are able to endure fermenting wine,
since the skins expand along with the wine. If
the wineskins are bottled up in this process,
they are in danger of exploding, unless they
are vented Jer 20:9.
JOB 32:19—38:1 33:15-16. God speaking in dreams. See the
comment on Job 4:13-15.
33:22. pit/messengers of death. Akkadian also
has a word for the netherworld that is translated
“pit” (h~ashtu). The terminology is drawn
from the hole dug to serve as the grave. The
identity of the messengers of death is not certain.
In Mesopotamian literature there are several
gods that are called the “death bringers.”
But the word “messengers” is not in the text
here, and some interpreters have plausibly
suggested “place of the dead” as a parallel to
the pit.
35:10. songs in the night. Since troubles were
associated with the night, songs in the night
would be a welcome change whether individuals
sang about their disappointments or expressed
their confidence in God’s presence.
Alternatively, there are some Semitic cognates
of the term translated “song” that mean
strength or protection, and that would fit with
some of the parallels in Hebrew (for instance,
in Ex 15:2, where it would be “The LORD is my
strength and protection”).
36:14. male prostitutes. The male prostitutes
described here are probably referring to a
Canaanite fertility cult. For more information
concerning cultic prostitution in general, see
the comment on Deuteronomy 23:17-18. The
term used here occurs in both feminine and
masculine forms and refers, perhaps euphemistically,
to ones who have been set apart for
particular functions. This same term is used in
Akkadian literature to refer to those who have
been consecrated as functionaries serving at
the shrines or temples. The prostitute was
among those functionaries, as was the wet
nurse and the midwife. It is unclear what other
functions the males might have served. For
more information see comment on 2 Kings
23:7.
36:27. water cycle. Though some modern interpreters
have attempted to read this verse as
a scientific description of the condensation-
evaporation cycle, the context is clearly
operating from a different perspective (see v.
32, where God fills his hands with lightning
bolts that he throws like spears). The two
verbs in this verse speak of a process of drawing
out or refining (as precious metals would
be drawn out in the refining process). It was
believed in the ancient Near East that raindrops
came from a heavenly stream or ocean,
a great body of water that enveloped the
earth, and from subterranean waters. Thus
there were waters above and below the earth.
It was these waters from which God is seen as
drawing out raindrops.
37:2-4. storm gods. In Ugaritic myths the
storm god Baal-Hadad struck terror in his enemies
and caused them to flee by the power of
his voice (also see Ps 29. The Akkadian equivalent,
Adad, also thundered with his voice.
Storm gods typically were pictured with lightning
bolts clutched in the hand.
37:9. chamber of the tempest. It was believed
that winds were stored in chambers in the
heavens. The chambers were periodically
emptied by God. The Canaanites and Babylonians
attributed manifestations of storms to
Adad, the storm and wind god. Similar (and
more frequent) imagery describes Yahweh
having storehouses of rain, hail and snow,
which are set in motion by the wind, presumably
instigated by his breath. The word translated
storehouses can be used to refer to
treasuries that would store precious objects, as
well as royal weapons. Hail, snow, wind,
thunder and lightning are often seen as the
weapons that God uses to defeat his enemies.
Likewise storehouses could serve for the storage
of raw materials such as barley, dates,
grain or tithes in general. In the same way
God rations out the products from his storehouses
as necessary. Cosmic storehouses are
not common imagery in the ancient Near East.
37:13. rain as judgment of God. Storms were
used by God for both blessing and judgment,
depending on the situation. It brought much
needed water for the crops to grow but could
also come in destructive storms. In the ancient
world the people believed that the weather
was under total control of deity and was used
to reward or punish. They did not view the
world as operating by natural laws.
37:18. bronze mirror. Mirrors in antiquity
were made out of bronze and were very hard
and difficult to break. The imagery was appropriate
to the sky on those dry, hot summer
days when the heat of the sun reflected on the
rock and dirt through the still, golden haze.
Additionally in the ancient world it was believed
that the sky was a solid dome or disk.
JOB 32:19—38:1
38:1—41:34
God’s Discourses
38:1. God speaking out of storm. God often
presented himself by means of a storm (2
Kings 2:11, Ezek 1:4 and he came in tempest
to judge the nations. Storm gods in the ancient
Near East (Baal-Hadad at Ugarit, Adad
509 JOB 38:4-19
in Mesopotamia) also manifested themselves
in this way. Yahweh is portrayed as master of
the storm and controller of the winds, which
can bring life as well as destruction. This type
of figurative language demonstrating God’s
majesty is a common feature in ancient Near
Eastern epic poetry. For example, in the
Ugaritic epic of Baal and Anath, the god Baal
is described as the “Rider of the Clouds” and
his “voice” is the sound and fury of thunder
and lightening. Similarly, in the Babylonian
story of creation, Enuma Elish, the storm god
Marduk defeats the primordial goddess of
watery chaos, Tiamat, through his control of
the winds and his use of the lightning. See
comment on Zechariah 9:14.
job 38:4-19 38:4. God responding to challenge using rhetorical
questions. In the Erra Epic Erra (=Nergal)
challenges Marduk concerning his loss of
divine dignity. Marduk’s long answer gives
explanation for his condition but then defends
his sovereignty by posing a series of unanswerable
“where” and “who” questions to
Erra in order to demonstrate his wisdom and
control.
38:4-6. earth’s foundation, footings, cornerstone.
In the ancient world the cosmos was
viewed in terms of a temple, and the temple
was understood to represent a microcosmos.
Here the most important elements in building
the temple are referred to in God’s setting up
of the cosmos. The foundation determined the
size and orientation of the temple and so was
laid out very carefully. It involved survey of
the site but, more importantly, communication
from the deity because of the importance of
the orientation. The word translated “footings”
is most often used for the sockets that
held the pillars used in the tabernacle. The
cornerstone or, better, the foundation brick is
always significant in temple building and restoration.
One of the most detailed temple
building accounts in ancient Near Eastern literature
describes Gudea’s construction of a
temple for Ningirsu around 2000 B.C. The ceremony
concerning the premier brick shows its
centrality to the building procedure.
38:5. measuring line in creation. The placement
and orientation of a temple was considered
extremely important (see the comment
on Ex 26:1-36. This is also evidenced in temple
building texts both mythological and historical
in Mesopotamia. When Marduk is
preparing to build his cosmic temple in Enuma
Elish, he measures the Apsu (the area where
the foundation of the temple will be laid).
From Sumerian times through Assyrian and
Babylonian periods, the possession of the
measuring equipment is a sign of the divine
commission for the rebuilding project. It is
through this equipment that the leader is given
divine direction.
38:7. morning stars/angels. It was typical that
the bringing in of the “premier brick” was accompanied
by great celebration. The morning
stars (usually planets such as Mars and Venus)
were worshiped as divine beings in the
ancient Near East, and were personified as
part of the heavenly hosts in Israel. In the context
of Job 38, these “stars” are parallel to the
created angelic beings. A Ugaritic poem describes
the birth of a number of astral deities.
38:8. sea from womb. In Mesopotamian thinking,
the cosmic region from which the subterranean
waters emerge is called the Apsu, and
is located between the earth and the netherworld.
In one incantation the mother of Apsu
is the river goddess. The Babylonian creation
myth recounts how Tiamat, the sea goddess,
was the mother of all creation who was defeated
by Marduk. Similarly, Baal in the
Ugaritic creation myth defeated Yam, the sea
god. The motif here in Job concerning the
birth of the sea god is not known elsewhere.
Some have concluded that Yahweh’s restriction
of the sea from the womb suggests that he
did not have to defeat a rebellious sea threatening
with chaos (as Marduk and Baal had
done) but that it had always been under his
control.
38:10. doors and bars of sea. Marduk, after
having defeated Tiamat, created the seas and
placed guards to keep back the waters. The
Babylonian Atrahasis Epic refers to a bolt of the
Sea in the possession of the god Ea (=Enki).
Other texts speak of locks of the sea. One of
the main tasks of the head of the pantheon
was to keep the sea in check so that chaos
would be restrained and order would prevail.
38:14. clay under seal. Stamp seals and cylinder
seals were produced by engraving a pattern
into clay or rock (see sidebar at Jer 32. A
stamp seal pressed into wet clay brings shape,
contour, design and meaning to that which
has had no distinct or distinguishable features.
The light of sunrise likewise brings topographical
features into sharp relief.
38:17. gates of death. In the Mesopotamian
epic of the Descent of Ishtar the goddess Ishtar
had to traverse seven gates to arrive in the
netherworld and then to return back to the
land of the living. The Israelites also believed
that death (Sheol) was held by gates.
38:19. abode of light. The question most likely
concerns where each one goes when the other
is present. In the ancient Near East the sun
passed through the netherworld during the
night or resided in sequestered chambers. The
JOB 38:22—41:1 510
Gilgamesh Epic refers to a place called the region
of darkness. This is an area that is constantly
in darkness along what is called the
Path of the Sun.
38:22. storehouses of snow and hail. The Israelites
believed that snow and hail, like rain,
were collected in storehouses to be used when
necessary (see comment on 37:9).
38:28-29. birth of nature. In the ancient Near
East and Greece there is a strong tradition of
theogony (birth of the gods as natural elements
of the universe). The Babylonian epic of
creation commences with the divine natural
elements all generated from a watery mist
(Tiamat). These natural elements in turn generated
other divine natural forms. Similar imagery
is found in Greece in Hesiod’s Theogony.
It is difficult to determine whether the verse
here discounts this view or is just indicating
Job’s ignorance of the answer. Canaanite literature
knew of Pidrya, daughter of mist, and
Taliya, daughter of showers in the Ugaritic
Epic of Baal. In Mesopotamian literature, dew
is sometimes seen as coming from the stars.
Shamash, the sun god, is seen as the one who
provides dew, mist and ice.
JOB 38:22—41:1 38:31-32. constellations. The three constellations
mentioned here (Pleiades, Orion and the
Bear) are the same as mentioned in Job 9:9 (see
comment there). The fourth constellation is
not certain, but may be a term for the planets.
The Babylonians were quite adept at charting
the stars (cf. Is 47:13 and believed that the
movements of the heavenly bodies influenced
earthly affairs. Moreover, by charting their
movements one was able to forecast the
weather.
39:13-18. behavior of the ostrich. Engraved
art from Israel starting about 1000 B.C. and
continuing for several centuries portrays a deity
flanked by ostriches. O. Keel believes these
represent the numinous powers that survive
in the wilderness under the control of a deity.
It is not difficult to see why the peculiar habits
of the ostrich have become the core of proverbs.
They appear to be indifferent to their
young in that when predators attack, the ostriches
attempt to draw them away from the
young by running off and leaving them reasonably
camouflaged, lying flat on the
ground. The eggs of an ostrich are indeed laid
in the sand, but the danger of crushing them is
not as great as it may seem. The shell is six
times thicker than that of a chicken egg. The
male shares the incubation responsibilities
and undertakes the greater part of the chick’s
care after it is hatched. An adult ostrich can
maintain a speed of fifty miles per hour for a
half-mile or so. Ostriches were hunted by pharaohs
(portrayed as the prey of Tutankhamun)
who prized the plumes for fans. They became
extinct in western Asia only in the twentieth
century.
40:15-24. Behemoth. Since about the seventeenth
century Behemoth has traditionally
been identified with the hippopotamus,
which flourished in Egypt and much of Africa.
The monarchs of Egypt hunted this animal,
as depicted on numerous wall reliefs.
The hippopotamus plays a role in many
Egyptian myths, where it often symbolized
enemy powers against the throne. There was
even an Egyptian festival where a hippopotamus
was ritually slain, symbolic of pharaoh’s
enemies. The difficulty with this identification
is that the description in the text is not
particularly suitable to a hippopotamus (especially
v. 17). Early intertestamental interpretation
favors a mythical/supernatural
identification (for instance, many would
equate the beast and the dragon of Revelation
to Behemoth and Leviathan). In Ugaritic
literature the seven-headed dragon (see comment
on 41:1 below) is paired with a creature
identified as Arshu, also known as El’s calf,
Atik.
40:24. means of capture. The hippopotamus
was considered in antiquity very difficult to
capture. One tactic was to pierce the nose of
the creature so that it was obliged to breathe
through its mouth. It could then be killed by
shooting a harpoon in the mouth’s opening.
41:1. Leviathan. Leviathan has often been
identified as a crocodile, which were found
mostly in Egypt (where it symbolized kingly
power and greatness) but also sparsely in Palestine.
However, the multiple heads in Psalm
74:14 and the fiery breath here in verses 19-21
make the crocodile identification difficult. Alternatively
Leviathan has been depicted as a
sea monster (see Ps 74:14; Is 27:1. Support for
this is found in Ugaritic texts which contain
detailed descriptions of a chaos beast, representing
the seas or watery anarchy, in the form
of a many-headed, twisting sea serpent who is
defeated by Baal. There is a close affinity between
the description of Leviathan in Isaiah as
a “coiling serpent” and the Ugaritic Baal epic,
which speaks of how the storm god “smote
Litan the twisting serpent.” In both cases there
is a sense of the god of order and fertility vanquishing
a chaos monster. Several other passages
in the Old Testament mention Leviathan,
but most of them, like Psalm 74:14,
speak in terms of God’s creative act that establishes
control over watery chaos (personified
by the sea serpent). In Isaiah 27:1, however,
that struggle between order and chaos occurs
511 JOB 41:18—PSALMS: COMMON CONCEPTS
at the end of time. It may be that the fall of
Satan, portrayed as a seven-headed dragon
in Revelation 12:3-9, also echoes the Ugaritic
image of Litan as “the tyrant with seven
heads.” Biblically, Leviathan would therefore
most easily fit into the category of “supernatural”
creature (like cherubim) as
opposed to natural or purely mythological.
As such it may appear in extrabiblical mythology,
as well as being symbolized by
something like a crocodile (as in Ezek 29:3,
though Leviathan is not specifically referred
to in that context).
41:18-21. flame-emitting creatures. Flame-emitting
creatures were known from Ugaritic
myth of Baal against the sea (Yam). Yam’s terrible
messengers terrorized the divine assembly
by their fiery appearance. In the
Gilgamesh Epic the guardian Huwawa is described
by the phrase “his mouth is fire itself.”
JOB 41:18—Psalms: Common Concepts
42:1-17
Job’s Restoration
42:11. gifts. The Hebrew term here for “piece
of silver” (qesita) was an ancient unit used primarily
in the Patriarchal age Gen 33:19. One
hundred qesitas were required to buy a sizable
piece of real estate (see Josh 24:32, and thus
one qesita was a substantial gift. The gold ring
may have been a nose ring or earring worn
usually by the wealthy.
42:12. size of herds. Job now has double the
size of herds that he had at the beginning of
the story (see Job 1:3.
42:15. daughters inheriting along with sons.
Daughters normally inherited in ancient Israel
only when there was no son (see Num 26:33.
Thus the daughters inheriting along with sons
is unique in the Old Testament, although there
are parallels from the Aegean in the early first
millennium B.C. and from Ugarit.
P S A L M S
COMMON CONCEPTS
Acrostics. “Acrostic” is a literary form in which the first letters of consecutive lines form a pattern.
In alphabetic acrostics the pattern is the alphabet (the first line begins with the first letter of the
alphabet, the second line with the second letter, etc.). Other forms of acrostic might spell out a
message or a name (for instance, the scribe who composed the work or the deity being honored).
There are a number of acrostics in the book of Psalms (9—10, 25, 34, 37, 111, 112, 119, 145). Psalm
119 is the most complex in that each letter of the Hebrew alphabet is represented by eight consecutive
lines. All Hebrew acrostics in the Bible are alphabetic acrostics. The seven examples of acrostics
in Mesopotamian literature are name/sentence acrostics (since Akkadian was syllabic, there
was no alphabet and, therefore, no alphabetic acrostics) and generally date to the first half of the
first millennium. Egyptian examples offer numerical sequences or complex messages that involve
both horizontal and vertical patterns. They are more dependent on puns to accomplish their stylistic
objective. Acrostics depend on writing and therefore would not be composed orally. They are
intended to be read, not just heard, because of the importance of the visual element. This is especially
clear in the Babylonian examples, where a variable sign needs to be read with one value in
the poem but a different value in the acrostic. Some of the Babylonian examples also contain a pattern
in the last sign of each line. Another variation is found in those examples where the acrostic is
repeated each stanza.
Afterlife. Sheol is the Hebrew word for the netherworld. Though it may be considered an act of
judgment for a person to be consigned to Sheol from life, it is not in itself a place of judgment to be
contrasted with a heavenly destiny of rewards. The word is sometimes used as a synonym for
grave because the grave was the portal through which one entered the netherworld. Besides
“Sheol” the Psalms also frequently refer to “the pit.” This type of terminology occurs as a variant
term for the netherworld as early as the Sumerian period. This is entirely logical given the understanding
of the grave (a pit dug in the earth) as the entry to the netherworld. The Israelites
believed that the spirits of the dead continued to exist in this shadowy world. It was not a pleasant
existence, but it is never associated with the torment of hellfire in the Old Testament (the imagery
seen in Is 66:24 is not associated with Sheol). It is not clear that in Israelite thinking there were any
alternatives to Sheol. People who were spared from Sheol were spared from it by being kept alive
rather than by going somewhere else. There was at least a vague idea of somewhere else to go seen
in the examples of Enoch and Elijah, who avoided the grave and presumably did not go to Sheol.
COMMON CONCEPTS 512
But those texts are very unclear about what the other alternative was. Lacking specific revelation
to the contrary, Israelite beliefs conformed generally to many of those current among their
Canaanite and Mesopotamian neighbors.
A composite sketch of Mesopotamian beliefs would suggest that the dead needed to cross a
desert, mountains and a river, and then descend through the seven gates of the netherworld.
Though described in Mesopotamian literature as a place of darkness where the inhabitants were
clothed in bird feathers and ate dust, kinder accounts were also current. The denizens of this
shadow world also were sustained by the offerings presented by those who were still alive, and
they enjoyed some light as the sun god passed through the netherworld when it was night in the
land of the living so he could rise in the east again the next morning. The rulers of the netherworld,
Nergal and Ereshkigal, were assisted by a group called the Anunnaki. Despite the depressing
descriptions, no one wanted to be turned away from the gates because the alternative was to
be a wandering spirit with no access to funerary offerings.
There are some expressions in Psalms that have often been interpreted as a reference to an
afterlife in God’s presence, though other explanations are possible. Some psalms speak in terms of
awakening and seeing God’s face (11:7; 17:15). In the context of Psalms this is an anticipation not
of heaven but of an experience in the temple, as 27:4 and 63:3 make clear. This phrase occurs with
the same meaning in Akkadian, where, for instance, Ashurbanipal longs to look at his god Ashur’s
face (in the temple) and bow before him. In a hymn to Ishtar it is said that the sick man who sees
her face revives. In more general terms the Babylonian sufferer in Ludlul Bel Nemeqi says that he
calls to his god, who does not show his face, yet he hopes that the morning will bring him good
things. The psalmist also expects his deliverance to come when he awakes in the morning (139:18).
A second expression concerns being redeemed from Sheol (49:15). This only means that the psalmist
has been spared from death for the moment, not that he will go to heaven instead of Sheol
(compare the wording and contexts in 18:16-19; 30:2-3). Again, comparable wording occurs in
Mesopotamian literature, where Marduk is considered one who restores life from the grave (see
comment on 30:3) or gives life to the dead. Gula, the goddess of healing, states that she can return
the dead from the netherworld. These are expressions not of resurrection but of healing. For discussion
of resurrection, see comment on Daniel 12:2.
common concepts Creation in Psalms. The praise of Yahweh as the Creator in Psalms is focused mainly on his ordering
and maintenance of the cosmos. His control and his sovereignty are indicated as he shows his
mastery of the heavens, clouds, sun, moon, stars, earth, seas, thunder and lightning. As in the rest
of the ancient world, in Israel it is more important who is in charge than where things ultimately
come from. Nevertheless, Yahweh is also seen as the originator of every part of the cosmos. This
also extends to the inhabitants of the cosmos from people and down through the various species
of animal life, no matter how obscure. The poetic language of the Psalms does not hesitate to
adopt the imagery of the cosmos that is common to the worldview contained in the mythology
and old-world science of the ancient Near East. Though today in our scientifically enlightened
world, some would desire to find in the Psalms a scientific accuracy garbed (disguised) in poetic
language, such an approach poses a methodological dilemma. The Israelite audience was familiar
only with its own cultural perspectives. Since these were not informed by revelation (e.g., God
had not told them that a round earth revolved around the sun and was held in orbit by gravity),
they would have closely resembled those common in the ancient world. If this is so, then the
words, images and ideas used in the text communicated to them what to them was reality, not
just poetic language. Nevertheless, God’s sovereign control of nature is the point.
Whether his control of the storm is depicted in the imagery of God armed with lightning bolts
and riding on clouds or is understood in his control of high and low pressure systems and the jet
stream, the point of his sovereignty remains unchanged. God did not inform them concerning the
science of meteorology so that he could give them an “accurate” idea of his control of the weather.
He used the understanding that they had. In the same way God did not inform them that the
organ they actually used for thinking was the brain, not the heart or the kidneys, as the ancient
world believed. Instead he affirmed his interest in their minds, using the understanding that they
had of physiology. The ancient worldview concerning the cosmos is evident in many passages of
the Old Testament. For a sampling see the comments in Genesis 1:6-8; Deuteronomy 32:22; Job 9:6,
7; 22:14; 26:7, 10; 36:27; 38:1-31; Psalms 8:3; 24:2; 104:1-35; Proverbs 3:19-20; and Isaiah 40:22. There
is no instance in which the text supersedes the science of the day or assumes a more sophisticated
view of science.
Lament. Laments may be personal statements of despair, such as that found in Psalm 22:1-21,
dirges following the death of an important person (David’s elegy for Saul in 2 Sam 1:17-27 or
513 COMMON CONCEPTS
communal cries in times of crisis, such as Psalm 137. The most famous lament from ancient Mesopotamia
is the Lament over the Destruction of Ur, which commemorates the capture of the city in
2004 B.C. by the Elamite king Kindattu. For more information on this latter category see the sidebar
in the book of Lamentations. In the book of Psalms more than a third of the psalms are laments,
mostly of an individual. The most common complaints concern sickness and oppression by enemies.
There are a number of technical terms that describe the lament literature in Mesopotamia,
and many of them are connected to incantations (that is, magical rites are being performed to try
to rid the person of the problem). The petitions that accompany lament are very similar to those
found in prayers from the ancient Near East. They include requests for guidance, protection, favor,
attention from the deity, deliverance from crisis, intervention, reconciliation, healing and long life.
Praise. Praise psalms can be either individual or corporate. Over a third of the psalms in the book
are praise psalms. Corporate psalms typically begin with an imperative call to praise (e.g., “shout
to the LORD”) and describe all the good things the Lord has done. Individual praise often begins
with a proclamation of intent to praise (e.g., “I will praise you, O LORD”) and declare what God
has done in a particular situation in the psalmist’s life. Mesopotamian and Egyptian hymns generally
focus on descriptive praise, often moving from praise to petition. Examples of the proclamation
format can be seen in the Mesopotamian wisdom composition Ludlul Bel Nemeqi. The title is
the first line of the piece that is translated “I Will Praise the God of Wisdom.” As in the individual
praise psalms, this Mesopotamian worshiper of Marduk reports a problem that he had had and
how his god brought him deliverance.
Private worship. How much of the worship connected to Psalms was associated with the annual
festivals at the temple and the pilgrimages made to those festivals? How much of it was associated
with sacrifices that were being made? A large percentage of the people who lived in Israel lived
many miles from the temple. Only those who lived in close proximity to Jerusalem could visit
there regularly (though there would be no reason to if one had no sacrifice that needed offering).
The observant Israelite male might have traveled there three times each year as the law required
(see comments on Ex 23:15-17, but there is little evidence in the text that such observance ever
became commonplace in the Old Testament period. As a result many Israelites would perhaps
only see the temple a few times in their life. Certainly, then, there must have been other contexts in
which worship could take place. The synagogue is generally thought to be a postexilic invention
at the earliest, and the high places throughout Israel were disapproved in the ideal world of biblical
religious practice. Sabbath was not clearly designated as a day set aside for worship, though at
the temple in Jerusalem, at least, there were worship activities that took place on that day. We
know that Israel’s worship centered around sacred space (the temple), sacred times (Sabbath, festivals),
sacred rituals (sacrifice) and sacred words (prayers). Additionally we know that the focus of
worship was preserving the holiness of God’s presence, preserving the Law and the covenant, and
recognition of who God was and what he had done. Nevertheless, we have very little idea of the
routine of worship in the individual’s life.
Common Concepts Retribution principle. In its most basic form the retribution principle contends that the righteous
will prosper and the wicked will suffer. On a national level this principle is built into the covenant,
with its potential blessings and threat of curses. On the individual level it had been inferred that
this was necessary in order for God to maintain justice. Since the Israelites had only the vaguest
concept of the afterlife, and no clear idea of judgment or reward in the afterlife, God’s justice could
only be accomplished in this life. The Israelites believed that if God were to be considered just,
rewards and punishments in this life would be proportional to the righteousness or wickedness of
the individual. These beliefs had also then led Israelites to believe that if someone was prospering,
it must be a reward for righteousness; and if someone was suffering, it must be a punishment for
wickedness. The greater the suffering, the greater the wickedness must be. Because of the retribution
principle, suffering had become a source of shame. The authors of Babylonian and Assyrian
magical texts describe this same principle of retribution, but since they were not completely convinced
of the justice of the gods, it was not as big a theological issue in Mesopotamia.
Temple worship. The temple was not a structure designed for corporate worship. It was a structure
to provide a place for God to dwell in the midst of his people. It had to be maintained in holiness
and purity so that God’s continuing presence could be vouchsafed. The priests existed to
maintain that purity and to control access. The temple idea was not invented so that there would
be a place to offer sacrifices. Rather, several of the sacrifices existed as a means of maintaining the
temple. God’s presence was the most important element to preserve. The most important acts of
worship were those which recognized his holiness and worked to maintain the holiness of his
sacred space. For this reason, words of worship often included acts of worship. Though corporate
COMMON METAPHORS FOR GOD
514
worship at times took place at the temple, it was not a place that was set up for worship to take
place. It was designed to adequately house God, and consequently worship there was inevitable.
The word most often used for worship in the Old Testament also means “service.” In the ancient
Near East most people saw worship as serving the needs of the gods by providing them with food
(sacrifice), clothing (placed on the idols) and shelter (luxurious and ornate temples). The God of
Israel did not have needs, but it was still appropriate to serve him, as, for instance, the priests and
Levites did.
common concepts
Festivals in the ancient world centered around cycles of nature (New Year’s or fertility festivals),
mythological events (enthronement of deity conquering chaos), agricultural events (harvest)
or historical memorials (dedications or deliverances). They celebrated what deity had done and
sought to perpetuate deity’s action on their behalf. Often these elements were combined. They
usually were celebrated at a holy place and therefore often required pilgrimage. The major religious
festivals and holy days celebrated throughout the ancient Near East were for the most part
agriculturally based. While daily offerings were made to the gods, there were “patron days” in
specific towns and villages for locally honored deities as well as occasions when the national
god(s) were processed from one town to another, “visiting” shrines and promoting the general fertility
and well-being of the land. The single most important of the Mesopotamian festivals was the
Akitu
or New Year’s celebration. The monarch assumed the role of the chief god, while the high
priestess served as his consort and represented the chief goddess. Their performance of a series of
intricate sacred rituals and sacrifices were designed to please the gods and thus insure a prosperous
and fertile year ahead. During the year, based on a lunar calendar, New Moon festivals were
celebrated, as were the events of the agricultural calendar (the coming of the rains or annual flood
waters, plowing and harvesting). Some rituals grew out of the changing of the seasons, such as the
mourning for the “dying god” Tammuz (or Dumuzi), who could only be released from the underworld
through the tears of devotees (see Ezek 8:14. At these corporate festivals individuals were
generally little more than spectators. It was not unusual for there to be festivals of one kind or
another six or eight times during a month.
Common Metaphors for God
In the ancient Near East it was a common practice to multiply names and titles for deity, sometimes
using metaphors, other times just descriptive phrases. At the end of
Enuma Elish
the
champion and new head of the pantheon, Marduk, is praised by having his fifty names
declared. Some of the most intriguing, along with part of the description connected to them,
include Namtilla, the one who gives life; Namru, the pure god who purifies the path; Agaku,
who created human beings to set them free; Shazu, director of justice; and Agilima, who built
the earth above the water. Below are a few of the common metaphors used as titles for Yahweh
in Psalms.
(18:2; 75:10; 89:17; 92:10; 112:9; 132:17; 148:14). This metaphor is only used for God in one
place in the Psalms (18:2). In ancient Near Eastern iconography, rays or horns on the crowns of
deities symbolize power. These are related to the divine glory (Akkadian,
melammu)
that emanated
from the gods and especially from their heads or crowns. So, for instance, one text makes reference
to the god Enlil “whose horns gleam like the rays of the sun.” It was common in Mesopotamia for
kings and gods to wear crowns featuring protruding or embossed horns. Sometimes the sets of
horns were stacked one on another in tiers. The winged lion from Ashurnasirpal’s palace has a
conical crown on its human head with three pairs of tiered horns embossed on it. Both in the Bible
and the ancient Near East, then, the awe-inspiring power of the deity could be invested in
humans, particularly the king.
The judge had the responsibility of making decisions concerning legal cases that were
brought before him. In the cultures of the ancient Near East the king represented the highest court
of appeals from a human standpoint. In many cases, however, there was simply insufficient evidence
to allow a human being to arrive at a confident decision. As a result, cases were often settled
by deity, thus giving rise to the concept of deity as the judge who sees all the evidence and gives
an informed and just decision. There were three significant mechanisms by which this system
worked. First was the oath. An oath was taken in cases where physical evidence was unavailable
or responsibility for loss was uncertain Ex 22:10-13; Hammurabi). In this way God was solicited
as a witness, and the person taking the oath laid himself open to divine justice. Second was the
oracle. In this situation a priest would oversee a process by which the deity would be questioned
concerning the innocence or guilt of the accused party. In the ancient Near East omens were generally
used in oracular cases. An animal would be sacrificed and the entrails examined to determine
515 COMMON METAPHORS FOR GOD
what the deity’s verdict was (favorable meant innocent; unfavorable meant guilty). In Israel the
Urim and Thummim were used for this purpose. The third mechanism by which deity was
involved was trial by ordeal. “Ordeal” describes a judicial situation in which the accused is placed
in the hand of God using some mechanism, generally one that will put the accused in jeopardy. If
the deity intervenes to protect the accused from harm, the verdict is innocent. Most trials by ordeal
in the ancient Near East involved dangers such as water, fire or poison. When the accused was
exposed to these threats they were in effect being assumed guilty until the deity declared otherwise
by action on their behalf. In each of these situations, God was understood to be the judge
who was rendering verdicts. Beyond these more formal contexts, deity was also understood as the
judge in the sense that he maintained justice in society. This meant taking up the cause of the
unfortunate, the poor, the vulnerable and the oppressed. In Ugaritic literature, Baal is sometimes
given the title “Judge,” but more frequently it is associated with Yamm (“sea”), who is regularly
called “Judge River” (perhaps alluding to the river ordeal by which judgments were passed). In
Akkadian literature the sun god Shamash is the god of justice and therefore frequently cast in the
role of divine judge. In Egypt, Amon-Re, also the sun god, was seen as responsible for justice.
King. In the ancient Near East the role of king was attributed to the chief national god, the head of
the pantheon. During the Old Testament period this included El or Baal for Canaanites, Marduk
for Babylon, Chemosh for Moab, Milcom for Ammon, Ashur for Assyria, Dagon for Philistia, Ra
for Egypt, Qos for Edom and Hadad for Aram. The rule of these gods in the divine realm was
exercised over the other locally worshiped gods (as head of the divine assembly). In the human
realm these gods would be closely identified with the human king as they were involved together
in military exploits, building projects (especially temples) and maintaining justice in society. All of
the areas that the human king was seen as responsible for, the divine king was ultimately responsible
for. Military success meant that the rule of the deity was extended over other national deities
whom he had conquered. Thus Sennacherib tried to intimidate Hezekiah by listing the gods that
had fallen before him (see comment on 2 Chron 32:11. In the days of Ahab, Yahweh had to compete
with Baal for kingship of Israel (see comment on 1 Kings 17:1. In the days of Samuel the people
had lost faith in Yahweh’s kingship and sought to replace him with a human king (see
comment on 1 Sam 8:7. In Psalms, Yahweh is repeatedly proclaimed as king. Whether or not this
is associated with a formal enthronement festival in Israel (see comment on Day of Yahweh in the
sidebar in Joel), Yahweh’s position as king recognizes his sovereignty over individual crises and
the events that drive them, over national disasters, over the nations and their gods, and over the
cosmos and its operation.
common metaphors for god Redeemer. In Israelite society the redeemer’s (go’el) role was fulfilled by a kinsman who helped
recover the tribe’s losses, whether those losses were human (in which case he hunted down the
killer), judicial (in which case he assisted in lawsuits) or economic (in which case he recovered the
property of a family member). He was a family member who protected the interests of the family
when there had been some intrusion on the rights or holdings of the family. This is the term most
frequently used in Psalms. A second term (pdh) refers in the legal sphere to freeing someone from
standing claims against them or from obligations they have incurred. So redeeming the firstborn
involved freeing him from obligation by paying an agreed price. In the Old Testament neither
these words nor any of their synonyms refer to redeeming or saving someone eternally from their
sins. Psalm 130:8 is the closest, but even that refers only to freeing from the obligations of punishment
the nation had brought on itself. In both Ugaritic and Akkadian this verb is used with deity
as the subject.
Rock (18:2, 31; 19:14; 28:1; 31:2; 42:9; 62:2; 71:3; 78:35; 89:26; 92:15; 94:22; 95:1; 144:1). There are two
different Hebrew words that are used for this divine title, with no discernable difference in their
usage. The title does not occur as such in the literature of the cultures surrounding Israel, but we
know that it was used because it can be found as the theophoric element in Aramaic and Amorite
personal names. A rock could be a foundation for a building, it could provide protection (to hide
behind) or shade (to sit beside), and it could be impervious and unmovable. All of these qualities
made it an apt metaphor for describing God.
Shepherd. In the ancient Near East both kings and gods were often portrayed as shepherds of
their people. Just as the sheep were totally dependent on the shepherd for their care and protection,
people depended on the king and the gods. Shamash, the Mesopotamian sun god and the
god of justice, is praised as being the shepherd of all that is below. The Egyptian sun god, Amon, is
described as a shepherd who brings his herds to pasture, thus providing food for his suffering
people.
Shield (3:3; 5:12; 7:10; 18:2, 30; 28:7; 59:11; 84:11; 144:2). In battle the type of shield would be chosen
MUSICAL TERMS 516
to suit the type of combat one expected to encounter. If siege was being laid to defend city walls,
one would want a body-length shield that would provide protection from arrows and sling stones
raining down from the walls. In contrast, hand-to-hand combat in the open field would favor a
small maneuverable shield that could be used to ward off thrusts by sword or spear. Nearly all of
the examples in Psalms refer to the latter (all of the above except 5:12). The metaphor of deity as a
shield is familiar from the ancient Near East in, for instance, a prophetic oracle given to the Assyrian
king Esarhaddon, who is assured by the goddess Ishtar that she will be a shield for him. Ishtar,
as the goddess of war, is referred to as “lady of the shield,” and her planet, Venus, takes the Akkadian
word for shield, aritu, as one of its names.
Stronghold/fortress (9:9; 18:2; 27:1; 31:2; 37:39; 43:2; 46:7; 48:3; 52:7; 59:9,16,17; 62:2, 6-8; 71:3; 91:2;
94:22; 144:2). There are three different Hebrew terms that are used in conveying this metaphor,
with the occurrences divided fairly evenly. The range of meaning that they cover extends from
naturally defensible locations like a rocky outcrop or a cave, to garrison forts, to fortified cities and
even to fortified citadels within cities. In an Assyrian text the king is identified as a fortress to the
people. There is no sign of this metaphor for deity in Egyptian or Akkadian literature.
Warrior. In the divine warrior motif, the deity is fighting the battles and defeating the deities of the
enemy. In Assyria, Nergal is the king of battle, and Ishtar is viewed as a war goddess. The Canaanite
Baal and the Babylonian Marduk are divine warriors. In this worldview human warfare is
viewed simply as a representation of warfare among the gods. The stronger god would be victorious
regardless of the strengths or weaknesses of the human combatants. Thunder and lightning
were considered to regularly accompany the presence of a deity, often in a battle setting. From the
Sumerian Exaltation of Inanna, to the Hittite myths about the storm god, to the Akkadian and
Ugaritic mythologies, the gods are viewed as thundering in judgment against their enemies. Baal
is depicted as grasping a handful of thunderbolts. In Psalms, Yahweh is sometimes portrayed as
the divine warrior coming to the aid of the psalmist against his enemies. Additionally, however, he
is depicted as doing battle against the forces of cosmic chaos. Ancient mythologies often portrayed
gods in battle against chaos, resulting in the harnessing and organizing of the cosmos. Both Marduk
(Babylonian) and Baal (Canaanite) subdue the sea, which is personified in their divine foe
(Tiamat and Yamm respectively). The cosmic conflict motif depicts the principal deity overcoming
cosmic forces (usually forces of chaos like Death or Sea) to bring order to the cosmos. In the
ancient Near East these forces are usually personified as gods, but Psalms preserves a certain
ambiguity on that count.
musical terms
MUSICAL TERMS
As would be the case with any hymnal, the text of the book of Psalms also contains instructions on
orchestration, which tune to use to perform a psalm, the appropriate tempo, as well as performance
markings or rubrics such as pauses, breath marks and the use of crescendo and decrescendo
modulations. In modern music much of this information is written in Italian or Latin. A
musician or singer must learn these technical terms in order to perform the music properly. However,
two thousand years from now the meaning of many of these terms may well be lost to memory.
It is not surprising therefore to discover that we cannot translate and do not fully understand
some of the technical terms that appear in the superscriptions of the Psalms.
Alamoth. Title of Psalm 46. This term only appears in Psalm 46, but it is also mentioned in 1 Chronicles
15:20, where temple musicians are to play their harps “according to Alamoth.” By comparison
with the Greek word élumos, which means small flute, this may refer either to a high-pitched
voice or to playing on the upper register of the instrument.
Death of the Son. Title of Psalm 9. This is an incipit or set of cue words for a tune now lost. There
is some difficulty translating ’alumot. The LXX renders it “the strength of youth.” The translation
in the NIV is apparently based on connection with the Ugaritic god Mot, “death” (see Ps 48:14.
Do Not Destroy. Title of Psalms 57—59; 75. This is likely an incipit, the opening words of a text or
song title (possibly based on Is 65:8. Accompanied by miktam, it may also serve as a shorthand
means of forbidding the destruction or removal of an inscription or text.
Doe of the Morning. Title of Psalm 22. This short phrase is a cue given to the director of the
psalm to perform it according to a popular tune, “The Doe of the Morning.” It would be a common
practice to set new words to an old, familiar tune. Some have suggested a tie to the Ugaritic
god s\h[r and thus an ancient origin for the song.
Dove on Distant Oaks. Title of Psalm 56. The phrase is a cue for a song title and tune for the performance
of this psalm. There is some uncertainty in whether to translate ’elim as “doves” or
“gods.”
517 MUSICAL TERMS
Flutes. Title of Psalm 5. It is suggested that the term translated “flutes” here (neh[ilot) refers to
“lamentation-pipes” such as those that are depicted in Egyptian art of professional mourners.
Note also the instruments used by the ecstatic prophets in 1 Samuel 10:5, which may have been
flutes. The phrase “to the flutes” may also be a cue for the tune of the psalm.
Gittith. Title of Psalms 8; 81; 84. Some interpreters tie this term to a musical instrument, possibly
associated with the Philistine city of Gath. It is also possible that it is a cue word signifying a
rhythm, a song or a dance patterned after the work of grape treaders in the winepress (Hebrew
gat; see Is 16:10; Jer 25:30.
musical terms Higgaion. 9:16. This term may be an orchestration cue to the musicians. It has the meaning
“utterance” or “musings” (see Is 16:7 for its use as “mourn”) and thus may indicate a type of
glissando or fluttering sound, perhaps by string accompaniment.
Jeduthun. Title of Psalms 39; 62; 77. Since this is the personal name of one of David’s temple
singers 1 Chron 25:1-6, it is possible that its appearance in three superscriptions is simply a reference
to that person or possibly to a style of performance attributed to him. It may also be a cue
to a tune associated with Jeduthun.
Lily of the Covenant. Title of Psalms 60; 80. This is a set of cue words or an incipit for a song
title whose tune is now unknown. See also Psalms 45 and 69 and 2 Chronicles 4:5 for the use of
this word for “lily.”
Mahalath. Title of Psalm 53. Based on 1 Kings 1:40 this term probably refers to a type of flute or
pipe used in celebratory processions. Since it can also be translated as “sickness” 1 Kings 8:37,
it is possible that the instrument was used in healing rituals.
Mahalath Leannoth. Title of Psalm 88. The word le(annoth means “to afflict” and therefore may
be added here to coincide with the theme of penitence in Psalm 88. Since this term may be a
form of the Hebrew word ’anah, “to chant” Ex 15:21, its use along with Mahalath, “flute,”
could therefore be a reference to an antiphonal line of music for more than one instrument or
alternating chanted and instrumental lines.
Maskil. Title of Psalms 32; 42; 44; 45; 47; 52—55; 74; 78; 88; 89; 142. Since it appears in so many
psalms and has the meaning “to comprehend” (from Hebrew sakal), this may have been a general
label for a set of didactic or penitential songs (see the possible connection to mourning in Amos
5:16-17). It may also refer to an “artfully crafted” song or argument, with uplifting words,
exhorting the people to praise God (see 2 Chron 30:22.
Miktam. Title of Psalms 16; 56—60. This term always appears accompanied by “of David.” The
LXX translates the word miktam as stelographia, “inscription carved on a monument,” and thus
the word may represent formal declarations or an official song or ritual performance. It may also
refer to a song or declaration that was both inscribed on stone and recited publicly in the temple.
Petition (Hazkir). Title of Psalms 38; 70. The root verb, zakar, appears in Leviticus 2:2 and Numbers
5:15 in reference to a cereal offering accompanied by frankincense. Similarly, in Isaiah 66:3
it refers to an offering of frankincense. Elsewhere it is used to refer to invoking God’s name (Ex
20:21; Amos 6:10. Thus it may refer to a public ritual including both an offering and a petition
for God’s aid.
Prayer (Tephillah). Title of Psalms 17; 86; 90; 102; 142. This is a term for a psalm designed to call
on the people or on a sinner to pray to God for forgiveness (see 1 Kings 8:38. The song takes the
form of a lament, recognizing the right of God to chastise the people, and bids them to pray
while wearing mourning clothes and engaging in fasting Ps 35:13.
Psalm (Mizmor). Title of Psalms 47—51; 62—68; 76; 77; 80; 82—85; 87; 88; 91; 98; 100; 101; 108—
110; 139—141; 143; 145. This technical term appears fifty-seven times in the superscriptions of
Psalms and is accompanied by “of David” thirty-five times. Because of its relation to the
Hebrew verb “to prune a grapevine” Is 5:6, some commentators suggest it refers to a stringed
instrument whose strings would be plucked in much the same manner as a vine is snipped by
the thumbnail of a vinedresser. However, comparison with the Akkadian zamaru, “to sing,” may
point to mizmor simply being a generic term for a song or for a song accompanied by stringed
instruments.
Selah. Psalms 3; 4; 7; 9; 20; 21; 24; 32; 39; 44; 46—50; 52; 54; 55; 57; 59—62; 66—68; 75—77;
81—85; 87—89; 140; 143. This is the most ubiquitous of the technical terms in Psalms. It
appears seventy-one times in thirty-nine psalms and three times in Habakkuk 3, but never in
a superscription. Since it is impossible to determine if the word’s placement is original or is
the result of editors or copyists, its exact purpose remains uncertain. Among the suggestions
for its meaning is “interlude,” indicating a break in the text or performance. It is also possible
that it is a cue for the choir to repeat a litany or affirmation of a statement in the psalm or for
PSALMS 1:1—2:7 518
a particular instrument, possibly a drum, to be beaten to keep the rhythm or emphasize a
word.
Sheminith. Title of Psalms 6; 12. It is possible that this technical term can be translated as
“eight-stringed instrument” and that the reference here is either to the use of this device or possibly
to the use of the eighth string. This upper register would provide a high pitched sound,
imitating the voices of female singers (see 1 Chron 15:21.
Shiggaion. Title of Psalm 7. Based on comparison with the Akkadian s]egu, “to howl or
lament,” it is likely that this term (also found in Hab 3:1 is a label or indicator of a psalm of
lament. The word in Hebrew means “to go astray” and in this context may refer either to the
subject of the song or poem or perhaps to an exaggerated rhythm or enthusiastic chant.
Song (Shir). Titles of Psalms 46; 48; 65—68; 75; 76; 83; 87; 88; 91; 108. This is simply a generic
term for “song,” appearing many times in the Psalms and elsewhere Ex 15:1; Num 21:17;
Deut 31:19. It is placed both in the superscriptions and in the body of some psalms (69:30;
78:63) and is sometimes accompanied by mizmor. As such it must have had both a general as
well as a technical meaning within the body of religious music, for instance in the title
“Songs of Ascent” Ps 120—134).
PSALMS 1:1—2:7 Songs of Ascent. Title of Psalms 120—134. Medieval and rabbinic tradition held that these fifteen
psalms were to be sung on the fifteen steps leading up from the court of the women to the court of
the Israelites in Jerusalem’s postexilic temple. More likely, however, is the explanation that they
were chanted or sung by religious pilgrims as they made their way up to Jerusalem or “Zion” during
the three major religious festivals each year (see the comment on Ex 23:17.
Stringed Instruments. Title of Psalms 4; 6; 54; 55; 61; 67; 76. It is unclear whether a specific type of
stringed instrument is indicated by this term, neginot, “to run over the strings.” However, refer
ence to the lyre played by David in 1 Samuel 16:16 and the string player in 2 Kings 3:15 and in the
Egyptian Tale of Wenamon suggest this is a hand-held instrument (see also Is 23:16.
Tune of Lilies. Title of Psalms 45; 69. This is an incipit or set of cue words for a tune now
unknown. It may also be an instruction to accompany the song with a lily-shaped instrument
played with either six strings or six bells. It is possible the term for “lily” derives from the Akkadian
s]us]s]u, “a shock of,” but that cannot be confirmed.
Wedding Song. Title of 45. Psalm 45 contains the celebration of an Israelite king’s marriage to a
princess from Tyre, possibly Ahab to Jezebel 1 Kings 16:31. It only appears here but may have
been applied to documents solemnizing the marriage.
Psalms 1—41
Book One
1:5. standing in judgment. One who stands
(arises up) in judgment or in the assembly is
one who is given the floor or provided a forum
in which to speak his or her piece. Usually
the action applies to a witness (as in Deut
19:15 and Ps 27:12, but in Job 30:28 it describes
Job as the plaintiff. In the Ugaritic Baal
Cycle an accuser of some sort stands up and
spits on Baal in the assembly of the gods (sons
of El).
1:5. assembly of the righteous. The assembly
is a formal judicial body, just as the assembly
of the sons of El was in the previous entry.
This phrase is similar to an idea in Psalm 82:1,
where God functions in relation to a judicial
council as cases are decided. In the heavenly
realm there was a divine council that served
this function (see comment on Is 40:13-14, but
human courts also operated by means of an
assembly Josh 20:9.
2:6. deity installing king. The term to anoint
or install has been found as a Ugaritic root in a
mythological text. The office of king was a divine
appointment in ancient Israel and other
areas of the Near East. Sargon of Akkad (c.
2300 B.C.) claims to have been installed by Ishtar,
while the Sumerian King List (compiled
sometime after 2000 B.C.) claims that towns received
their monarchs by divine appointment.
This ideology continued into the Israelite period.
Kings of Assyria and Babylon celebrated
yearly enthronement festivals in which the
chief deity was celebrated as king and the
whole enthronement process for both god and
king was reenacted. Mesopotamian kings saw
themselves as established on the throne by
means of a divine decree. In Egypt Horus installed
the kings in a coronation ceremony
that involved consecration and purification
rites.
2:7. king as son of deity. In the ancient Near
East kings were commonly understood as
having a filial relationship to deity and were
often considered to have been engendered by
deity. Egyptian kingship was particularly
strong on this point, since the kingship of the
pharaoh was seen as derived from the divine
519 PSALMS 2:9—8:6
realm. More particularly he was conceived as
the son of Re, the sun god. In Ugaritic literature,
Keret, king of Khubur, is identified as the
son of El, the chief god of the Canaanites. Furthermore,
iconographic evidence shows two
princes suckling the breasts of the goddess
Anat. Among the Aramean kings the designation
was even included in their throne names
(Ben-Hadad means son of Hadad). In Mesopotamia,
from Gilgamesh in the mid-third
millennium through kings such as Gudea,
Hammurabi, Tukulti-Ninurta and Ashurbanipal,
just to name a few, it was part of the royal
prerogative to claim divine heritage. The Israelite
kings, however, were sons of the deity on
the basis of a covenant and not sons by nature
(see Ps 89:26; 2 Sam 7:14.
2:9. iron scepter. The scepter was representative
of kingship, and iron was symbolic of
strength. Egyptian rulers as early as the Narmer
palette are portrayed as striking enemies
with a rod/scepter. Of particular interest is the
fact that the evidence from the execration texts
(see next entry) suggests that the pots were
smashed with a mace.
2:9. dashed to pieces like pottery. Egyptian
kings celebrated their rule by writing the
names of their enemies on pots and symbolically
smashing them. These are referred to as
the execration texts. Assyrian kings likewise
used the metaphor of smashed pottery to assert
their supremacy over enemies.
4:6. light of God’s face. The metaphor “light
of God’s face” is found in royal letters from
the Egyptian city of Amarna and in Ugaritic
correspondence. For example, “the face of the
Sun (i.e., Pharaoh) shone brightly upon me” is
a statement made by one of the Egyptian
king’s subordinates. Two small silver scrolls
(about one inch long) have been found in the
area known as Keteph Hinnom in Jerusalem.
They were amulets in a burial cave from the
sixth or seventh century B.C., and they contained
the benediction from Numbers 6:25,
which includes the request that the Lord
“make his face shine upon you.” At present
they represent the oldest example of any text
of Scripture. The concept of the shining face of
the deity resulting in mercy is found in Mesopotamian
documents and inscriptions from as
early as the twelfth century B.C.
6:6. Israelite beds. The poetical metaphor of
crying on one’s bed is also found in Ugaritic
literature: “His tears are poured forth like
shekels upon the ground, like pieces-of-five
upon the bed.” Beds in ancient Israel were
most likely like those represented iconographically
in the Near East. They were in essence
reclining couches and high beds. The poor
probably slept on flat mats on the floor, while
the average person used a cot.
7:13. flaming arrows. The Old Testament never
uses the word for arrows to describe the
flaming arrows used by human armies (“firebrands”
of Prov 26:18. In Akkadian there are
a few references to the use of flaming arrows
that kings rain down on the enemy. These arrows
were presumably dipped in a type of oil
or pitch and set on fire. The arrows shot by
Yahweh are usually considered to be bolts of
lightning (see 2 Sam 22:15; Ps 77:17-18 for the
two in parallel). Lightning would fit well with
the concept of flaming arrows in that it is
sometimes just called fire. In the divine warrior
motif the deity is fighting the battles and
defeating the deities of the enemy. In Assyria
Nergal is the king of battle, and Ishtar is
viewed as a war goddess raining down flames
in war. The Canaanite Baal and the Babylonian
Marduk are divine warriors. Thunder
and lightning were considered to regularly accompany
the presence of a deity, often in a
battle setting. From the Sumerian Exaltation of
Inanna, to the Hittite myths about the storm
god, to the Akkadian and Ugaritic mythologies,
the gods are viewed as thundering in
judgment against their enemies. Baal is depicted
as grasping a handful of thunderbolts.
Thundering terminology is picked up in royal
rhetoric as Hittite or Assyrian kings portray
themselves as the instruments of the gods,
thundering against those who have violated
treaties or stood in the way of empire expansion.
PSALMS 2:9—8:6 8:3. heavens as work of fingers. In Akkadian
literature the various levels of heaven are said
to be made of various types of stone. The lower
heavens were made of jasper, and Marduk,
the chief god of Babylon, was reported to have
drawn (etched) the constellations on them.
This verb is used when pictures or reliefs are
being made. In Enuma Elish Marduk draws
the boundary lines for the year in the heavens.
This refers to his setting the courses of the
stars. The second half of verse three indicates
that this psalm also has the heavenly bodies in
mind. God elsewhere inscribes with his finger
Ex 31:18; Deut 9:10, but fingers can also be
used parallel to hands with regard to handiwork
Is 2:8.
8:4-6. dignity of humankind. The status of the
human race in Israelite thinking was very
high when contrasted with the status people
were given in Mesopotamian thinking (as
seen in the Babylonian epic of creation). In the
Mesopotamian view the gods had no plan to
create people as an integral part of the world
that they had set up for themselves. People
PSALMS 9:12—16:6 520
were only brought into existence as a consequence
of the gods becoming tired of working
so hard to provide for themselves. Humans
were made to be servants to deities, who had
no interest in hard labor. In this way of thinking
human dignity was achieved through the
idea that the gods needed them. Here, instead,
people rule over all other creatures.
9:12. avenger of blood. See the comment on
Numbers 35:9-34 for a discussion of the responsibility
of the family to avenge a death. It
is possible that the title “avenger of blood”
evolved out of the family obligation to engage
in blood revenge when one of their clan members
was slain. Such a process, while typical of
tribal society, is extremely disruptive to the
maintenance of order within an organized
state. As a result the “avenger of blood” may
have been appointed by the government to
serve both the needs of the family and the
state by apprehending the accused and then
carrying out sentence if the verdict was murder.
It is possible that a more general function
is intended in this psalm, since it does not use
the same technical term used in the Numbers
passage. See the comments on Genesis 4:14-15
and 9:5-6.
9:13. gates of death. The netherworld, Sheol,
was believed to be like an earthly city in that it
contained houses and even a city wall (primarily
to keep in its inhabitants). In the Descent
of Ishtar the netherworld has a gate complex
with seven gates and gatekeepers at each
one to control access. In Egyptian iconography
the gates of death are portrayed as gateways
into the necropolis.
PSALMS 9:12—16:6 9:20. striking with terror. The dread of a deity
as a divine warrior was often believed to precede
a powerful, successful army into battle.
Egyptian and Assyrian texts and reliefs portray
the god as a winged disk terrifying the
enemy before the arrival of their own armies.
In the inscriptions of Thutmose III this terror
is attributed to Amun-Re, and Hittite, Assyrian
and Babylonian texts all have their divine
warriors who strike terror into the hearts of
the enemy. The concept of deity having an
awesome, unapproachable appearance was
not limited to Israelite theology, for in Mesopotamia
the gods displayed their power
through their melammu, their divine brilliance.
The splendor or “glory” of God overwhelms
the enemy. In the face of such divine magnificence,
both the gods and the forces of other
nations are utterly defeated and forced to submit
to the supreme deity.
11:6. fiery coals and burning sulfur on the
wicked. In Akkadian texts sulfur burnt on
coals is a fumigating agent. The gods Ea and
Enlil send down sulfur as a purifier that counteracts
witchcraft. But it is not part of the divine
warrior’s arsenal for the judging of
enemies. The terms here are reminiscent of,
though not identical to, those used in the account
of the destruction of Sodom and Gomorrah
(see also Ezek 38:22.
11:7. seeing face of judge. Seeing the face of a
judge or god was a metaphor in Mesopotamia
and was equivalent to being on their “good
side,” because it referred to gaining access to
their presence. It usually refers to a supplicant
or plaintiff gaining an audience with a judge.
If a judge or god turned his face toward you,
you were looked on with favor.
12:6. clay furnace. The Hebrew term used for
furnace is found only once in the Bible. Because
of the mention of silver, the context implies
that a clay crucible used for smelting
purposes is being described. Crucibles appear
in Egyptian wall paintings, and clay exemplars
have been found by archaeologists.
PSALMS 16:8—18:15 12:6. seven purifications. Usually silver went
through the refining process a few times to remove
all of the dross. The imagery here is that
if one is purified seven times (the number of
completion in Hebrew), one is completely purified.
13:2. how long? This question occurs nearly
twenty times in Psalms, usually in connection
with a lament psalm. It is found also in Mesopotamia
as the Sumerian Lament over the Destruction
of Sumer and Ur asks, “How long will
the enemy eye be cast upon my account?”
16:4. blood libations. Most libations in the ancient
Near East were of beer, wine or water,
though honey, oil and milk are also found. No
evidence of blood libations has yet been
found.
16:6. boundary lines. The imagery of God determining
boundaries is also found in Deuteronomy
32:8, where God made boundaries for
the nations. In Mesopotamian land-sale contracts
the boundary lines were usually clearly
delineated. Furthermore, the Kassites of Late
Bronze Age Babylonia used boundary stones
(Akkadian, kudurru) to mark property divisions.
They had texts on them that included
detailed curses for those who violated the
boundaries. In an inheritance the property
was divided among the heirs, and obviously
certain portions of land would be more desirable
and productive than others.
For common concepts, metaphors for God and musical terms, see pages 511-18.
521 PSALMS 16:8—18:15
16:8. positioned at the right hand. A fully
armed warrior would hold his weapon in his
right hand and his shield in his left. The person
to the right of a king would have the privilege
of defending him. For a king to put
someone there would be an affirmation of
trust and therefore an honor. In contrast,
when the Lord takes up his position at someone’s
right hand, as here, he is in a position to
offer defense with his shield (see Ps 109:31.
The metaphor transitions easily from the battlefield
to the courtroom. Akkadian usually
juxtaposes right and left in parallel lines, but
there are occasions where deity is said to walk
at the right side of a person in battle.
psalms 16:8—18:15 16:10. not abandoned to the grave. In the context
this refers to not allowing someone to be
put to death at the hand of malicious enemies.
The psalmist will not be consigned to Sheol;
he will not see decay because his life will be
spared (see Ps 30:2-3. An early Sumerian text
recounts the tale of an individual who is facing
capital punishment for the crimes of
which he is accused. Instead, however, he
finds himself snatched from the jaws of destruction
and praises the goddess Nungal for
his deliverance.
17:8. apple of eye. Literally the term is “the little
one of the daughter of your eye.” This idiomatic
expression is also found in Deuteronomy
32:10. The pupil or apple of the eye is
the most sensitive part of the body and thus
the part needing the most protection.
17:8. shadow of wings. The metaphor of taking
refuge under the wings of deity is found
also in other psalms (36:7; 57:1; 61:4; 91:4) and
is consistently related to issues of care and
protection connected with the covenant. The
metaphor is also known from other ancient
Near Eastern cultures, particularly Egyptian,
where even disembodied wings represent
protection. Deities with wings are often portrayed
overshadowing the king. Likewise an
ivory from Arslan Tash dated to the eighth
century shows characters in human form with
wings protecting a figure in the center.
18:4. cords of death/grave. Noose snares were
commonly used by hunters in the ancient
Near East. In this metaphor, death or Sheol is
the hunter. For many cultures in the ancient
Near East, Sheol, the abode of the grave (i.e.,
underworld) was a very real place where individuals
led an amorphous existence, eating
clay and dust, and hoping that their descendants
would take care of their needs. There
were gates and gatekeepers to keep the dead
inside, and thus it was called “the land of no
return.” This description can be found in the
second-millennium B.C. Akkadian epic The
Descent of Ishtar. Apparently the Hebrew view
of the grave was not unlike this, although
there is no elaborate description of it in the
Old Testament.
18:8 smoke from nostrils, fire from mouth.
This imagery is not found elsewhere in the ancient
Near East. The closest example is in Enuma
Elish, where it is said of Marduk that when
his lips moved, fire blazed forth. Though Yahweh
could not be portrayed in any form (animal
or otherwise), poetic description of
Yahweh by means of animal imagery in order
to highlight certain attributes was legitimate
(lion/leopard in Hos 13:7; flying birds in Is
31:5; bear in Lam 3:10; wild ox in Num 24:8
[all translations but NIV]).
18:9. dark clouds under feet. The term for
“dark clouds” has been found in the Ugaritic
epic of Baal and Anath, where the god Baal is
described as the “rider of the clouds” and his
“voice” as the sound and fury of thunder and
lightning.
18:10. mounted cherubim and flew. In Syro-
Palestine iconography deities are often portrayed
standing on the backs of wild creatures
(usually bulls). An Assyrian relief from Maltaya
pictures seven gods, each standing on the
back of a different animal. Most intriguing is
an Assyrian relief that pictures a storm god replete
with weapons, riding the back of a composite
creature with a lion’s body, an eagle’s
wings and a bull’s head. In the Old Testament
Yahweh is described as enthroned on the cherubim
in the Holy of Holies in the temple (see
comment on 1 Sam 4:3-4, and in Ezekiel’s
throne vision (chaps. 1, 10) Yahweh is transported
on a mobile chariot-throne borne by
composite creatures.
18:12-15. weapons of divine warrior. Yahweh’s
arrows are usually considered to be
bolts of lightning. In the divine warrior motif,
the deity fights the battles and defeats the deities
of the enemy. In Assyria, Nergal is the
King of Battle, and Ishtar is viewed as a war
goddess. The latter rains down flames in war.
The Canaanite Baal and the Babylonian Marduk
are divine warriors.
Thunder and lightning were considered to
regularly accompany the presence of a deity
in the ancient Near East, particularly in a battle
setting. From the Sumerian Exaltation of
Inanna to the Hittite myths about the Storm
God to the Akkadian and Ugaritic mythologies,
the gods are viewed as thundering in
judgment against their enemies. Baal is
depicted as grasping a handful of thunderbolts.
Thundering terminology is also picked
up in royal rhetoric as Hittite or Assyrian
kings portray themselves as the instruments
PSALMS 18:16—19:8 522
of the gods, thundering against those who
have violated treaties or stood in the way of
empire expansion.
18:16. deep waters. When the Babylonian god
Marduk brings restoration he is praised for
taking hold of the individual and drawing
him out of the waters of the Hubur River. This
is the river that flows at the gates of the netherworld,
and being drawn from its waters indicates
being saved from death at the last
moment. This imagery continues into Greek
mythology with the famous River Styx and
even finds its way into Christian literature as
indicated by the river of death that flows in
front of the golden city in Pilgrim’s Progress.
18:28. keeping lamp burning. Lamps were often
used metaphorically in Israel to symbolize
life and prosperity. They were often placed in
tombs for this reason. The expression “his
lamp” is used often in Scripture to symbolize
life. As an eternal flame is a symbol of endurance
and remembrance, the reign of a descendant
of David in Jerusalem provides a link to
God’s promise to David’s dynasty (2 Sam
7:8-16). Similar uses of the word in Ugaritic and
Akkadian are tied to perpetuation of rule or divine
presence. Assyrian king Tiglath-Pileser III
is referred to as the light of all humankind. An
Old Babylonian idiom expresses a family having
no descendants by the image of its brazier
going out. Alternatively, in the superstitious
world of the ancient Near East there were demons
lurking everywhere who especially favored
the dark. One of the ways that gods
were figuratively seen as providing protection
was by imparting continuous light, suggested
by phrases such as “the lamp of the gods” in
texts from Ugarit. The Canaanite god Sapash
was given the attribute of “divine lamp.” In
Mesopotamia, Lamashtu was a particularly
feared demon. The god Nushku was represented
by fire, and his lit lamp held the feared
demons at bay. Here the psalmist may be referring
to the lamp lit on his behalf. Yahweh is
the lamp by the side of the psalmist warding
off danger.
PSALMS 18:16—19:8 18:33. feet of deer. The term used here refers
to one of the species of deer known throughout
the ancient Near East. It is often discussed
with other caprids such as the Nubian ibex,
mountain sheep and gazelles. All of these caprids
are known for their sure-footedness on
treacherous paths. As early as Sumerian literature
(e.g., Dumuzi’s Dream) this type of metaphor
is used for swift sure-footedness.
18:34. bow of bronze. If this expression reflects
an actual weapon, it may either indicate
a wooden bow decorated with bronze or
bronze-tipped arrows. On the other hand, it
may simply be a poetic way of denoting the
strength of the warrior’s bow. The bow was a
symbol of royal strength in both Assyria and
Egypt, as well as one of the weapons of the
gods. In the latter regard the sun disk is portrayed
as drawing a bow that, as the weapon
of the sun god, could be understood to be
bronze. An Assyrian relief from about the time
of David portrays the sun god, Ashur, delivering
what the connected inscription calls a
magnificent bow into the hands of the king.
19:1-4. nature revealing God. In the Egyptian
Papyrus Insinger (a composition from the intertestamental
period), it is observed that the
hidden work of a god is made known on earth
day by day. For the next twenty lines he describes
many of the aspects of the operation of
nature that have been created by the god and
presumably are involved in this revelation.
These works of creation included light and
darkness; day, month and year; summer and
winter; constellations; the birth process; sleep;
and the succession of generations.
19:5. bridegroom pavilion. The chamber of a
bridegroom was the specially prepared room
in which the marriage was consummated. The
use in Joel 2:16 suggests this in its parallelism.
It has this meaning in early rabbinic Judaism,
but after the destruction of the temple in 70
A.D. it takes on a reference to the pavilion in
which the formal wedding ceremony was conducted.
19:6. ancient perceptions of sun’s journey. In
many ancient Near Eastern cultures it was assumed
that the sun ran a daily course through
the heavens. Mesopotamian texts refer to the
gates of the heavens where the sun enters and
exits. In these texts all of the heavenly bodies
have paths or courses that they follow, represented
as bands across the sky. Egyptian materials
also offer these concepts in both text and
iconography. The sun god is portrayed as
riding in his barque across the skies between
entry and exit spots on either horizon.
PSALMS 19:10—22:14 19:7. Law and sun. In the ancient world the
sun god was usually the god of justice. For the
psalmist, then, it is natural to move from the
relationship of Yahweh and the sun to Yahweh’s
provision for justice through the law.
Much of the imagery used to describe the law
can also be found related to sun gods in the
ancient world.
19:8. light to the eyes. Light to the eyes refers
For common concepts, metaphors for God and musical terms, see pages 511-18.
523 PSALMS 19:10—22:14
to life and therefore, in one sense, is given to
all Prov 29:13. The law, however, is able to
bring extended life to those who follow its
commands. When the light goes from the
eyes, death is near (13:3; 38:10).
PSALMS 19:10—22:14 19:10. pure gold. The imagery of “pure gold”
is known from other ancient Near Eastern cultures.
For example, a number of inscriptions
on doors at a Ptolemaic period Egyptian temple
at Edfu read, “Everyone who enters by
this door, beware of entering in impurity, for
God loves purity more than millions of possessions,
more than hundreds of thousands of
fine gold.” The word translated “pure gold” is
somewhat obscure (it is a single word, not a
noun with an adjective). It could refer to a particular
grade or to a particular variety, for instance,
red gold or white gold.
19:10. date honey compared to bee honey.
Honey represents a natural resource, in most
occurrences the syrup of the date rather than
bees’ honey. Since sugar was not available,
honey was the most commonly used sweetener.
There is no evidence of bee domestication
in Israel, though the Hittites had accomplished
that and used bee honey in their sacrifices
(as did the Canaanites). In the Bible
honey occurs in lists with other agricultural
products (see 2 Chron 31:5. It is possible that
the reference to honey in the third line of the
verse is date honey, but the last line of the
verse is clearly referring to bee honey since
the honeycomb is mentioned.
19:12. unwitting sin. The belief in the ancient
world was that the gods had many more regulations,
requirements and restrictions than
were known to people. In a “Prayer to Every
God” an Assyrian worshiper goes through an
elaborate listing of possible offenses (the forbidden
thing I have eaten, I do not know; the
prohibited place on which I have set foot, I do
not know) asking that his unwitting sins be
pardoned, claiming the offense was committed
in ignorance. Additionally the penitential
prayers from Mesopotamia known as shigu
prayers contain frequent reference to being
absolved of unknown sins. Egyptians were
also concerned as reflected in a late demotic
wisdom piece (Papyrus Insinger), where the
author begs forgiveness for unwitting sin.
20:5. banners. Banners were used by the Israelites
and others, including the Assyrians, as
standards of warfare Song 6:4 and as an assembly
of tribes Num 2:2. In the Egyptian
army the divisions were named for various
gods (e.g., the division of Amun, division of
Seth), and the standards would identify the
division by means of some representation of
the god. Holding high the banners was evidently
a sign of victory. Banners are described
in significant detail in the texts from Qumran.
21:8. right hand seizing foes. In its attempt to
be colorful, the NIV has unfortunately distorted
the picture of this verse. The verb (“to
find”) used in both lines of the verse describes
attacking the enemy with a weapon, not
apprehending him. Most soldiers were
right-handed, so one would not seize the foe
with the right hand—that is where the weapon
would be held. The right hand, then, is
used for offense, and it will “find” its mark. A
hymn to Shamash says that the god’s weapon
will make straight for the wicked man and
there will be none to save him. In Egyptian reliefs
and paintings (also Ugarit) the king often
strikes a pose with his weapon upraised in his
right hand, while his left hand lays hold of the
enemy. This verse is only describing part of
that picture because the lines are parallel, not
contrasting. Both lines describe what the right
hand does.
21:9. fiery furnace. God is pictured as a fiery
furnace that destroys everything that is put
into it. The writer is probably referring to the
large ovens used to bake bricks and to smelt
metals. For more information about furnaces
see comment on Daniel 3:6.
22:12. bulls of Bashan. Bashan was a very fertile
region east of the Jordan River, well
known for its sheep and plump cattle. In this
prime cattle-grazing area, one could find pampered
cattle being raised for the market, as
well as a breed of ferocious undomesticated
cattle that roamed free. Legal texts demonstrate
that goring oxen were a danger, and
that they could even occasionally be found
wandering the streets.
22:13. lions. It is known that lions were captured
and kept in cages so that they could
be released for hunting. In Assyrian texts
oath-breakers were put into cages of wild animals
set up in the city square to be publicly
devoured. More relevant to this passage, in
seventh-century Assyrian literature the lions’
pit occurs as a metaphor for vicious and antagonistic
courtiers of the king. In one piece of
Babylonian wisdom literature Marduk metaphorically
closes (muzzles) the mouth of the
lion (the oppressor) to put an end to his devouring
tactics.
22:14. bones “out of joint.” “Out of joint” is
somewhat interpretive here; the Hebrew reads
“scattered about” (comparable verb form only
occurs in three places: Job 4:11; 41:17; Ps 92:9,
as when a predatory pack has devoured a victim
and each member of the pack carries off
its share. Some of the cultures of the ancient
Near East practiced secondary burial: the
PSALMS 22:16—23:5 524
body would be laid out (in a cave, for instance)
until the flesh decomposed, and then
the bones would be buried in the final resting
place. Even if a body was devoured, proper
burial could be carried out if the bones could
be retrieved. So Ashurbanipal speaks of punishing
his enemies by taking their bones out of
Babylon and scattering them around outside
the city. He also boasts of opening the graves
of past kings of his enemies and carting off
their bones “to inflict unrest upon their
ghosts.” For more information see comment
on 53:5.
22:16. dogs. Dogs are equated with evildoers
in this passage. Though in the Near East they
were domesticated at a very early date in the
Neolithic period, they still lived as scavengers,
often roaming in packs on the outskirts
of town Ps 59:6, 14 and scavenging in town
itself 1 Kings 14:11. For these reasons the
term dog is often one of derision and contempt
in the Bible. However, this may not have been
the case throughout the entire Near East. A
large Persian period dog cemetery (in an apparent
noncultic context) of over seven hundred
burial pits has been uncovered at
Ashkelon. Dogs were revered in Zoroastrian
Persia but were not, however, buried in cemeteries.
Dogs (and puppies in particular)
played a major role in elimination and purification
rituals in Anatolia and Mesopotamia.
Many cult functionaries in Hittite Anatolia
and Phoenicia (who were condemned in Israel)
were called “dogs.” Finally, canines in Mesopotamia
were considered to have healing
qualities. In fact, Ninkarrak, the goddess of
healing in Mesopotamia, was often represented
by a dog figurine. See comment on 1 Kings
21:19.
PSALMS 22:16—23:5 22:16. description of hands and feet. The understanding
of the description of the hands
and feet here has been problematic. The Hebrew
verb, traditionally translated as
“pierced,” occurs only here and can only be
translated that way if it is emended. As it
stands it indicates that the psalmist’s hands
and feet are “like a lion,” which some commentators
have interpreted to mean that the
psalmist’s hands and feet were trussed up on
a stick as a captured lion would be. Unfortunately,
despite all the lion-hunting scenes that
are preserved and described, no lion is shown
being transported this way. If a verb is desirable
here, a suitable candidate must be found
among the related Semitic languages. The
most likely one is similar to Akkadian and
Syriac cognates that have the meaning “shrink
or shrivel.” Akkadian medical texts speak of a
symptom in which the hands and feet are
shrunken. Matthew 27 is of no help because it
does not refer to this line.
22:18. casting lots for clothing. Although the
Roman soldiers had the right to the clothes of
the convicted criminal (as the soldiers gambling
by means of lots for Jesus’ tunic), there is
no evidence of this for soldiers supervising an
execution in the Old Testament period. Nevertheless,
in this period we do know that booty
was sometimes divided by lot, so it is not difficult
to understand a person’s clothing being
divided that way on his demise. It should be
noted, however, that the psalm does not indicate
that those casting lots for the clothing
were the executioners. Inheritance procedures
often used lots to divide the property among
the heirs. A Mesopotamian lament indicates
this as the person on his deathbed bemoans
the fact that his valuables are already being divided
up before he is dead.
23:2. needs of sheep. Sheep in the Levant
grazed on the fertile grass produced by rain.
In the summer and autumn they fed on weeds
and stubble left over from harvest. Like camels
sheep can go long periods of time without
water and then drink as much as nine liters. In
contrast to goats, who are quite independent,
sheep depend on the shepherd to find pasture
and water for them. Shepherds also provide
shelter, medication and aid in birthing. In
sum, they are virtually helpless without the
shepherd. In an Old Babylonian text King
Ammiditana claims that the god Ea gave him
the wisdom to shepherd his people. He continues
the metaphor by saying that he provides
them with fine pastures and watering
places, and makes them lie down in safe pastures.
23:4 use of rod and staff. The rod was a club
worn at the belt, while the staff was a walking
implement that doubled as a weapon in time
of need 1 Sam 17:35 and guided and controlled
the sheep. These were traditional tools
of the shepherd, as is shown already in a cylinder
seal inscription of the third millennium.
23:5. anointing with oil. Banqueters in the ancient
world were often treated by a generous
host to fine oils that would be used to anoint
their foreheads. This provided not only a glistening
sheen to their countenance but also
would have added a fragrance to their persons
and the room. For example, an Assyrian
text from Esarhaddon’s reign describes how
For common concepts, metaphors for God and musical terms, see pages 511-18.
525 PSALMS 23:6—29:1
he “drenched the foreheads” of his guests at a
royal banquet with “choicest oils.” Oil preserved
the complexion in the hot Middle Eastern
climate. Both the Egyptian Song of the
Harper and the Mesopotamian Epic of Gilgamesh
describe individuals clothed in fine linen
and with myrrh on their head.
23:6. dwelling in house of the Lord. The
house of the Lord is used as a term for the
temple but never for the heavenly dwelling
place of God (very clear in 27:4). The term
“forever” could be confusing in this regard,
but the Hebrew says only “for length of
days,” that is, for extended periods (Lam
5:20). If the translation “dwell” (following the
Septuagint) is correct, then it would suggest a
priestly office for the psalmist, for priests were
the only inhabitants of the temple precinct. If
instead we should follow the Hebrew text by
translating “I will return to the house of the
Lord,” we would find here the anticipation of
enjoying many future opportunities to worship
at the temple (“time and again”). The
Babylonian king Neriglissar expresses to his
god that he wants to be where he is forever.
Another text requests, “May I stand before
you forever in worship and devotion.” A
Hymn to Marduk requests that the worshiper
may stand before the deity forever in prayer,
supplication and entreaty. In the third millennium
B.C. Sumerian worshipers tried to accomplish
this objective by placing statuettes
of themselves in the posture of prayer in the
temple. In this way they would be continuously
represented in the temple.
24:2. earth founded on seas. In the Babylonian
perception of the cosmos the earth’s
foundation is on what is called the apsu. This
is a primordial watery region that is under the
jurisdiction of the very important deity Enki/
Ea. From the standpoint of physical geography
it represents the water table that surfaces,
for example, in marshes and springs as well as
being associated with the sweet water cosmic
seas and rivers. In Enuma Elish one of Marduk’s
names, Agilima, identifies him as the
one who built the earth above the water and
established the upper regions.
24:4. lifting up soul to idol. This expression
means to “nurse an appetite” for something.
The word translated “soul” here refers, physiologically,
to the throat, and thereby the meaning
arrives at appetite or desire. In a number
of contexts the same expression is used with
God as the object Ps 25:1; 86:4; 143:8). The
term for idol here is related to the word for
emptiness or vanity. Other writers use the
term “no-gods” for idols (e.g., Jer 5:7.
24:7. gates and ancient doors. In a Hymn to
Shamash, the Babylonian sun god, various
parts of the temple are said to rejoice over
Shamash, including the gateways and entrances.
A Nabonidus text refers to the gates
of the temple being open wide for Shamash to
enter. These would occur in the context of regular
processions of the statue of the deity into
his temple. If the “head” of the gates refers to
an architectural feature, it would most likely
be the beam or projection across the top of the
gates that served as a cornice. This was a common
feature in Egyptian and Mesopotamian
architecture, and the Akkadian word for it, kululu,
also refers to a headdress or turban. The
idea that these would be lifted off the posts of
the gates to allow something large to pass
through is ingenious but not persuasive in
that the usual design of gates would not have
unencumbered cornices that could be so easily
moved. The alternative, that the lifting of the
heads is metaphorical, seems more likely. In
Ugaritic literature the gods lower their heads
when they are being humbled, and they raise
up their heads when they have reason to rejoice.
27:4. dwelling in the house of the Lord. See
comment on 23:6.
PSALMS 23:6—29:1 29:1. comparison to Ugaritic hymn. This
psalm has more connections to Ugaritic literature
than any other psalm. A commonly cited
scholarly view goes so far as to claim that this
psalm was originally a Phoenician/Canaanite
hymn that was modified and adapted into the
Hebrew religious corpus. It is claimed that all
three of the places named are in Syria (vv. 6-8)
and that the psalm features terms, concepts
and even grammatical structures that are more
familiar from Ugaritic than from the Old Testament.
However, though there are sufficient
parallels and similarities to identify Canaanite-
like elements in the psalm, there is as yet no
evidence of a Canaanite original. All of the elements
that have been identified as Canaanite
in nature also occur in other clearly Israelite
settings, so they only show the general similarities
that existed between Israelite and Canaanite
language and culture. It is possible that the
psalmist is using this psalm to attach to Yahweh
many of the Baal functions but not to argue
against Baal so much as to elevate Yahweh
and proclaim his glory. On the other hand, it
would present no problem if the psalmist did
choose to pattern his composition after a
Canaanite original so that praise was transferred
from Baal to Yahweh.
29:1. mighty ones. In Canaanite mythology
the “mighty ones” or “sons of god” were lesser
gods who were subordinate to El, the king
of the gods. In the Old Testament the phrase
PSALMS 29:3—35:2 526
refers to angels who gathered in Yahweh’s
heavenly court (see Ps 89:7; 103:20; 1 Kings 22:19;
Is 6:2; Job 1:6; 2:1).
29:3. thundering voice. Ancient Near Eastern
literature is full of references to storm gods
whose voices are heard in thunder. These include
Baal in Ugaritic and Amarna texts and
Adad in Akkadian texts. It is also common in
descriptions of Yahweh (see comment on
7:13).
29:5-6. cedars break, mountains skip. In the
Ugaritic tale concerning the building of Baal’s
palace his enthronement is preceded by his
voice thundering forth with the result that the
high places of the earth leap or quake. A few
lines later he is described holding a cedar in
his right hand as a weapon. Similarly, in a
hymn to Marduk his thundering voice is said
to make the earth quake. His word is a deluge
that sweeps away lotus trees. The Hebrew
verb translated “skip” is often thought to describe
a frolicking or gamboling type of motion
but is more likely the undulating
appearance of a flock of sheep or goats moving
along a path (see comment on 2 Sam
6:14-21). This would be an appropriate image
to describe the heaving of the earth in an
earthquake.
29:6. Sirion. Sirion is equated with Mount
Hermon (see comment on Deut 3:9 and is poetically
synonymous with Lebanon. Sirion
may appear in parallelism with Lebanon in
Ugaritic texts, but this is not clear. They are
clearly used in parallel in the Gilgamesh Epic
as they are broken up during the battle waged
against Huwawa by Gilgamesh and Enkidu.
They occur as well in other Akkadian literature,
showing that they are used not exclusively
in Canaanite literature but throughout
the ancient Near East.
PSALMS 29:3—35:2 29:8. desert of Kadesh. The desert or steppe of
Kadesh is also mentioned in a Ugaritic text
and is presumably in Lebanon in the vicinity
of the city of Kadesh near the Orontes River.
Alternatively, it could be a reference to
Kadesh Barnea in the south, where the Israelites
spent much of their time during the fortyyear
wilderness period.
29:10. enthroned on the flood. A sculptured
scene from the temple of Shamash on a tablet
from the Neo-Babylonian king Nabu-Apla-
Idinna shows Shamash, the sun god, residing
on a throne under a cosmic mountain and a
number of wavy lines that are considered to
represent the cosmic ocean. The scene is remarkably
like Yahweh sitting enthroned over
the flood (or better, the celestial sea, see comment
on 104:3) in this verse. In this regard, it
may be of interest that in Akkadian the word
for deluge can also refer to a chaos monster.
More prominently in Akkadian literature, the
deluge is seen as a weapon of the gods and is
sometimes even used in descriptive titles of
kings and gods. The deluge can precede the
warrior and can be put on by the god going
into battle. Shamshi-Adad V refers to the god
Ninurta as the exalted lord who rides on the
deluge. In contrast to the Hebrew tehom,
which represents the cosmic waters on the
earth, this word, mabbul, represents the cosmic
waters in the heavens where rain comes from.
In Genesis 6—8 it is the mabbul that comes on
the earth in Noah’s time.
30:3. brought up from Sheol, spared from pit.
In the Babylonian composition titled Ludlul
Bel Nemeqi the god Marduk is reported as
bringing restoration to one of his followers
who has been suffering for unknown reasons:
“The Lord took hold of me, the Lord set me on
my feet, the Lord gave me life, he rescued me
[from the pit,] he summoned me from destruction,
[…] he pulled me from the Hubur
river, […]. He took my hand” (from W. G.
Lambert, Babylonian Wisdom Literature, 59).
PSALMS 29:3—35:2 33:2. harp, lyre. These are both typical musical
instruments of the time and are attested in ancient
Near Eastern texts, reliefs and paintings
as early as the third millennium B.C. There is
still some disagreement among authorities as
to which of the Hebrew words in this passage
ought to be translated “harp” and which one
as “lyre.” The one the NIV translates “lyre” is
here identified as a ten-stringed instrument,
while the one translated “harp” is thought to
have had fewer strings. Both are hand-held
with frames made of wood. A musical text has
been discovered at Ugarit that sheds light on
Late Bronze Age music. This text has the
chords to be played on a lyre accompanying a
Hurrian cult hymn.
35:2. shield and buckler. The “shield and
buckler” represent the two extremes in personal
defensive equipment. Respectively they
refer to a small, round shield and a large,
full-length body shield; the latter most likely
carried by an aide. In the same way spear and
javelin (v. 3) represent the full range of offensive
weaponry. The Hebrew root (sgr) translated
“javelin” occurs nowhere else as a weapon
in the Old Testament. Herodotus refers to a
Scythian double axe (sagaris), and the Dead
Sea Scrolls use the root for the handle of a
For common concepts, metaphors for God and musical terms, see pages 511-18.
527 PSALMS 36:7—42:4
lance. In the latter case the text simply speaks
of two uses for the same piece of equipment.
The long wooden handle can be used to parry
and deliver blows as a staff, while the pointed
end is used for the finishing blow. There are
numerous depictions of these and other Iron
Age I-II pieces of military equipment on wall
reliefs at the Assyrian cities of Nineveh and
Kalah (Nimrud).
psalms 36:7—42:4 36:7. shadow of wings. See the comment on
Psalm 17:8. The Canaanite goddess Anat is
shown with outstretched wings on an ivory
footboard from Ugarit.
36:8. river of delights. Since the word translated
“delights” has the same root letters as
Eden, there is possibly a reference to the waters
flowing out of paradise in this phrase. The
association between ancient Near Eastern
temples and spring waters is well attested. In
fact some temples in Mesopotamia, Egypt and
the Ugaritic myth of Baal were considered to
have been founded on springs (likened to the
primeval waters), which sometimes flowed
from the building itself. This would explain
the parallel between God’s house in the first
part of the verse and these rivers (see Ezek
47).
36:9. fountain of life. In many other places the
fuller expression “spring of living waters” is
used (as in Jer 2:13. Living water refers to
flowing spring water (in contrast to collected
runoff or rainwater). This is most likely the divine
source of life in this world (also see Prov
10:11; 13:14). Certainly in the ancient Near
East the gods are considered to be the source
of life, but the metaphor of a fountain is not
attested.
37:4. desires of heart. In Akkadian texts this
phrase is used to refer to the reception of a favorable
omen concerning either intended activities
or needs such as illness or oppression
from which one seeks deliverance. One text
reports that when the individual prayed to the
gods, he was granted his desire. If the Israelite
concept has any similarity, the desire referred
to here is not just any desire but particularly
the desire that concerns the psalmist in this
prayer (which is articulated in v. 6; see Ps 20:4,
where the context is a request for one’s plans
for relieving distress to succeed).
Psalms 42—72
Book Two
42:title. sons of Korah. The superscriptions of
Psalms 42; 44—49; 84—85; and 87—88 contain
the phrase “sons of Korah.” The Korahites are
first listed in Numbers 26:58 among the chief
Levitical families. In the description of the
temple bureaucracy in 1 Chronicles 24—26 the
Korahites are listed as “gatekeepers” (1 Chron
26:1). Their association with praising the Lord
in 2 Chronicles 20:19 may also be the basis for
their mention in the Psalms and as a part of
cultic psalmody.
42:1. deer/soul. A number of engraved seals
from Judah during the eighth and seventh
centuries feature a doe wandering around
(seeking water?). O. Keel suggests that this artistic
motif’s popularity is connected to the
metaphor used in this psalm.
42:2. soul. Within the Hebrew Old Testament
the word translated as “soul” is nephesh. It refers
to the “self” or to “a living being” (see
Gen 2:7 but not to the “immortal soul” of the
New Testament writings. So there is no intimation
of the nephesh surviving after one’s
death. The word is related to Akkadian napas]
u, which refers to the neck or throat and by
extension to breath. There is no differentiation
in the Hebrew usage between the body and
the life principle, and therefore in passages
like 1 Kings 19:4 nephesh is used to mean
“life.” The body’s energy or life force can be
drained by a “pouring out of the soul” (1 Sam
1:15; Ps 42:4, as it is in this lament. In Egyptian
thinking the ba is the animate vital force
and is portrayed as a human-headed bird. It is
separated from the body at death and is considered
immortal. Its place is in heaven rather
than in the netherworld to which the body is
consigned. Egyptian literature preserves a
composition entitled Dispute Between a Man
and His Ba, which is a discussion of the feasibility
of suicide. In contrast, the ka is more like
the shadow of what is left of the person after
he has died. It inhabits the funerary statue and
receives the offerings to the dead, and is therefore
more like the spirit of the dead. In Mesopotamia
this spirit is called the et@emmu; it
receives offerings and must be appeased. It is
often associated with a ghost. The other element
of one’s being in Mesopotamia is called
a zaqiqu and appears to be closest to the soul.
Like the et@emmu it also survives death, but little
else is written about it. In Israelite terminology
the spirit of the dead was called elohim,
as shown when the term is used to refer to
Samuel’s spirit 1 Sam 28:13.
42:4. festival processions. Although such processions
are seldom mentioned, this probably
refers to the festal celebration described in
Psalm 68:24 in which a procession led by
priests and accompanied by singers, string
players and other musicians makes its way to
the entrance of the Jerusalem temple. Psalm
118:27 also refers to a festal procession in
which the participants carry branches in hand,
PSALMS 42:6—45:9 528
dancing up “to the horns of the altar” (see
comment there).
42:6. Hermon. The geographical perspective
of the psalmist seems to begin with a very
general term, “the land of Jordan,” and then
gradually becomes more specific with reference
to “the heights of Hermon.” The Anti-
Lebanon range is usually considered the
northern border of Israelite control (Josh
11:17), and Mount Hermon, the highest peak,
is over nine thousand feet above sea level. Archaeologists
have uncovered the remains of
more than twenty temples on the slopes of
Hermon. This may be due to its prominence
and the association of high places with the
worship of gods in the ancient world.
42:6. Mount Mizar. The exact location of this
place is unknown. The name means “the little
hill,” and therefore it may refer to a specific
peak in the Hermon range. However, this
would depend on the geographical perspective
and poetic intent of the writer. It is quite
possible that the psalmist is referring to
Mount Hermon as “little” in terms of its sacredness
in comparison to Yahweh’s holy hill,
Zion Ps 43:3.
PPSSAALLMMSS 4 452:1:62—458:9 44:title. sons of Korah. See the comment on
Psalm 42:title.
44:2-8. divine warrior. See the comment in the
sidebar on common concepts in Psalms for
more information.
44:20. forgetting the name. A deity’s name is
often associated with that god’s power and essential
being (see Ex 3:13-14; Is 9:6. In Jeremiah
23:27 the false prophets plan to remove
God’s name from the people’s memory so
they will be enticed to follow Baal. For more
information see comment on Deuteronomy
12:5. Failure to invoke the name of Yahweh as
their God is a violation of the covenant and
cause for God to punish the people (1 Sam
12:9).
44:20. spread hands. The position described
here is one of prayer or supplication. It is also
mentioned in Ezra 9:5 and in Psalm 88:9. For a
full discussion see comment on 2 Chronicles
6:13.
45:title. sons of Korah. See comment on
Psalm 42:title.
45:1. verses for king. Psalms directed to the
king rather than to the deity are common in
the ancient Near East, but this is one of the
few examples in the book of Psalms. Like the
Egyptian marriage stele of Rameses II, the
marriage portrayed in this psalm is the result
of military strength—it represents a political
alliance that is desirable because of the king’s
military victories.
45:1. bards. Scribes and sages were the official
storytellers of the kings of the ancient Near
East. Their command of the traditions and
their association with the royal bureaucracy
made it appropriate that they perform songs
and stories that remind the people of the
king’s role to feed and protect the land as
God’s political agent. Thus during the New
Year’s festival in Babylon, the Enuma Elish creation
epic was recounted, representatives
from other cities came to give their homage to
the king, and sacred procession wound their
way through the streets of the city to the great
temple of Marduk, the patron god of Babylon.
When Ezra the scribe performs a covenant renewal
ceremony, he reads the people the Law,
reminding them of their sacred story (Neh
8:1-13).
45:7. anointing with oil of joy. Middle Assyrian
Laws feature the bride being anointed by
the father of the bridegroom as part of the
wedding ceremony, but in this psalm the
anointing is part of the kingship (rather than
the wedding) section and represents God
anointing the king to his position (for more information
see comment on 1 Sam 10:1.
45:8. fragrant robes. This psalm contains language
and detail suitable for a marriage anthem
or the anointing of a king Ps 133:2. In
the ancient Near East these two were combined
in the sacred marriage ritual described in Ur
III, which involved a magnificently robed king
processing to the temple, portraying himself as
the god as he participated in a marriage/fertility
ritual. It seems likely that the robes of the
participants would be oiled and dusted with
fragrant herbs and perfumes. For discussion of
these substances see the comments on Song of
Songs 1:3 and Proverbs 7:17.
45:8. ivory palaces. For the lavish use of ivory
to decorate furniture and wall panels see comments
on 1 Kings 22:39 and Amos 3:15; 6:4.
The wealth of a nation might well be displayed
in the king’s palace—a sign of power
and prestige for the state.
45:8. string music. This translation is based on
an emendation of the Hebrew text from minni
to a plural noun minnim, based on a similar
usage of the word in Psalm 150:4. It is not
clear what sort of instrument this refers to except
as a generic term for strings.
45:9. gold of Ophir. See the comments on
1 Kings 22:48 and Isaiah 13:12 for this choicest
quality gold.
For common concepts, metaphors for God and musical terms, see pages 511-18.
529 PSALMS 45:12—48:9
45:12. gift. Letters from Mari record how the
king of Mari sought to contract a marriage
with the daughter of the king of Aleppo. From
this correspondence it is clear that the
year-long negotiations were considered as finalized
when the wedding gift arrived at the
palace of Mari and was deemed acceptable by
the king.
45:12. daughter of Tyre. While it is possible
that a particular daughter of the king of Tyre
is mentioned here, it is more likely that the expression
is a euphemism for the inhabitants of
this Phoenician port city. Similar expressions
exist, such as “daughter of Zion” Ps 9:14 and
“daughter of Babylon” Ps 137:8. Since the
Phoenicians had become quite wealthy as a
result of their control over the carrying trade
in the Mediterranean Sea, gifts from Tyre were
expected to be lavish, exotic and expensive.
Note here the parallel with “men of wealth.”
45:13. gold threads. Clothing was a status
marker in the ancient world. The princess-
bride in this psalm is dressed in the richest
garments. Like the young bride in Ezekiel
16:10-13, she wears elaborately embroidered
robes, probably dyed with Phoenician purple.
Adding to the majesty of her ensemble is gold
stitching. It would have been impossible to
create a durable thread made from gold, but
gold dust could have been encrusted into the
thread and the garment to give it this added
touch of wealth. Exodus 39:3 explains the process
by which gold was worked into each
thread used to weave the garment.
46:title. sons of Korah. See comment on 42:title.
46:9. wars cease. Just as Yahweh functions as
the divine warrior to aid the Israelites in battle
(see the comment on Josh 3:17, the God of the
covenant is also the source of peace and prosperity.
This theme of world peace is one of the
hoped for aspects of the restoration of the nation
in prophetic and apocalyptic literature.
As Isaiah 2:4 notes, God will settle all disputes
between nations, and “they will beat their . . .
spears into pruning hooks.” Similarly, Ezekiel
states that one of the means Yahweh will use
to insure that “the nations know that I am the
Lord” will be to create an age when weapons
of war can be used for fuel Ezek 39:7-9.
47:title. sons of Korah. See comment on 42:title.
47:5-8. enthronement in ancient Near East.
One of the most important ceremonies in the
ancient Near East was the ritual of enthronement
of a king and the investiture of that person
with his symbols of office. This can be
seen in the investment of Marduk with his
royal insignia in the Enuma Elish creation epic.
He was named king and then given his scepter,
throne, robes and weapons by the other
gods. This ritual was mirrored in the coronation
practice in Assyria in which all court officials
surrendered the symbols of office,
resigning so that the king could decide whether
to reappoint them to their duties. In Mesopotamia
enthronement was also tied into the
majesty and power of the gods since it was believed
that “kingship descended from on
high.” For instance, in the prologue to Hammurabi’s
code of laws the king of Babylon
states that the gods called him by name and
installed him to carry out their commands on
earth, including the restoration of cities, purification
of sacred rites, and to “establish truth
and justice as the declaration of the land.”
During the Babylonian New Year’s festival
(Akitu), the grant of power to the king had to
be reinvested in his person, so an enthronement
ritual was reenacted. Many scholars assume
that Israel used psalms like this one in
their own enthronement festival (for Yahweh
and his king), but no positive proof has yet
come forth to confirm that hypothesis.
48:title. sons of Korah. See comment on 42:title.
48:1. holy mountain. The book of Psalms repeatedly
refers to Mount Zion as Yahweh’s
“holy hill” or holy mountain Ps 2:6; 3:4; 15:1;
43:3; 99:9). However, it should be understood
that this place ascribes its importance and
sanctity entirely from God’s presence there.
Other sacred mountains are associated with
the gods: Baal with Mount Zaphon, and Marduk
and others with the artificial mountains,
the ziggurat temples of Mesopotamia.
48:2. heights of Zaphon. This refers to Mount
Casius (Jebel el-Aqra, elev. 5807 feet), twentyfive
or thirty miles northeast of Ugarit, the
mountain associated with the dwelling place
of Baal (see the comment on Is 14:13. In
Ugaritic literature Mount Zaphon is considered
to be the mountain of the gods where the
divine assembly meets. In the announcements
of Baal’s messengers Mount Zaphon is
praised as beautiful and a hill of victory. In the
context of this psalm it may be serving either
as a direction, north, or as a reference to the
temple at Dan, technically on Mount Hermon
at the northern boundary of Israel. However,
it is also possible that in this psalm Yahweh is
seen as a universal God who will replace all
other gods in their sacred locales, with Zion
becoming what Zaphon had once been considered,
the seat of God.
48:7. ships of Tarshish. See the comments
on 2 Chronicles 9:21 and Isaiah 23:1.
48:9. worship within temple. Unlike the kings
PSALMS 48:12—50:TITLE 530
who fled away at the sight of God’s power
(48:4-7), the Israelite pilgrims gain great comfort
from the majesty of God’s presence at
Zion because that is where their deliverance
comes from. The use of h[esed (NIV: “unfailing
love”), the legal term employed in connection
with the covenant, indicates a sense of fulfillment
on their part and is the basis for their
fervent worship. “Within” in this case may be
simply entrance into Jerusalem (Mount Zion)
or into the Temple Mount complex, since pilgrims
would not be allowed access to the inner
precincts of the temple itself.
48:12-13. towers, ramparts and citadels in a
fortified city. The basic architecture of a fortified
city functioned as its defense system and
also served as a form of monumental display
of the physical power of the state. Towers
were placed at regular intervals within the
wall system and dominated each gate. The
ramparts, ranging as high as forty feet (as at
Tell Dan) were set between the towers, often
in an offset-inset pattern that provided more
angles for archery and other missiles dropped
or thrown by the defenders. Within the city a
citadel would be constructed as the strong
point in case the city walls were breached.
Since it was usually constructed at a high elevation,
the citadel tower could also serve as a
link in the signal fire system used to communicate
between cities (see the comments on Is
32:14 and Neh 3:26 for the Hill of Ophel in
Jerusalem). For further discussion of towers
and wall systems as city defenses, see the
comment on Isaiah 2:15. For discussion of fortified
gateways, see the comment on Isaiah
54:12.
49:title. sons of Korah. See comment on 42:title.
49:4. proverb. The term translated here as
“proverb” is mashal. It has a wide range of
meanings: “allegory” Ezek 17:2, “poem”
Num 21:27, “oracle” Num 23:7. In this case,
as in Proverbs 10:1, it refers to an “instruction”
from God to the people, warning the Israelites
specifically but relying on the universality of a
wisdom theme so that “all peoples” can be addressed,
not just the Israelites. It may also be
compared to the “dark saying” in Habakkuk
2:6 in which the Chaldean aggressors are
taunted with the loss of their ill-gotten wealth.
49:4. wisdom accompanied by harp. The
measured parallelism of the verse would be
aided in its rhythm by the strumming of a
harp or zither. This might be compared to the
musician employed by Elisha when he spoke
an oracle 2 Kings 3:15. A similar occurrence
also appears in the Egyptian Tale of Wenamon
where a musician and a prophet are paired.
Certainly words of praise were chanted or
sung to the sound of lyre and harp Ps 92:1-3.
It would be natural for minstrels and story
tellers to recite the mighty acts of God and of
Israel’s heroes to the sound of music (Judg
5:11).
49:14. death will feed on them. In the Ugaritic
Baal epic the image of death, the god Mot, is
of a ravening monster whose open mouth
consumes the living: “The dust of the grave
devours its pray. Death eats whatever it wants
with both hands.” Job (24:19) describes a similar
picture of Sheol, the underworld, which
“snatches away those who have sinned.” Job
18:2-13 also contains this description of death
devouring the limbs of the wicked. Proverbs
1:12 describes the grave as a mouth that swallows
its victims, and this same concept is echoed
in the epic of Baal and Anath where the
god of death, Mot, is said to “devour its prey,”
eating them “with both hands.”
49:15. Israelite hope. Like the people of Mesopotamia,
with whom they shared a number of
religious and social ideas, the Israelites did
not have a widespread understanding of resurrection
from the dead, a last judgment or an
afterlife of reward or punishment. This only
becomes evident in Judaism in the postexilic
period, as exemplified by Daniel 12:2. Thus in
this context the psalmist is contrasting the fate
of the psalmist’s enemies, for whom there will
be no escape from the grave, and the psalmist’s
own hope of redemption by Yahweh. It is
unlikely that the writer is referring, as some
have suggested, to escape from death altogether
in the manner of Enoch Gen 5:24 or
Elijah 2 Kings 2:11. The NIV’s inclusion of the
phrase “to himself” is totally interpretive, not
being found in the Hebrew text. The concept
of God “taking” a person as a reference to saving
his life can be seen clearly in Psalm
18:16-17, where the NIV translates the same
phrase as “took hold of me.” See the comments
on afterlife in the sidebar on common
concepts in Psalms.
PSALMS 48:12—50:title 50:title. Asaph. This may be an abbreviation
for the “sons of Asaph” and thus a reference
to one of the temple choirs or their repertoire
of music. In Ezra 2:41 the singers who returned
to Palestine with Ezra were “descendants
of Asaph.” According to the list of
temple musicians in 1 Chronicles 6:39, Asaph
was appointed by David to serve in the Jeru-
For common concepts, metaphors for God and musical terms, see pages 511-18.
531 PSALMS 50:1—51:2
salem temple as Heman’s associate.
PSALMS 50:1—51:2 50:1-4. sun god as judge imagery. There is a
drawing at the top of the seven-foot-high diorite
pillar containing a copy of Hammurabi’s
law code. It depicts the Babylonian sun god
Shamash seated on his throne with Hammurabi
standing before him. In the prologue that
follows, the king accepts the responsibility “to
make justice prevail in the land” and “to rise
like Shamash over all humankind.” He becomes
the god’s judicial representative for the
Babylonian empire. Shamash’s role as divine
judge is also found in Akkadian prayers for
forgiveness. The Egyptian Hymn to the Aten,
composed for the court of Pharaoh Akhenaten
in the fourteenth century B.C., contains creation
imagery very similar to that in this
psalm. This is especially the case with regard
to a sense of order and universality: “Your
glory shines high above the land; your rays
enrich the land you have created.” See the
comment on God as judge in the sidebar on
common concepts in Psalms.
50:8-15. ideology of sacrifice. A proper understanding
of the purpose of sacrifice is outlined
in this psalm. This is intended to serve as a
contrasting ideology to the sacrificial practices
of Israel’s neighbors. Two points are emphasized
here. First, God does not need to be sustained
with food like the gods of Mesopotamia
and Egypt (as in the Gilgamesh flood
epic, where the gods flock like starving flies to
Utnapishtim’s sacrifice). Second, and perhaps
more important, is that the Israelites have an
obligation to God to make “thank offerings”
as a sign of their acknowledgment of the covenant.
It is the failure of the people to differentiate
between ritual and the knowledge of
God that is so often condemned by the prophets
1 Sam 15:22; Hos 6:6. Micah in particular
parodies these ineffectual offerings and notes
that all God requires of Israel is “to act justly
and love mercy” Mic 6:8.
50:21. god like people. God accuses the people
of forgetting that the deity is not “just like
them,” willing to look the other way when
evil occurs or even able to approve of their
sinful actions. This ultimate form of anthropomorphizing
God is a terrible crime deserving
of rebuke and punishment. Divine silence is
not to be considered a sign of weakness or of
disinterest. Jeremiah in his “temple sermon”
Jer 7:9-11 makes similar accusations, noting
that the people of Judah seem to believe they
can commit any sin and then come to the temple
and proclaim, “We are safe.” He declares
that God is watching them and is not blind to
their deeds. The Old Testament begins its
story by relating how people wanted to become
like God and thereby fell into sin. Having
failed in their attempt, human history
becomes the story of people remolding God in
their own image. The gods of Mesopotamia
and Egypt are described as acting much like
humans—engaging in unthinking acts of violence
(the Gilgamesh and Atrahasis flood stories)
or tricking humans out of a potential reward
(Adapa)—but they still have superhuman
powers and must be treated with official
respect. The psalmist and wisdom writers
raise Yahweh above the level of any other god
to an ideal of moral and just behavior far beyond
anything attainable by god or human
(see Job 42:2-6.
51:1-2. mechanism for removing sins. In the
ancient Near East it was not sins that were removed
but the deity who was appeased. The
individual only became aware of sin when he
or she experienced circumstances considered
the punishment of deity. The goal then became
to relieve the anger of the deity (whether
such anger was believed to be justified or not).
When they asked for sins to be removed
(“strip off my misdeeds like a garment”), they
meant that the deity should be willing to overlook
their sin, put away wrath and restore his
favor. The rituals that accompanied this sort of
approach to deity were meant to purify the individual
and pacify the deity. The ritual did
not remove sin; it only enabled the individual
to hope that the deity would offer absolution
from the sin. In Israel we should think in
terms not of sins being eternally removed but
of the sacrifices cleansing away the desecration
of God’s presence caused by sin (see comment
on Lev 1:4, “atonement”). The rituals
paved the way for forgiveness (see comment
on Lev 4:13-32. This psalm is not talking
about that process (v. 16). Only God’s gracious
act would remove a sin from the record books.
It is understood that the penitent can only ask,
not demand, absolution of sins (see Ps 32:10.
What is asked for is a display of God’s compassionate
mercy based on the supplicant’s
trust and the covenantal promise to Israel.
God’s favor may then “blot out” sin in much
the same way that a parchment scroll is
scraped clean or a clay tablet is either washed
clean (see Num 5:23 or broken. This metaphor
is mentioned in a Babylonian ritual text,
where it states that a king may order that “the
tablet of my sins be broken,” thereby canceling
or commuting debt or criminal charges.
Similarly, in Hammurabi’s Code an illegal
contract for the purchase of a soldier’s land
may be cancelled by breaking the cuneiform
tablet. Mesopotamian literature contains references
both to tablets recording evil deeds (in
PSALMS 51:3-7 532
the Shurpu texts) and those recording good
deeds.
51:3. knowledge of offense. In the ancient
Near East individuals typically claimed that
they were mystified concerning what they
could possibly have done to offend deity.
There were several factors that contributed to
this ignorance. First, the gods of the ancient
Near East had offered no permanent revelation
of themselves that might be used as a
guide. Second, polytheism posed a problem in
that a deed that pleased one god might potentially
offend another. Third, the gods were not
characterized as acting consistently from one
day to the next, thus making it difficult to assess
one’s standing. Finally, offenses often
took the form of neglecting rituals that the individual
was not even aware of. As a result, in
Babylonian penitential literature (shigus) for
instance, the offender sometimes simply accepts
blame for all sorts of sin, hoping in the
process to confess to whatever has offended
the deity. Yet at other times he lists offenses
and asserts that he is well aware of his sins. In
the Hittite Prayers of Mursilis confession of
one’s guilt is the step toward reconciliation
with his lord. In Israel the Law was clear
enough and offenses could be clearly identified.
51:4. against deity only. If David is identifying
Yahweh alone as the one sinned against,
whom is he ruling out? Certainly he has
wronged Bathsheba and Uriah. It is important
to notice that in the context the issue
concerns who has a right to pass judgment
and carry out sentence (second half of v. 4).
In Israel the family of the murder victim had
a right to blood vengeance, and there were
always political enemies who would be happy
to stylize themselves as the arm of God’s
justice against a wayward king. Perhaps by
this statement David is limiting his acknowledgment
of culpability, so that only Yahweh
has the right of punishment.
51:5. conceived and born in sin. As is so often
the case when speaking to God, the penitent
draws the contrast between divine perfection
and inherent human weakness (see Job 4:17;
Ps 130:3; Jer 17:9. The same point is made in a
nineteenth-dynasty Egyptian prayer to Amon
that confesses that it is “normal” for humans
to do wrong just as it is “normal” for the god
to be merciful. It should be emphasized in this
context that the act of conception was not considered
sinful. Sexual activity, including intercourse,
pregnancy and childbirth, all rendered
the participants ritually unclean (see Lev
15:16-33), but within marriage this was never
declared to be sinful. Statements such as those
in Job 15:14 and Isaiah 6:5 simply define humans
as unclean by nature in relation to God’s
absolute purity. Although this psalm has been
used by some commentators to bolster the
doctrine of “original sin,” it seems a more appropriate
interpretation to see it as part of the
general confession of the penitent. In Mesopotamian
incantations the sentiment is expressed
that there is no one who has not
sinned—everyone who exists is sinful. An admonition
to confess the sinfulness of the human
state appears in the Egyptian teachings
of Amenemope, “Say not: ’I have no wrongdoing.’”
The Israelites would have agreed
with that theology in that they would have acknowledged
a general inclination to sin that
was characteristic of all people. They did not
go the next step of Christian theology by seeing
Adam’s sin imputed to people.
51:6. internalization as divine expectation.
Based on the birth image in the previous verse
and a similar phrase in Job 38:36, it is likely
that E. Dalglish is correct in his interpretation
of this verse as referring to obtaining knowledge
while still within the womb (the mother’s
“innermost part”). The penitent is
acknowledging that his sin is not to be excused
for lack of knowledge. He is aware,
even from the womb, of what is right behavior,
and he has failed to obey what he knows
to be lawful (see v. 3). A similar image of prenatal
learning is found in the Egyptian Hymn
to the Aten. The writer repeatedly praises the
god for supplying all that is necessary for human
survival, even within the womb. To
counter human nature’s tendency to disobey,
Egyptian religious thought is filled with the
need to internalize ma’at, “truth.” It is described
as the bread that sustains humans (as
in the royal annals of Queen Hatshepsut).
PSALMS 51:3-7 51:7. hyssop. This dwarf bush, Origanum syriacum
(majoram), grows wild among the rocks
in Palestine. The aromatic fragrance emitted
by its blue or reddish flowers and leaves may
be the origin of its presumed medicinal value.
In the biblical text, however, it is associated
with rituals of purification, as in the ceremony
associated with the cleansing of a leper in Leviticus
14:4-6. They also are employed in the
ritual sacrifice of the red heifer Num 19:6
and in the marking of Israelite doorframes
during the Passover Ex 12:22.
51:7. white = purity. As noted in Isaiah 1:18,
For common concepts, metaphors for God and musical terms, see pages 511-18.
533 PSALMS 51:10—55:14
in the biblical tradition white is identified
with purity or joy. Dark colors, especially
black, are used to signify mourning or lamentation—
both of which are associated with
states of impurity (see Ps 35:13; Zech 3:3-5. In
an Assyrian prayer the king calls on his god to
“whiten” and thus free his heart from his sin
of blasphemy. In Akkadian the verb “to
brighten” overlaps with the verb “to make
white.” In one Babylonian magical text the petitioner
requests that he might “become as pure
as heaven, as cleansed as the earth, and as
bright as the center of heaven.”
51:10. pure heart. Having acknowledged his
sinful condition from his birth, the penitent
now asks God, the only power able to grant
his request, to purify his “heart” (the seat of
the intellect in Hebrew tradition). A Sumerian
prayer of repentance also pleads for divine
mercy from the gods and transformation of
“the sin I have done . . . into goodness.” This is
similar to the petition in the Lament over the
Destruction of Ur, which calls on the goddess
Inanna to insure that “every evil heart of its
people be pure before thee!” The concept of
regeneration or redirection is also found in
Ezekiel’s oracle of a restored nation, in which
God promises to “give you a new heart” (Ezek
36:26).
51:11. removing holy spirit. While God’s spirit
occurs many times in the text, only in Isaiah
63:10-14 is the expression “holy spirit” used
synonymously with Yahweh’s presence. To
have that presence removed or to be excluded
from communion with God is the ultimate
punishment imaginable. On a national scale it
would be the end of the covenant relationship
and the total destruction of the people (Jer
23:39; compare Hosea’s third child “Not My
People” in Hos 1:9. For a reigning monarch,
who is God’s representative, being cut off
from Yahweh’s voice or presence would be the
signal that his dynasty has been rejected and
will come to an end (see the comments concerning
Saul’s plight in 1 Sam 16:14; 28:6). The
petitioner in the Sumerian “Prayer to Every
God” also pleads that the god “not cast thy
servant down,” presumably away from divine
favor, because of his transgressions.
51:16. no delight in sacrifice. Like Jeremiah’s
direct attacks on what he considered a totally
corrupt cultic system in Jerusalem Jer 6:20;
7:4; 31:31-35), the psalmist denies the value of
animal sacrifice without an ethical dimension
to sustain it. The Egyptian Instruction of
Merikare contains this same sentiment: “More
acceptable is the character of one upright of
heart than the ox of the evildoer.” They share
Samuel’s 1 Sam 15:22 and Hosea’s Hos 6:6
argument that God prefers a devout worshiper’s
heart and prayers, not his or her ritual
pantomime (see comments on 1 Sam 15:22; Is
1:16-17; and Jer 7:9. This is also noted in
Babylonian wisdom literature, where the pious
are encouraged to pay daily homage
“with sacrifice, prayer and appropriate incense-
offering.” But most important is to “feel
solicitude of heart” toward their god.
52:2-4. evil tongue. The tongue in this expression
is synonymous with the person. Similar
examples of this metaphor can be found in the
Assyrian Words of Ahiqar, where the “tongue
of the ruler” is equated with his sovereign
power. The charge made in this psalm is that
the deceitful choose to speak and do evil
(compare Prov 12:17, a complaint also registered
in the Middle Egyptian Dispute over Suicide.
53:5. scattering bones. One common image of
utter defeat and hopelessness is the battlefield
covered with the scattered, bleached bones of
the slain. The Assyrian annals of Shalmaneser
III report the destruction of their foes, with
“pillars of skulls” erected and battle sites covered
with corpses. Ezekiel 37 uses this as the
basis of his oracle of restoration. Jeremiah
8:1-2 prophesies the violation of the tombs of
false priests and unfaithful kings, with their
bones scattered about “like refuse lying on the
ground.” See also the comment on 22:14.
PSALMS 51:10—55:14 54:1. plea for vindication. Based on the
premise of the retribution principle (see comment
in the sidebar on common concepts in
Psalms), a person who was suffering was believed
to be receiving punishment from God.
Since God was considered to be just, then the
punishment would have been deserved. The
psalmist’s troubles would therefore be taken
as evidence of his sinfulness. Vindication of
the psalmist would then come when God intervened
to turn the tables and punish his enemies.
Such action from God would proclaim
his innocence and show that he had not lost
God’s favor. In this sense God is his only
hope. The eloquent peasant of Egyptian wisdom
literature also calls on his god-king, Pharaoh,
as his “last hope” and “only judge.”
54:6. freewill offering. See the comment on
Numbers 15:1-31 for the general elements of
the Israelite sacrificial system. A “freewill” offering
is a nonobligatory sacrifice, made in
thanks or to fulfill a vow (see the comment on
Lev 22:17-30. It may be offered at the altar
with the intention of partaking in a communal
meal with God or as a whole burnt offering.
For the role of this offering in Psalms see comment
on 50:8-15.
55:14. throng at house of God. Israelites were
PSALMS 55:15—58:5 534
instructed to attend the annual pilgrimage festivals
and bring their sacrifices to the temple
in Jerusalem (see the comments on Ex 23:17
and Deut 16:16. A sense of fellowship was
created as large groups of people and close
friends joined in this unified (LXX uses en
homonoia, “in unity,” in translating this verse)
religious journey, physically demonstrating
their commitment to the covenant. The psalmist
here seems extremely distressed that someone
who had shared this pilgrimage could
betray him.
55:15. alive to the grave. The judgment sought
by the psalmist on his enemies is an untimely
death. Like the rebellious Levite Korah and
his followers Num 16:31-35, they are to be
swallowed up by the earth without any further
opportunity to commit mischief. The parallel
here to “by surprise” clarifies that going
alive to the grave does not mean they will not
die. Rather a sudden death is requested. The
image of death as an open mouth swallowing
the unaware is found in the Ugaritic Baal epic,
where the god of the underworld, Mot, is described
as a “pool luring the wild oxen,”
which “eats whatever it wants with both
hands.”
55:21. speech/heart. An Akkadian proverb
draws the same distinction, observing that a
man may speak friendly words with his lips
but have a heart full of murder. The incantation
series Shurpu speaks of one whose
speech is straightforward but whose heart is
devious.
56:8. scroll/record. Like the journal of remembrance
kept for future justice’s sake in
Daniel 7:10 and Malachi 3:16 (see comments
on both), the psalmist refers to a record that
God has kept of his misery during his life’s
wanderings. This written repository is compared
to saving the sufferer’s tears in a bottle
or skin bag. In both cases the imperative
form is used to show how important this
record is so that only the deserving remain in
God’s “book of life” (see Ps 69:28.
57:1. shadow of your wings. It is possible that
the psalmist is playing off the metaphor of
God as a protective eagle sheltering its young
with outstretched wings found in the “Song of
Moses” in Deuteronomy 32:10-11. This image
of eagles’ wings is a common metaphor for
God’s covenantal saving acts (see Ex 19:4.
This reference may also be a reflection of the
wings of the cherubim on the ark of the covenant
1 Sam 4:4; 1 Kings 6:23-28 or the
winged seraphs said to surround Yahweh in
Isaiah’s call narrative Is 6:2. The metaphor of
taking refuge under the wings of deity is
found also in other psalms (36:7; 61:4; 91:4)
and is consistently related to issues of care
and protection connected to the covenant. The
metaphor is also known from other ancient
Near Eastern cultures, particularly Egyptian,
where even disembodied wings represent
protection. Deities with wings are often portrayed
overshadowing the king. Likewise an
ivory from Arslan Tash dated to the eighth
century shows characters in human form with
wings protecting a figure in the center.
PSALMS 55:15—58:5 57:4. enemies as lions. Though in seventhcentury
Assyrian literature the lions’ pit occurs
as a metaphor for vicious and antagonistic
courtiers of the king, the combination with
weapons here opens up another possibility.
Ugaritic sources refer to an archery division
that marches under the standard of the liongoddess.
The psalmist could also be alluding
to a group of mercenaries going by that standard.
57:8. harp and lyre. Praise accompanied by
both harp and “ten-stringed lyre” is also
found in Psalm 33:2 (see comment there). In
Psalm 98:5-6 the harp is paired with trumpets
and the ram’s horn to sharpen the enthusiasm
of the psalmist’s celebration and possibly to
engender a prophetic utterance (see Elisha in
2 Kings 3:15. A similar joyous anticipation of
the dawn is found in the Egyptian Hymn to the
Aten, in which “the two lands of Egypt rejoice”
at daybreak when the sun disk rises
over the horizon.
58:4. cobra with stopped ears. The metaphor
is an attempt to equate the fool/wicked, who
will not listen, with a cobra (a term found in
both Egyptian and Ugaritic) who pays no attention
to the snake charmer. Both cause pain
and suffering by their unreasonable behavior.
Although snakes do not have hands to cover
their ears (an internal organ), the issue here
has to do with unnatural, perverse actions.
Along this line, the Egyptian Instruction of
Ankhsheshonqy notes that there is no point in
trying to instruct a fool, who will not listen
and will hate you for attempting to teach him
something. Similarly, the Instruction of Amenemope
cautions that the words of fools are more
dangerous than storm winds.
58:5. snake charmer. The profession of snake
charmer must have involved an intimate
knowledge of the serpent’s behavior pattern.
One admonition that could well have come
from this stock in trade is found in the Instruc-
For common concepts, metaphors for God and musical terms, see pages 511-18.
535 PSALMS 58:6—60:6
tion of Ankhsheshonqy, stating that a well-fed
snake will not strike. The charmer may have
also used magical incantations in addition to
music or some physical props to control the
serpents in their act. Snakes were greatly
feared in the ancient world as magical beings
as well as for their venom. Both Egyptian and
Mesopotamian literatures contain examples of
incantations against serpents and their bites.
The word translated “charmed” here should
not evoke cartoonlike images of swaying serpents
hypnotized by pipe-playing swamis.
Alternatively it may refer to snakes against
which the incantations are ineffective. Akkadian
texts also speak of snakes that are “unconjurable.”
58:6-11. imprecations compared to incantations.
This psalm is known as an “imprecatory”
psalm because it calls down curses
(imprecations) on the enemy. In the ancient
Near East such curses were enhanced or activated
by magical rituals and spells, but this
sort of practice would have been unacceptable
in the biblical system. Imprecatory psalms can
be best understood against the background of
the retribution principle (see discussion in the
sidebar on common concepts in Psalms). Since
God’s justice was seen as requiring punishment
proportional to the seriousness of the
sin, the psalmist is calling down the curses
that would be appropriate if justice were to be
maintained. These are the same magnitude of
curses that God pronounces on his enemies
(see Is 13:15-16. The forceful language of this
passage contains aspects of an East Semitic
curse formula that relies on the deity to carry
out vengeance on the enemy nations. An example
of this type of indirect curse is found in
the vassal treaties of the Assyrian king Esarhaddon
as he calls on a host of gods to do the
treaty-breaker harm. It is also employed, with
the addition of ritual acts of execration, in the
Aramaic Sefire inscription: “Just as this bow
and these arrows are broken, so may Inurta
and Hadad break the bow of Mati’el and the
bow of his nobles.” The psalmist indirectly
curses by imprecation, calling on God to
“laugh at them” in their puny efforts to menace
Israel. He does not employ magical incantations
or execration rituals against them but
instead relies on God to render these peoples
impotent—breaking their power and their
weapons of destruction (see Jer 49:35; 51:56;
Ezek 39:3.
59:title. incident. It seems most likely that the
event mentioned in the superscription comes
from the time prior to David’s accession to the
throne, when he was an outlaw and continually
harassed by Saul’s men. For examples of
this type of continuous surveillance and
pursuit see 1 Samuel 19:11 and the narrative
in 1 Samuel 24.
60:title. incident. The editors of the book of
Psalms sometimes attempt to link historical
events from the life of David with the subject
of a psalm. In this case the reference is to
David’s campaign against the Arameans and
Edomites (see the comments on 2 Sam 8:3-14.
PSALMS 58:6—60:6 60:3. wine that makes one stagger. The power
of God’s wrath against the people is compared
to a potent cup of wine, which makes
them stagger in a drunken/impotent manner
(see Is 51:17, 22 and the comment on Is 28:7.
This cup may be compared with the cup of
bitterness drunk by the suspected adulteress
in Numbers 5:16-22 and with the cup of salvation
in Psalm 116:13. See comment on 75:8.
60:4. banner. Battle flags and standards were
used by the military as signaling devices and
rallying points for the army or were hung
from city walls (see Jer 4:6. Their colors and
insignia designated their allegiance and
would in many cases have included a symbol
of the god(s) who were expected to participate
in the battle along with the human forces (see
Jer 50:2. The Assyrian army of Shalmaneser
III traveled with its “standards” attached to
the royal chariot. When camp was made, they
were erected near the royal pavilion and became
the focal point for sacrifice and acts of
devotion to the gods.
60:6. parceling Shechem. Since the covenant
promise had always included God’s grant of
land to the Israelites, it would be within Yahweh’s
right to parcel out Shechem (Tell Balata,
forty miles north of Jerusalem) as a prize of
war to those who were true to the covenant.
Perhaps because of its proximity to two nearby
peaks, Mount Gerizim and Mount Ebal, it
has had a long history as a sacred site.
Shechem is known from many ancient sources,
including the Egyptian records of Sen-Usert
III (nineteenth century B.C.) and the El Amarna
tablets (fourteenth century B.C.). Nearly
continuous occupation is evidenced through
the second and first millennia, demonstrating
the importance of this strategic city on the
highway network running north from Egypt
through Beersheba and Jerusalem and on to
Damascus. It was Abram’s first stop in
Canaan. Jacob purchased land near the city in
Genesis 33:18-20, and thus it is connected to
the origins of granting the Promised Land to
the Israelites. The fertile soil in this area promoted
agriculture as well as good grazing.
60:6. Valley of Succoth. The city of Succoth is
located east of the Jordan River near the point
where it connects with the Jabbok River, an
PSALMS 60:7—61:8 536
area known as the Ghor Abu Obeideh. This is
a fertile region which like Shechem has a connection
with the Jacob narrative Gen 33:17
and could thus represent the total area of the
Promised Land within the covenant agreement.
A number of archaeologists have identified
it with the site of Tell Deir ’Alla, based on
Egyptian records (the Stele of Shishak) and
cultural remains dating from the Chalcolithic
to Iron Age II. The name, which means
“booths,” would be appropriate for the temporary
housing of this region’s mixed population
of pastoral nomads and miners (evidence
of smelting has been found in Iron I levels). It
is located in the valley just west of the highlands
of Gilead as the land comes down to the
Jordan.
60:7. Gilead, Manasseh. The Transjordanian
region of Gilead, roughly lying between the
Yarmuk River in the north and the Arnon River
in the south, was given in the distribution
after the conquest to the tribes of Gad (see the
comment on Josh 13:24-29 and to Manasseh
(see the comment on Josh 13:30-31. For the
general distribution of the tribal settlements in
this region, see the comment on Numbers
32:34-42.
60:7. Ephraim, Judah as helmet and scepter.
In this metaphorical portrayal of Yahweh as
the divine warrior, the two kingdoms of Israel
(Ephraim) and Judah serve as helmet and staff
of office respectively. A similar image is found
in Zechariah 9:13, where Judah is God’s bow
and Ephraim his arrow. The term translated
“helmet” is not used elsewhere as a reference
to armor or headgear. The Hebrew text refers
to “a fortress for my head” or perhaps “my
chief fortress.” The scepter is now often identified
as a ceremonial engraved mace, which
kings are sometimes portrayed holding in
their hands as a symbol of office. It is referred
to elsewhere in Genesis 49:10 and Numbers
21:18.
60:8. Moab as washbasin. This may be a reference
to Moab’s proximity to the Dead Sea, but
it certainly denotes the subjugation of that nation
by Yahweh (repeated in Ps 108:9. They
are forced into servanthood, being placed in a
position where they must wash the feet of
their master (compare Jn 13:5. The container
referred to here is usually used for cooking
but is a multipurpose pot/basin that comes in
various sizes. Washbasins were typically used
for ritual washing or ritual bathing, and occur
in lists of fine gifts in the Amarna tablets. The
imagery here is obscure.
60:8. sandal to Edom. Sandals were the ordinary
footwear in the ancient Near East, but
they were also a symbolic item of clothing.
This may have been due to the fact that land
was purchased based on whatever size triangle
of land the buyer could walk off in an
hour, a day, a week or a month (1 Kings
21:16-17). Land was surveyed in triangles, and
a benchmark was constructed of fieldstones to
serve as a boundary marker Deut 19:14.
Since they walked off the land in sandals, the
sandals became the moveable title to that
land. Casting a sandal was a symbolic, legal
gesture employed in those situations where a
levir refused to accept his responsibility to a
widow. She in turn then removed his sandal,
the symbol of ownership and inheritance, and
cast it at him. This signified his loss of inheritance
rights to the lands of his relative (see
Deut 25:9 and Ruth 4:7-8. Land transfers in
the Nuzi texts also involved replacing the old
owner’s foot on the land with that of the new
owner. In this verse God aggressively casts a
sandal onto Edom as a gesture of conquest or
the assumption of ownership of that nation’s
lands.
PSALMS 60:7—61:8 60:9. fortified city/Edom. Since the “fortified
city” is parallel to Edom, one is inclined to
think of the major fortified city in Edom. This
would be Bozrah, whose name is built from
the same root as the word used here for fortified
city. Bozrah was the capital of ancient
Edom and is to be identified with Buseirah in
the northern region of the country. It guards a
portion of the king’s highway and is fairly
close to the copper mines found five miles to
the southwest at Wadi Dana. Excavations
demonstrate seventh- or sixth-century levels
from the most heavily fortified and largest settlement
in the area.
61:4. shelter in wings. See comment on 57:1.
61:8. king fulfilling vows. Kings in the ancient
Near East owed obligations to the god(s)
who were the source of their power. For instance,
at Mari the kings were required to
make annual sacrifices to gods all over their
kingdom, to rebuild their temples and to insure
that the priestly community was receiving
its due income. In addition, special vows
were taken to insure good crops, a victory in
war (see Judg 11:30-31; 1 Sam 14:24 or to obtain
an heir. An example of this latter effort is
found in the Ugaritic epic of Keret, in which
the king goes to the sanctuary of Asherah and
makes a vow to give the goddess “double the
bride price in silver” of a royal wife if he is al-
For common concepts, metaphors for God and musical terms, see pages 511-18.
537 PSALMS 62:9—68:6
lowed to marry the princess Hurriya.
62:9. highborn. As in Psalm 4:2, this term, benê
’ish, functions as both a euphemism for the
wealthy and powerful as well as a generic
term for all men of influence. Both Egyptian
and Babylonian contain similar expressions
for this class of individuals. For example,
Babylonian texts regularly make the distinction
between “a gentleman” and an “ungentlemanly
person.”
63:1. soul/body and ancient anthropology. As
noted in the comment on Psalm 42:2 on the
concept of “soul” in the ancient Near East, the
cultures of the Mesopotamians and Israelites
did not differentiate between soul and body.
Both represented the individual being, not a
separate spirit or entity. In Egypt, however,
the life force, ka, contained the essence of animated
life as well as the sustenance to maintain
living beings. After death the Egyptian’s
“soul” or ba manifested that life essence and
was often depicted in tomb paintings as birds
with human faces. The ability to differentiate
between the living being and his soul is found
in the Middle Egyptian wisdom piece titled
The Dispute Between a Man and His Ba. In this
document a man argues with his soul. In his
despair the man states that the troubles of life
demand that he commit suicide. This angers
the ba and it threatens to leave him, a threat
that the man takes very seriously since it
would mean that he would not be resurrected
into the afterlife.
63:7. shadow of wings. See comment on 57:1.
65:4. living in the temple courts. While the
temple complex was primarily the realm of
the priestly order, it was the desire of every
member of the covenant community to
“dwell” in God’s presence (see Ps 84:2 and
96:8). The importance of the temple precinct
as the place where God dwelt can be found in
its use for prayer and in judicial proceedings
when someone comes to take an oath “before
a god” (see Hammurabi’s Code). In this psalm
the concept of being the “chosen” is emphasized,
along with the closeness of Yahweh’s
promise and power. For more information see
comment on 23:6.
65:7. stilling the seas. This phrase relates to
Yahweh’s creative power over watery chaos
(as in Gen 1:2-10 and Ps 93:3. It is quite likely
that the Israelite psalmist is also drawing on
the terminology of the religious epics of Mesopotamia
(the Enuma Elish creation story in
which Marduk defeats Tiamat, the goddess of
the primeval waters) and of Ugarit. In the latter,
Baal has a monumental struggle with
Yamm, the god of the sea. The use of this cosmic
battle motif in other psalms (73:14;
89:9-10) is another indication of how the Israelite
writers employed the religious drama of
other cultures but used it as a way of demonstrating
the supremacy of Yahweh over all
other gods. See comment on 107:29.
65:12. grasslands of the desert. In this image
of fertility even in the wilderness, the psalmist
describes grasslands flourishing in the desert.
During the rainy season the desert does support
a growth of annuals and wild flowers in
addition to the stunted scrubs, such as the
white saxaul (Haloxylon persicum). These cling
to the salty and sandy soils along the wadi
beds and upper slopes where more moisture
falls or collects.
PSALMS 62:9—68:6 66:10. refined like silver. See the comments on
Proverbs 17:3 and 25:4.
67:1. make his face shine. The appearance of
the deity in Israelite and Mesopotamian traditions
is a shining light that in many cases is a
physical danger to humans (see the comments
on Ex 16:10-11 and 33:18-23). In this case the
image is benevolent, with God’s manifest
power providing comfort and reassurance.
Similarly in the Ur III coronation hymn of
Ur-Nammu (c. 2000 B.C.) the monarch receives
his right to rule when Enlil looks upon him
“with his shining forehead.” See comment on
80:3.
68:4. rides on the clouds. In Ugaritic epic literature
the storm god Baal is regularly referred
to as the “rider of the clouds.” References can
be found in both the Baal and Anat cycle and
in the story of the hero Aqhat. This image of
power over the winds and weather comes into
the Psalms as another example of how the stories
from other cultures have been restructured
to demonstrate Yahweh’s universal
control over nature and nations (see Ps 104:3;
Jer 4:13. It also serves as a polemic against belief
in any other god who might be thought to
provide the fertility God promises in the covenant.
68:6. lonely in families. The Egyptian Tale of
the Eloquent Peasant provides a model for this
set of responsibilities to the weak. The king in
this Middle Kingdom wisdom piece is called
the father to the orphan and the “mother to
the motherless.” In this psalm Yahweh is the
compassionate lawgiver who insures that orphans,
widows and the stranger (translated
here “the lonely” or “the desolate”) are cared
for as if they were members of an Israelite clan
(see the comments on Deut 24:17-18 and
24:19-22 for laws dealing with justice for the
vulnerable). Ecclesiastes 4:8-9 also examines
the plight of the one who is isolated, lonely
and neglected.
68:6. freeing prisoners. In the ancient Near
PSALMS 68:13-31 538
East the freeing of prisoners (from debtors’
prison) as an act of justice often occurred in
the first or second year of a new king’s reign
(and then periodically after that). For example,
the Old Babylonian period king Ammisaduqa
(seventeenth century B.C.) cancelled
economic debts on behalf of Shamash. Thus
the “jubilee” in this case was primarily concerning
those in debt (for either financial or legal
reasons) and for the freeing of debt-slaves.
Unlike the case in Israel, this Babylonian edict
was entirely at the whim of the monarch and
there is no evidence that it was divinely sanctioned.
For an example of this as being accomplished
by an ideal king see comment on 11:1.
Historically, a proclamation of freedom is recorded
by the last king of Judah, Zedekiah (Jer
34:8-10). For these and other characteristics of
a just king’s reign, see comment on 49:9-10.
68:13. gilded dove. There is no clear consensus
on the meaning attached to dove
“sheathed with silver” and gold. Some consider
it a reference to the battle standards of
the fleeing kings, which were topped by a
dove, the symbol of the Canaanite goddess
Astarte. Others see it as a reference to Israel
(see other bird images in Ps 74:19; Hos 7:11.
Tate’s suggestion of doves, perhaps adorned
with colored cloth, being used as a signal of
victory seems plausible.
PSALMS 68:13-31 68:14. Zalmon. Because of the parallel in verse
15 with Bashan, it is unlikely that Mount Zalmon
in this psalm is the same as the mountain
mentioned in Judges 9:48 near Shechem. The
name means “dark” or “black” and could refer
to a peak shrouded in clouds. It would also
require more elevation in order to serve as a
snow-covered eminence.
68:15. mountains of Bashan. The Bashan region,
northeast of the Galilee, is a fertile plateau
about two thousand feet in elevation. It is
surrounded by extinct volcanic peaks and
rolling hills with sufficient forestland to complement
its cattle-raising economy (see Is 3:13
and Amos 4:1-3. The rugged mountains mentioned
here probably refer to the hard-toclimb
basaltic hills in this area.
68:18. ascending leading captives. Like the
victorious Saul in 1 Samuel 15:7-15, the triumphant
Yahweh is accompanied by a procession
of prisoners, loot and tribute payments. A
similar image can be found in the Assyrian
annals of Sennacherib, who claims to have
taken over two hundred thousand prisoners
from Judah, along with their animals and other
booty. The major deities of the ancient Near
East were associated with high places, so for
Yahweh to “ascend” would be to return to his
holy mountain (see Jer 31:12, just as Baal uses
Mount Zaphon as his divine base of operations
in the Ugaritic and Canaanite traditions.
68:23. feet washed in the blood of enemies.
The poetic language attached to battle reports
can at times be rather grisly. This is certainly
the case with this phrase (also used in Ps
58:10). The similar image of wading through
the blood of one’s enemies is also found in the
Ugaritic epic of Baal and Anath. There the
goddess gleefully slaughtered whole armies
and “waded knee-deep in the warriors’
blood.”
68:24. procession into the sanctuary. The
New Year’s festival (Akitu) in ancient Babylon
included a procession in which the image
of the god Marduk was paraded along a “sacred
highway” through the streets of the city.
The god was guided by the king (“taken by
the hand”) up to the Esagila temple, where
the image resided during the year. It was not
the normal practice for this sort of procession
to take place in Jerusalem, since Yahweh
could not be represented by an image. However,
the ark of the covenant, which functioned
as an icon of God’s power and
presence, was brought into the city by King
David and placed within the tabernacle (see
2 Sam 6, and this may be celebrated in this
psalm.
68:25. musicians in procession. The appointment
of temple musicians is found in 1 Chronicles
15:16-22. It was their task to accompany
the singing of hymns of thanksgiving with
stringed instruments and cymbals (see Ps
42:4). Egyptian tomb paintings contain images
of singers, dancers and musicians in procession,
much as they are described in this text.
68:30. beast among the reeds imagery. The
most likely choices for this beast are the hippopotamus
and the crocodile. Both were major
hazards along the shores of the Nile River
in Egypt. The tomb paintings from Beni
Hasan include a number of scenes in which
fishermen work while a crocodile lurks in the
reeds nearby or papyrus boats are being used
to hunt this dangerous amphibian. Politically,
the reference is most likely to Egypt.
68:31. Egypt and Cush. Since there have been
Cushite dynasties that have ruled Egypt, it is
not unusual to find Egypt and Cush used in
parallel here. It is possible that the bringing of
tribute from this southern region of Ethiopia
is keyed to God’s power, which can command
For common concepts, metaphors for God and musical terms, see pages 511-18.
539 PSALMS 68:33—72:9
homage from the ends of the earth (cf. Is 18:7.
PSALMS 68:33—72:9 68:33. rides the ancient skies. See comment
on 68:4.
69:10. fasting. See comment on Judges 20:26.
69:11. sackcloth. See comment on 1 Kings
20:31.
69:19. scorn for the sufferer. The Israelites
believed that if God is to be considered just,
rewards and punishments in this life must
be proportional to the righteousness or
wickedness of the individual. These beliefs
had also led them to believe that if someone
was prospering, it must be a reward for
righteousness, and if someone was suffering,
it must be a punishment for wickedness.
The greater the suffering, the greater
the wickedness must be. Because of the retribution
principle (see comment in the sidebar
on common concepts in Psalms),
suffering had become a source of shame.
Since the supplicant is without friends or
comforters, he turns to God, who “knows”
his suffering and will not scorn his pleas for
help (cf. Lam 1:2, 7, 9. This feeling of despair
is echoed in the “Babylonian Theodicy”
(c. 1000 B.C.) that pictures a world
turned upside down in which the sufferer
states he must “bow down before the dregs
of society, who treat me with contempt.”
69:21. gall in food. In some contexts this word
refers to poison (e.g., snake venom in Deut
32:33), whereas on other occasions it refers to
something bitter. This would match the parallel
with vinegar. In the former it could lead to
almost certain death, while in the latter it may
be understood as some kind of sedative. Presumably
the fast of mourning would be broken
with food brought to the sufferer by
comforters 2 Sam 3:35. In this case, however,
instead of comfort and nourishment the
mourner receives just the opposite—poison
(compare Amos’s charge that justice has been
transformed into poison in Amos 6:12.
69:21. vinegar. The bitter, worthless vintage
offered to the sufferer is like that described in
Isaiah’s “song of the vineyard” Is 5:2. Equally
repugnant is the metaphor for a “nation
without sense” in Deuteronomy 32:28-33, in
which the people are compared to “grapes
filled with poison” and bitterness, whose
wine has become “the venom of serpents.”
69:28. blotted out of book of life. In a Sumerian
hymn to Nungal the goddess discusses her
justice as she punishes the wicked and brings
mercy to those who deserve it. She claims to
hold the tablets of life in her hands, on which
she writes the names of the just. See comment
on Malachi 3:16.
69:31. horns and hoofs. Devout worship and
praise of Yahweh please God much more than
rituals and sacrifices (compare similar statements
in 1 Sam 15:22 and Hos 6:6. Reference
to horns and hoofs indicates a full-grown bull
(compare Micah 6:6, an expensive sacrificial
animal, which is ritually pure according to the
holiness code (see Lev 11:3-8.
71:7. portent. The use of the Hebrew term mopet
is indicative of an extraordinary event that
serves as a sign of God’s power, and in this
case judgment or punishment (compare the
curses in Deut 28:45-46. This technical term
appears often in the narrative of the plagues
in Egypt Ex 7:3; 11:9) and is used to signal a
coming event 1 Kings 13:3, 5.
72:1. coronation hymns in ancient Near East.
There is a good deal of evidence to indicate
that in the civilizations of ancient Mesopotamia
the kingship was viewed as a gift from
the gods. The prologue to Hammurabi’s Code
contains a statement that the king has been
proclaimed “the shepherd” by the god Enlil,
and that it is his task to “cause justice to prevail
in the land.” During the Akitu New Year’s
festival, the king was reinvested with his
powers of office. This would have included a
great procession and mass celebration. The Ur
III texts from about 2000 B.C. contain hymns
composed for these occasions, celebrating the
coronation of King Ur-Nammu. These compositions
contain a set of statements that chronicle
the stages of the investiture ritual,
including the “pressing of the holy scepter”
into the king’s hand. These verses are to be
sung by or for the king proclaiming his godgiven
duties as lawgiver and the constructor
of canals that bring fertility to the land. There
is an answering litany by the priests containing
the king’s titles and affirming him as
“king of Ur.”
72:8. extent of reign. In order to indicate that
God has granted this king universal rule, the
psalmist employs images that are also used in
the Karatepe inscription of the Luwian king
Azitiwada (730-710 B.C.). Just as the psalmist
refers to “rule from sea to sea,” these annals
proclaim that the king has extended his rule
“from sunrise to sunset.” Akkadian texts also
feature a king boasting that all of the human
race submitted to him, from the Upper Sea to
the Lower Sea.
72:9. desert tribes. This text is generally
emended from the Hebrew s@iyyim, “desert
dweller” to s@arayw, “his foes.” If the original
reading is retained, then it could relate back to
the use of Cush (the desert region of Ethiopia)
in Psalm 68:31 as a geographic term for the
“ends of the earth” and thus follow the coronation
promise in 72:8.
PSALMS 72:10—74:14 540
72:10. Tarshish, Sheba, Seba. In order to indicate
the extent of the king’s power rulers from
throughout the world are said to come to him
with gifts. Thus Tarshish, associated with the
islands and nations in the western Mediterranean,
represents all points to the west (see the
comment on Is 23:1. Sheba is identified with
southern Arabia (Yemen) and the Sabaean
kingdom (see the comment on Is 60:6. Seba’s
location is still disputed, although some place
it in Ethiopia or along the northwest Arabian
incense road (see Is 43:3.
72:12-14. king’s job. It is standard in ancient
Near Eastern literature to portray the king as
lawgiver Prov 29:14 and defender of the
weak (an attribute of God in Ps 35:10. The
Egyptian Tale of the Eloquent Peasant states
that the king’s duty is to “father the orphan.”
The coronation hymn of the Ur III king
Ur-Nammu is described as the “sustainer of
Ur.” The prologue of his law code tells how
the gods gave Hammurabi of Babylon the
task of “promot[ing] the welfare of the people”
and “caus[ing] justice to prevail in the
land” so that “the strong might not oppress
the weak.”
PSALMS 72:10—74:14
Psalms 73—89
Book Three
73:24. take me into glory. The NIV’s inclusion
of the word “into” is totally interpretive, not
being found in the Hebrew text. The concept
of God “taking” a person as a reference to saving
his life can be seen clearly in Psalm
18:16-17, where the NIV translates the same
phrase as “took hold of me.” The word “glory”
is never used in Hebrew as a synonym for
heaven and here refers to an “honorable” resolution
to the psalmist’s crisis. His difficulties
have brought him shame because suffering
was considered a sign of sin and God’s displeasure
(see comments on retribution principle
and on afterlife in the sidebar on common
concepts in Psalms).
74:4. standards. Standards or statues of the
deity were usually carried to symbolize the
presence of the gods. Assyrian kings of the
ninth and eighth centuries regularly refer to
the divine standard that goes before them.
Banners were used by the Israelites and others,
including the Assyrians, as standards of
warfare. In the Egyptian army the divisions
were named for various gods (e.g., the division
of Amun, division of Seth), and the standards
would identify the division by means of
some representation of the god. Battle flags
and standards were used by the military as
signaling devices and rallying points for the
army or were hung from city walls (see Jer
4:6). Their colors and insignia designated their
allegiance and would in many cases have included
a symbol of the god(s) who were expected
to participate in the battle along with
the human forces (see Jer 50:2. The Assyrian
army of Shalmaneser III traveled with its
“standards” attached to the royal chariot.
When camp was made, they were erected near
the royal pavilion and became the focal point
for sacrifice and acts of devotion to the gods.
74:6. carved paneling. It is difficult to determine
whether this refers to carved panels in
the temple or to engravings on some of the
bronze or gold pieces connected to the temple.
What is clear is that the intricate artwork that
embellished this temple (like many others in
the ancient world) was being ruthlessly destroyed.
74:13. split sea. There is nothing in this psalm
to suggest that reference is being made to the
dividing of the Red Sea. The context concerns
instead the cosmic battle with the sea that is
referred to many times in Psalms. The verb
used here is used only here in this form, making
precision somewhat difficult. If splitting is
intended, it may be parallel to Marduk’s splitting
of Tiamat (“sea”) that is recounted in Enuma
Elish. Others have translated it as a reference
to the churning of the sea that sometimes precedes
such battles (see comments on Dan 7:2,
3).
74:14. Leviathan. Leviathan has often been
identified as a crocodile, which were found
mostly in Egypt (where it symbolized kingly
power and greatness), but also sparsely in Palestine.
However, the multiple heads here and
the fiery breath in Job 41:19-21 make the crocodile
identification difficult. Alternatively,
Leviathan has been depicted as a sea monster
(see Is 27:1. Support for this is found in Ugaritic
texts, which contain detailed descriptions
of a chaos beast, representing the seas or watery
anarchy, in the form of a many-headed,
twisting sea serpent who is defeated by Baal.
There is a close affinity between the description
of Leviathan in Isaiah as a “coiling serpent”
and the Ugaritic Baal epic, which
speaks of how the storm god “smote Litan the
twisting serpent,” which is described as having
seven heads. In both cases there is a sense
of the god of order and fertility vanquishing a
chaos monster. In Akkadian literature there is
For common concepts, metaphors for God and musical terms, see pages 511-18.
541 PSALMS 75:3—78:60
a creature named bashmu that is described as
having six tongues and seven mouths. In one
text bashmu is named alongside other fabulous
creatures including one with two heads and
one with seven heads. The latter is also pictured
on a cylinder seal. This seal shows four
of the heads hanging limp while the battle
continues with the remaining three. Several
other passages in the Old Testament mention
Leviathan, but most of them speak in terms of
God’s creative act that establishes control over
watery chaos (personified by the sea serpent).
In Isaiah 27:1, however, that struggle between
order and chaos occurs at the end of time. It
may be that the fall of Satan, portrayed as a
seven-headed dragon in Revelation 12:3-9,
also echoes the Ugaritic image of Litan as “the
tyrant with seven heads.” Biblically, Leviathan
would therefore most easily fit into the
category of “supernatural” creature (like cherubim)
as opposed to natural or purely mythological.
As such it may appear in extrabiblical
mythology, as well as being symbolized by
something like a crocodile (as in Ezek 29:3,
though Leviathan is not specifically referred
to in that context).
75:3. pillars of the earth. Pillars typically represent
boundaries. Solomon’s temple featured
two free-standing pillars on the portico,
serving as a boundary to the holy place. The
tabernacle used pillars from which the partitions
were hung to create a boundary for the
courtyard. Even when the pillars supported
something (as in the Philistine temple that
Samson tumbled), archaeological information
suggests they stood as boundaries to porticos
or courtyards. In Babylon boundary markers
known as kudurrus were pillar shaped. Ancient
Near Eastern literature has no parallel
for the earth being supported by pillars. In Job
26:11 the heavens have pillars, but this comment
also occurs in the discussion of boundaries
(v. 10). It is more likely that cosmic
boundaries of the earth would be those between
the living and the dead. The word
translated “earth” in this verse sometimes refers
to the netherworld. In Akkadian literature
the boundaries of the netherworld are represented
by gates.
75:8. cup of judgment, spiced wine. The image
of wine as a cup of punishment is found
often in the Old Testament Jer 49:12; 51:17;
Hab 2:15-16. It is especially clear from Isaiah
51:17 that the cup results in drunkenness
(staggering), not death. Those forced to drink
this cup lose all control of themselves and all
ability to defend themselves (vv. 22-23). They
become senseless. During the Hellenistic period
wine was often mixed with water so that a
greater quantity could be consumed and conversation
could continue throughout the
meal. However, in earlier periods blended or
mixed wine, a more potent intoxicant, was
common; it had to be consumed with more
moderation (see Judg 9:13; Prov 9:2. In Mesopotamia,
where wine was less common until
the time of the Assyrian empire, wine was
served on special occasions. Sometimes only
grape syrup would be available, mixed with
honey to create a liqueur.
PSALMS 75:3—78:60 75:10. horns of the righteous and wicked. See
the comment on “horn” in the sidebar on
common metaphors in Psalms.
78:2. parables. The term translated here as
“parable” is mashal. It has a wide range of
meanings: “allegory” Ezek 17:2, “poem”
Num 21:27, “oracle” Num 23:7. In this case,
as in Proverbs 10:1, it refers to an “instruction”
from God to the people warning the Israelites
specifically but relying on the universality of a
wisdom theme so that “all peoples” can be addressed,
not just the Israelites. It may also be
compared to the dark saying in Habakkuk 2:6
in which the Chaldean aggressors are taunted
with the loss of their ill-gotten wealth.
78:9. defeat of Ephraim. There are not enough
details given to identify the battle that is being
referred to here. Ephraim is often used as a title
for the entire northern kingdom of Israel.
This could refer to something fairly early in Israelite
history such as the defeat to the Philistines
that brought about the loss of the ark.
This would be supported by the fact that the
listing of problems ends with that incident
(vv. 60-64). Alternatively, others would go as
far into history as the fall of the northern kingdom
to the Assyrians in 722.
78:12. Zoan. Zoan refers to the Egyptian city
of Dja’net, which the Greeks called Tanis. It
became the capital city of the delta region in
the Twenty-First Dynasty (twelfth century). It
is in the area where the Israelites were settled
in Egypt at the time of Moses.
78:14. fire and cloud. This is a reference to the
pillar of cloud and fire that accompanied the
Israelites in the wilderness. For more information
see comment on Exodus 13:21-22.
78:15. water from rock. For information about
this incident see comments on Exodus 17 and
Numbers 20.
78:24. manna. For information about manna
see comment on Exodus 16:4-9.
78:27. quail. For information about quail see
comments on Exodus 16.
78:44-51. plagues. For discussion of the
plagues see comments on Exodus 7—11.
78:60. abandoned Shiloh. Shiloh (modern
Khirbit Seilun), in the heart of the Ephraimite
PSALMS 78:61—81:3 542
hills, was the site where Israel convened sacred
assemblies before using Jerusalem. Excavations
have exposed extensive architecture
by the eleventh century B.C. The site lasted
throughout the Iron Age, but the sacred structures
served as an example of a sanctuary that
had come under God’s judgment. It is thought
to have been overrun by the Philistines in the
aftermath of the victory at the Battle of Aphek
1 Sam 4.
PSALMS 78:61—81:3 78:61. Ark into captivity. For more information
in this incident see 1 Sam 4—6 and the
comments there.
79:1. historical context. The only time in the
Old Testament period in which the temple
was defiled and the city of Jerusalem destroyed
was in the fall of the city to Babylon in
587 B.C.
79:2. dead as food to birds and beasts. In the
Gilgamesh Epic the guardian of the cedar forest,
Huwawa, tells Gilgamesh that he
should have given his flesh to be eaten by
birds of prey and scavengers. For more information
see comment on exposure of the corpse
in 1 Kings 16:4.
79:5. how long? This question occurs nearly
twenty times in Psalms, usually in connection
with a lament psalm. It is found also in Mesopotamia
as the Sumerian Lament over the Destruction
of Sumer and Ur asks, “How long will
the enemy eye be cast upon my account?”
PSALMS 79:5—82:1 80:1. enthroned between cherubim. The cherubim
are associated with the ark of the covenant,
which they were either mounted on or
flanked. They appear in ancient art with some
regularity, flanking the thrones of kings and
deities. The combination of cherubim as
throne guardians, chests as footstools and
statements in contexts like this one concerning
Yahweh being enthroned on the cherubim
supports the concept of the ark as representing
the invisible throne of Yahweh. In Egyptian
festivals the images of the gods were
often carried in procession on portable
barques. Paintings portray these as boxes
about the size of the ark carried on poles and
decorated with or flanked by guardian creatures.
Biblical descriptions as well as archaeological
discoveries (including some fine ivory
pieces from Nimrud in Mesopotamia, Arslan
Tash in Syria and Samaria in Israel) suggest
that the cherubim are composite creatures
(having features of a number of different creatures,
like the Egyptian sphinx), often
four-legged animal bodies with wings.
80:3. face shine upon us. The metaphor “light
of God’s face” is found in royal letters from
the Egyptian city of Amarna and in Ugaritic
correspondence. For example, “and the face of
the Sun (i.e., Pharaoh) shone brightly upon
me” is a statement made by one of the Egyptian
king’s subordinates. Two small silver
scrolls (about one inch long) have been found
in the area known as Keteph Hinnom in Jerusalem.
They were amulets in a burial cave
from the sixth or seventh century B.C., and
they contained the benediction from Numbers
6:25, which includes the request that the Lord
“make his face shine upon you.” At present
they represent the oldest example of any text
of Scripture. The concept of the shining face of
the deity resulting in mercy is found in Mesopotamian
documents and inscriptions from as
early as the twelfth century B.C.
80:5. bread of tears. The word translated
“bread” here can also be used more generally
to refer to food. Akkadian texts use the same
metaphor, as they contain statements like “for
bread I ate bitter tears” or “weeping is my
nourishment.”
80:11. Sea, River. Given the geographical description
it is likely that these are references to
the Mediterranean Sea and the Euphrates River.
80:13. boars. Pigs were domesticated very early,
but the wild variety continued to thrive in
the Near East and are represented in Egyptian
and Mesopotamian art.
81:2. tambourine, harp, lyre. See comment on
150:3-5.
81:3. ram’s horn at New Moon. Keyed to their
use of a lunar calendar, ancient Israel marked
the first day of the month, with its “new
moon” phase, as a festival day (every twentynine
or thirty days). As on the Sabbath, all
work was to cease (see Amos 8:5, and there
were sacrifices to be made Num 28:11-15. In
the monarchy period the king became a prominent
figure in these celebrations (see Ezek
45:17). The festival continued to be observed
in the postexilic period as well Ezra 3:5; Neh
10:33). New Moon festivals were also prominent
in Mesopotamia from late in the third
millennium down to the Neo-Babylonian period
in the middle of the first millennium B.C.
In light of the parallel with the full moon,
however, it is likely that this line refers not to
any New Moon celebration but to the Feast of
Tabernacles (see next comment).
81:3. feast day at Full Moon. The only pilgrimage
feast that potentially spans the New
Moon and Full Moon is the Feast of Taber-
For common concepts, metaphors for God and musical terms, see pages 511-18.
543 PSALMS 81:7—84:4
nacles. The description in Numbers 29 includes
instructions for both days, including
the sounding of horns.
PSALMS 81:7—84:4 81:7. thundercloud, Meribah. There was
thunder at Sinai, but it is hard to see how that
was an act of rescue, and Meribah preceded it.
It is therefore more likely that the thundercloud
is seen as the weapon of the divine warrior,
Yahweh, who delivered Israel from Egypt
(same term used as in Is 29:6. Meribah is
where Yahweh gave water from the rock (see
comments on Ex 17.
81:16. honey from rock. While most honey
spoken of in the Old Testament is the syrup
from the date palm, mention of the rock here
suggests bees’ honey from honeycombs in the
rocks.
82:1. assembly judging among gods. In the
ancient Near East the major decisions were all
made in the divine council. There the gods
would consult with one another and share
their information and opinions. The familiar
picture of a heavenly throne surrounded by
the divine assembly is well known from the
Ugaritic texts (most notably the epic of Keret),
though this Canaanite council is made up of
the gods of the pantheon. Examples occur also
in the tenth-century building inscription of
Yehimilk from Byblos and the Karatepe stele
of Azitawadda. In the Akkadian Enuma Elish it
is the assembly of the gods that appoints Marduk
as their head. Fifty gods made up this assembly,
with seven in the inner council. In
Israelite belief the gods were replaced by angels
or spirits—the sons of God or the heavenly
host.
82:5. foundations of the earth. In the Babylonian
perception of the cosmos, the earth’s
foundation is on what is called the apsu. This
is a primordial watery region under the jurisdiction
of the very important deity Enki/Ea.
From the standpoint of physical geography, it
represents the water table that surfaces, for example,
in marshes and springs, as well as being
associated with the sweet water cosmic
seas and rivers. In Enuma Elish one of Marduk’s
names, Agilima, identifies him as the
one who built the earth above the water and
established the upper regions. For further information
see the comments on Job 38:4-6 and
on creation in the sidebar on common concepts
in Psalms.
82:6. gods/sons of the Most High. See comment
on 82:1.
83:6-8. members of the alliance. The first seven
peoples/nations mentioned are all located
just to the east and south of Judah. The most
uncertain is Gebal, which is the name usually
used for Byblos on the far northern Mediterranean
coast. An alternative location, however,
is found near Petra, which suits this context
better. Philistia and Tyre are traditional enemies
to the west and north respectively. The
mention of Assyria as the formidable member
of the alliance suggests a situation somewhere
between the mid-ninth century and the end of
the eighth century. The mid-ninth century
presence in the west was focused in the north,
so the eighth-century conflicts are more likely.
Judah took the brunt of Assyrian invasions
during the times of Sargon and his son, Sennacherib.
In the context of Sennacherib’s siege
of Jerusalem, the Assyrian inscriptions report
that the kings of Tyre, Byblos, Ashdod (Philistia),
Ammon, Moab and Edom had already
submitted before Sennacherib came against
Jerusalem. This may have been enough to
identify them as co-conspirators. In contrast to
attempting to identify a historical situation behind
the psalm, the alternative is that this is
simply a list of Israel’s traditional enemies.
83:9. Midian, Sisera/Jabin. This is a reference
to two battles during the Judges period when
there was divine intervention on behalf of Israel.
For the defeat of Midian at the hands of
Gideon, see the comments on Judges 6—8. For
Deborah and Barak’s victory over King Jabin
and his commander, Sisera, see the comments
on Judges 4.
83:10. Endor. Endor is not mentioned in the
account of these battles in Judges, but it is in
the vicinity of both of them. The eastern end
of the Valley of Jezreel is about ten miles wide
from north to south. The north end is blocked
off by Mount Tabor, while the south end is
blocked off by Mount Gilboa. The ten-mile
stretch between the two is broken into two
passes by the smaller Hill of Moreh. Endor is
located in the middle of the northern pass, between
the Hill of Moreh, where the Battle of
Midian took place, and Mount Tabor, where
Deborah and Barak mustered their troops.
83:11. kings. The four kings mentioned here
are the ones who led the forces of the Midianites
against Gideon and the Israelites. Their
defeat and execution are recorded in Judges 8.
84:title. sons of Korah. See comment on 42:title.
84:1-2. yearning for dwelling place. The temple,
the dwelling place of deity, was a place
where one enjoyed favor and blessing. The
verb used here is similar to the English idiom
of “missing” someone or something. It carries
a bit of nostalgia; one longs for the return of a
fondly remembered circumstance or situation.
Here the pilgrim misses being around the
temple.
84:4. dwelling in the Lord’s house. In Israel
PSALMS 84:6—88:3 544
the priests were the only ones who dwelt
within the temple precinct. Throughout the
ancient Near East it was considered a privilege
to be constantly in the deity’s presence.
The Babylonian king Neriglissar expressed to
his god that he longed to be where he was forever.
Another text requests, “May I stand before
you forever in worship and devotion.” A
hymn to Marduk requests that the worshiper
may stand before the deity forever in prayer,
supplication and entreaty. In the third millennium
B.C. Sumerian worshipers tried to accomplish
this objective by placing statuettes
of themselves in the posture of prayer in the
temple. In this way they would be continuously
represented in the temple.
PSALMS 84:6—88:3 84:6. Valley of Baca. If this is a reference to a
geographical location, it is obscure. The word
Baca means “weeping,” but this would likewise
be difficult to understand. The alternative
suggestion is that the word describes a
tree, specifically the balsam (see comment on
2 Sam 5:24. None of these help locate the valley
or identify its significance.
84:10. doorkeeper in temple. One of the most
important tasks assigned to priestly personnel
was controlling access to the temple precinct,
the inner circle of the “sacred compass” (on
this concept see comments on Lev 16:2 and
Num 18:1-7. Defiling the sanctuary with impurity
required a purification offering (“sin”
offering, see comment on Lev 4:1-3 and could
bring punishment on the individual as well as
the people. The gatekeepers had to prevent
unqualified intrusion. There were also many
valuable items in the temple precinct. Gold
and silver were plentiful and a temptation to
the unscrupulous individual who may not
have feared divine retribution for trespass or
theft of temple property. These valuables also
had to be guarded. Misappropriation of that
which was sacred required a reparation offering
(“guilt” offering, see comment on Lev
5:14-16). The gatekeepers were charged with
guarding against these offenses. For the
psalmist, however, the gatekeeper was one of
those privileged people who had the opportunity
to be continuously in proximity to God’s
presence.
84:11. sun connection. The relationship between
sun and shield is that they both offer
protection. For the shield that is obvious, but
we would not necessarily think of the sun in
those terms. Nonetheless Assyrian kings use
the metaphor of their protection spreading
over the land like the rays of the sun.
85:title. sons of Korah. See comment on 42:title.
87:4. Rahab. Rahab is described as one of the
sea monsters slain by God (see Job 26:12; Ps
89:10; Is 51:9. In both the Babylonian and the
Ugaritic creation myths the champion deity
(Marduk in Babylon and Baal in Ugarit) fights
and slays a sea monster and its cohorts in a
manner similar to that of Yahweh. In other
contexts, as here, Rahab is symbolically used
as a designation for Egypt Is 30:7. The name
Rahab has not yet been found in extrabiblical
sources.
87:4. list of nations. No historical situation
needs to be sought here, because the text is
simply listing some of the nations that will be
counted among those who acknowledge Yahweh.
This list includes the great powers,
Egypt (Rahab) and Babylon, the near neighbors,
Philistia (southwest) and Tyre (northwest),
and the distant nation (Cush or Nubia,
south of Egypt).
87:6. register of peoples. In the ancient world
royal estate cities typically housed the administration
(composed largely of relatives of the
king), and their citizens enjoyed certain privileges,
including exemption from taxation, corvée
labor, military duty and imprisonment, as
well as being beneficiaries of the most beautiful
and elaborate building projects. Such privileges
(kidinnutu) were enjoyed by Babylonian
cities such as Nippur, Sippar and Borsippa,
based on their status as religious centers rather
than as political capitals. Political capitals
such as Nineveh and Babylon also were endowed
with similar status. It is presumed that
records would be kept to identify those who
enjoyed such privileges. In this verse the
psalmist alludes to the privileged status of
those born in Zion.
88:title. sons of Korah. See comment on 42:title.
88:title. Heman the Ezrahite. Along with
Ethan (in Ps 89, Heman is listed as one of the
famous wise men of Solomon’s time (1 Kings
4:31) and was appointed one of the Levitical
musicians during the time of David (1 Chron
15:17, 19).
88:3. dread of death. This psalm is full of the
dread of death as the psalmist laments his
condition as one who is doomed to die. This is
reminiscent of Gilgamesh in the Gilgamesh
Epic, who responds to his own dread of death
by going on a quest for immortality. Gilgamesh’s
actions are motivated by the death
of his close friend Enkidu in the same way
For common concepts, metaphors for God and musical terms, see pages 511-18.
545 PSALMS 89:TITLE-20
that the psalmist despairs over the loss of his
close friend (vv. 8, 18).
89:title. Ethan the Ezrahite. This name occurs
among the sages of the time of Solomon (1
Kings 4:31) and perhaps among the Levitical
musicians during the time of David (1 Chron
15:17, 19). Nothing else is known about him.
89:7. council of the holy ones. In the ancient
Near East the major decisions were all made in
the divine council. There the gods would consult
with one another and share their information
and opinions. The familiar picture of a
heavenly throne surrounded by the divine assembly
is well known from the Ugaritic texts
(most notably the epic of Keret), though this
Canaanite council is made up of the gods of the
pantheon. Examples occur also in the tenthcentury
building inscription of Yehimilk from
Byblos and the Karatepe stele of Azitawadda.
In the Akkadian Enuma Elish it is the assembly
of the gods that appoints Marduk as their head.
Fifty gods made up this assembly with seven in
the inner council. In Israelite belief the gods
were replaced by angels or spirits—the sons of
God or the heavenly host.
89:9. rule over the surging sea. In the Bible as
well as in the ancient Near East the sea represents
chaos and disorder, as do the sea monsters
that live there. The obvious physical
struggle between the sea and the land as well
as the fierce, seemingly unstoppable energy
displayed by the savage sea gave rise to cosmic
myths in the ancient Near East. The Enuma
Elish creation epic from Babylon describes
how Marduk vanquishes Tiamat while this
goddess of watery chaos is in the form of a
dragon. Much of the cycle of stories about
Baal in Ugaritic legend involves Baal’s struggle
against his rival Yamm, the god of the sea.
Similarly, the Ugaritic epic has both Anat and
Baal claim to have conquered Litan, the seven-
headed dragon, and thus gained mastery
over the seas. Rule over the sea then concerns
Yahweh’s sovereign control over the chaotic
forces that were thought to constantly threaten
the cosmos. That rule is expressed by the
calming of the sea (see comments on 65:7 and
107:29).
89:10. Rahab. Rahab is described as one of the
sea monsters slain by God (see Job 26:12 and
Is 51:9. In both the Babylonian and the
Ugaritic myths of creation the champion deity
(Marduk in Babylon and Baal in Ugarit) fights
and slays a sea monster and its cohorts in a
manner similar to that of Yahweh. In other
contexts, Rahab is symbolically used as a designation
for Egypt Is 30:7 and Ps 87:4. The
name Rahab has not yet been found in extrabiblical
sources.
89:12. created north and south. The determination
of directions in the ancient world was
an uncertain science. The North Star was
about twelve degrees south of true north during
this period, so paths of stars and constellations
were used. In everyday determinations
fixed topographical points were used as indicators.
In Mesopotamia the east wind was
known as the mountain wind because of the
mountains to the east. In Israelite terminology
north was sometimes, as here, referred to as
Zaphon, the name of a mountain in Syria (see
comment on Ps 48:2.
PSALMS 89:title-20 89:12. Tabor and Hermon. These are the two
most prominent mountains in Israel. Mount
Hermon (elev. 9,232 feet in the Anti-Lebanon
Range) is at the northern boundary of the land
and is often snowcapped. Mount Tabor is at
the northeastern end of the Valley of Jezreel.
Even though at 1,929 feet it has a much lower
elevation than Hermon, it stands in stark isolation
as it rises out of the plain. If these two
mountains are supposed to be parallel to the
north and south of the first line, the author
must be located in the Galilee region.
89:14. righteousness and justice as foundation
of throne. The idea of righteousness and
justice as the most fundamental obligation of
the king is expressed throughout the ancient
Near East. It is graphically portrayed in Egyptian
art, where the symbol of Maat (the deity
associated with justice and truth) is the pedestal
on which the throne sits.
89:18. king as shield. See comment on
“shield” in the sidebar on common metaphors
for God.
89:20. anointed with sacred oil. Anointing a
king was common practice in some parts of
the ancient Near East. Among the Egyptians
and Hittites, anointing was believed to protect
a person from the power of netherworld deities.
Much of the evidence comes from Hittite
sources describing enthronement ceremonies.
There is no evidence of kings being anointed
in Mesopotamia. In Egypt the pharaoh was
not anointed, but he anointed his officials and
his vassals. His anointing of them established
their subordinate relationship to him and indicated
the pharaoh’s protection on that individual.
In the Amarna texts there is reference to a
king of Nuhasse (in modern Syria) being anointed
by the pharaoh. This model would fit the
idea of David being anointed as a vassal to God.
In 2 Samuel 2:4 it is the people who anoint David.
This anointing suggests some sort of contractual
agreement between David and the people
he will govern. In Nuzi individuals entering
a business agreement anointed one another with
oil, and in Egypt oil anointment was used in
PSALMS 89:24—92:TITLE 546
wedding ceremonies. For information on royal
coronations see comment on 1 Samuel 11:15. The
spices which were to be used for anointing purposes
were myrrh, cinnamon, cane and cassia
(see recipe in Ex 30:23-25. Oil symbolizes the
gifts of God to the people and the responsibilities
now laid on their leaders through this ceremony.
In Israelite practice anointing was a sign
of election and often closely related to endowment
by the Spirit. Additionally, throughout the
ancient world anointing symbolized an advance
of a person’s legal status. Both concepts of protection
and change of status may correlate to the
king’s anointing, for it would offer him protection
on the throne and identify him with the divine
realm.
PSALMS 89:24—92:title 89:24. horn. See the comment on “horn” in the
sidebar on common metaphors for God.
89:35-37. royal line lasting forever like sun
and moon. In a blessing on the Assyrian king
Ashurbanipal one of his courtiers prays that his
kingship may be as firmly established as the
moon and the sun in the sky. In the Levant the
inscription of Azitawadda claims that the name
of this king will endure forever like the names of
the sun and moon. Another blessing on an Assyrian
king says, “Just as heaven and earth last
forever, may the name of the king, my lord, last
forever in Assyria” (CAD Q:123). This thought is
echoed in a hymn to the god Sin, where the deity
is petitioned to make the reign of Sargon
(eighth-century Assyrian king) last as long as
heaven and earth, and his throne firm over the
four quarters of the earth. Finally, Ashurbanipal
requests of the god Ea that he grant him long
life, good health and happiness, and that he
make the foundation of his throne secure and as
firm as the heaven and netherworld.
Psalms 90—106
Book Four
90:10. life expectancy. Joseph died at the age of
110, considered the ideal age for an Egyptian.
Examination of mummies has demonstrated
that the average life expectancy in Egypt was
between forty and fifty. The Egyptian Papyrus
Insinger details that ten years are spent in childhood
and ten more learning a trade. The writer
accounts for ten more in storing up possessions
and another ten in gaining wisdom. He thus
concludes that two-thirds of one’s years are lost
to him (suggesting a normal life expectancy of
sixty) yet contends that the godly man will still
have sixty years remaining of the days assigned
by Thoth, making a round one hundred.
See comments on Deuteronomy 31:2 and Isaiah
40:6-7.
91:1. rest in shadow. The shadow offers protection
and is usually referred to as the shadow
of his wings. See comment on 17:8.
91:3. fowler’s snare. The very familiar image
of fowlers trapping birds in nets and snares
may be the origin of this common metaphor
(see Josh 23:13; Ps 69:22; Is 8:14. There are numerous
examples of this activity from Egyptian
tomb paintings, and it also provides the
basis for the Sumerian Stele of the Vultures (see
the comment on Ezek 12:13. There were a
number of different techniques used to snare
birds. Although hunters might simply use a
sling, throwing stick (as in the Beni Hasan
tomb painting) or a bow to take down individual
fowl, the majority of instances in the
biblical text and in ancient art depict large
flocks of birds being captured in nets or cages.
For instance, the tomb of Ka-Gemmi at
Saqqarah (Sixth-Dynasty Egypt) portrays the
fowler using a net. Apparently some fowlers
also used decoys in their snares to attract the
birds along with bait food (attested in Ecclus
11:30).
91:11. guardian angels. In the ancient Near
East it was deities rather than angels who
served as guardians. Mesopotamians believed
that personal gods or family gods offered special
care and protection that the great cosmic
or national deities would not be bothered
with. The Akkadian texts also speak of guardians
of well-being and health, as well as
guardian spirits. These spirits were assigned
to an individual by the deity, just as here. The
protection that was expected in the ancient
Near East was against demonic powers, who
were believed to be the cause of illness and
trouble. Related to that was the danger of
magical spells and hexes that could be pronounced
against someone. The Israelites certainly
believed in the reality of the demon
world, and many Israelites would not have
successfully divorced their thinking from the
magical perspectives of their neighbors. Nevertheless,
the psalmist does not typically understand
the problems he faces in those terms.
This is the only place in the Old Testament
where there is any reference to guardian angels.
92:title. Sabbath liturgy. This is the only
psalm that is designated for the Sabbath.
There is little indication in the Old Testament
of any special worship ceremonies on the Sabbath.
It has been suggested that this psalm ac-
For common concepts, metaphors for God and musical terms, see pages 511-18.
547 PSALMS 92:3—99:1
companied the daily offerings on the Sabbath.
92:3. ten-stringed lyre. This is a typical musical
instrument of the time and is attested in
ancient Near Eastern texts, reliefs and paintings
as early as the third millennium B.C. The
lyre is differentiated from the harp by the
number of strings. Both are hand-held with
frames made of wood. A musical text has been
discovered at Ugarit that sheds light on Late
Bronze Age music. This text has the chords to
be played on a lyre accompanying a Hurrian
cult hymn.
PSALMS 92:3—99:1 92:10. exalting the horn. See the comment on
“horn” in the sidebar on common metaphors
for God.
92:10. fine oils. Banquet guests in the ancient
world were often treated by a generous host
to fine oils to anoint their foreheads. This provided
not only a glistening sheen to their
countenance but also would have added a fragrance
to their persons and the room. For example,
an Assyrian text from Esarhaddon’s
reign describes how he “drenched the foreheads”
of his guests at a royal banquet with
“choicest oils.” Oil preserved the complexion
in the hot Middle Eastern climate. Both the
Egyptian Song of the Harper and the Mesopotamian
Gilgamesh Epic describe individuals
clothed in fine linen and with myrrh on their
head.
93:3-4. comparison to seas. In the Bible as well
as in the ancient Near East, the sea represents
chaos and disorder, as do the sea monsters
that live there. The obvious physical struggle
between the sea and the land as well as the
fierce, seemingly unstoppable energy displayed
by the savage sea gave rise to cosmic
myths in the ancient Near East. The Enuma Elish
creation epic from Babylon describes how
Marduk vanquished Tiamat while this goddess
of watery chaos was in the form of a
dragon. Much of the cycle of stories about
Baal in Ugaritic legend involve Baal’s struggle
against his rival Yamm, the god of the sea.
Similarly, the Ugaritic epic has both Anat and
Baal claim to have conquered Litan, the seven-
headed dragon, and thus gained mastery
over the seas.
95:8. Meribah/Massah. These are the terms
applied to Rephidim near Sinai to describe the
quarrelsome nature of the people. God responded
by bringing water from the rock. For
more information on the incident see the comments
on Exodus 16—17.
97:2. surrounded by clouds. The image of a
rampant God storming through the heavens
in a cloud chariot is a common one Ps 68:4;
104:3; Jer 4:13. Such descriptions of storm
theophany may be found in the texts that
speak of the Ugaritic god Baal. In both the
Aqhat epic and in the Baal and Anat cycle of
stories, Baal is referred to as the “rider of the
clouds.” Baal’s attributes, commanding the
storms, unleashing the lightning and rushing
to war as a divine warrior, even appear in the
Egyptian El Amarna texts. The characteristics
of Yahweh as Creator, giver of fertility and divine
warrior share a great deal in common
with these earlier epics. One of the ways that
Yahweh presents himself to the Israelites as
the sole divine power is by assuming the titles
and powers of the other ancient Near Eastern
gods.
98:1. holy arm. The image of an outstretched
or mighty hand or arm is common in Egyptian
inscriptions to describe the power of pharaoh.
It is used throughout the exodus
narratives to describe God’s power over pharaoh.
In the fourteenth-century B.C. Amarna
letters, Abdi-Heba, the governor of Jerusalem,
refers to “the strong arm of the king” as the
basis for his government appointment. Similarly,
the Eighteenth-Dynasty hymn to Osiris
equates his growing to majority with the
phrase “when his arm was strong,” and
Haremhab’s hymn to Thoth describes the
moon god as guiding the divine bark through
the sky with “arms outstretched.”
98:5-6. worship with instruments. See comment
on 150:3-5.
98:8. personification of nature. It is not unusual
for the Bible to personify the forces of
nature, but they do not embody them with
personality as was done in the rest of the ancient
Near East. In Mesopotamia, Canaan and
Egypt the forces of nature were manifestations
of individual deities, who had jurisdiction
over that realm of nature and were integrated
into it.
98:9. equity. The term here is comparable to
that used in Mesopotamia for the declaration
of release from debts. In the ancient Near East
the freeing of prisoners (from debtors’ prison)
as an act of justice often occurred in the first or
second year of a new king’s reign (and then
periodically after that). For example, the Old
Babylonian king Ammisaduqa (seventeenth
century B.C.) cancelled economic debts on behalf
of Shamash. One of the ways to bring justice
was to bring relief to those who were
suffering under debt (usually of no fault of
their own).
99:1. enthroned between the cherubim. The
cherubim are associated with the ark of the
covenant, which they were either mounted on
or flanked. They appear in ancient art with
some regularity, flanking the thrones of kings
and deities. The combination of cherubim as
PSALMS 99:5—104:2 548
throne guardians, chests as footstools and
statements in contexts like this one concerning
Yahweh being enthroned on the cherubim supports
the concept of the ark as representing the
invisible throne of Yahweh. In Egyptian festivals
the images of the gods were often carried
in procession on portable barques. Paintings
portray these as boxes about the size of the ark
carried on poles and decorated with or flanked
by guardian creatures. Biblical descriptions as
well as archaeological discoveries (including
some fine ivory pieces from Nimrud in Mesopotamia,
Arslan Tash in Syria and Samaria in
Israel) suggest the cherubim are composite
creatures (having features of a number of different
creatures, like the Egyptian sphinx), often
four-legged animal bodies with wings.
99:5. worship at footstool. First of all, it must
be recognized that the ark of the covenant was
considered the footstool of God’s invisible
throne (see comment on Ex 25:10-22. Second,
the footstool must be understood to be an integral
part of the throne, representing the closest
accessibility to the king. Third, the imagery
of the footstool has significance because it is
used to express the king’s subordination of his
foes (see comment on Ps 110:1. Finally, worshiping
at the footstool is another way of expressing
the reverence that is shown by
prostrating oneself at the feet of God or king.
On the black stela of Shalmaneser III, the Israelite
king Jehu is portrayed kissing the ground
before the Assyrian king. In Enuma Elish the
tribunal of gods kisses the feet of Marduk after
he has put down the rebellion and established
himself as head of the pantheon. This
was the common act of submission offered to
kings and gods. Taking hold of the feet was a
gesture of self-abasement and entreaty. This
gesture occurs in a wide range of Akkadian
literature as fugitives or supplicants take hold
of the king’s feet to demonstrate their submission
or surrender and make their petitions.
103:12. east and west. In an Egyptian hymn to
Amun-Re the deity is praised for his judgment
of the guilty. As a result of the god’s discernment
the guilty are assigned to the east
and the righteous to the west.
103:20-21. mighty ones, heavenly hosts. The
“host of heaven” in the ancient Near East referred
to the assembly of the gods, many of
whom were represented by celestial bodies
(whether planets or stars). The Bible sometimes
uses the phrase to refer to the illegitimate
worship of these deities (see comment
on Deut 4:19. On other occasions, the phrase
is used for Yahweh’s angelic council (see comment
on 2 Chron 18:18. A third type of usage
treats the term as a reference to rebel angels
(perhaps in Is 24:21; commonly in the intertestamental
literature). Finally, it can refer simply
to the stars, with no personalities behind them
Is 40:26. In the ancient Near East the major
decisions were all made in the divine council.
There the gods would consult with one another
and share their information and opinions.
The familiar picture of a heavenly throne surrounded
by the divine assembly is well
known from the Ugaritic texts (most notably
the epic of Keret), though this Canaanite
council is made up of the gods of the pantheon.
Examples occur also in the tenth-century
building inscription of Yehimilk from Byblos
and the Karatepe stele of Azitawadda. In the
Akkadian Enuma Elish it is the assembly of the
gods that appoints Marduk as their head. Fifty
gods made up this assembly with seven in the
inner council. In Israelite belief the gods were
replaced by angels or spirits—the sons of God
or the heavenly host. Yahweh is often portrayed
as the “Lord of Hosts”—the commander
of the heavenly armies.
psalms 99:5—104:2 104:1-35. comparison to Hymn to the Aten.
There is a famous composition of the Egyptian
king Akhenaten dating to the fourteenth century
B.C. that has a number of similarities to
Psalm 104, mostly in wording and content.
The hymn praises the god Aten, a sun god, for
all of his care over creation. One could find
some of the same motifs and analogies in other
hymns to other sun gods. Once the psalmist
determined to use solar motifs in a hymn to
Yahweh, it was inevitable that parallels would
occur. Sun worship was one of the syncretistic
deviations that characterized preexilic Israel
(see comments on 2 Kings 23:11 and Ezek
8:16), and adoption of sun motifs (both literary
and iconographic) has been attested (in
Old Testament see also Ps 84:11; Hab 3:4; Mal
4:2). Nevertheless, there is nothing syncretistic
in the beliefs expressed by this psalm. It is
only the imagining of Yahweh in solar terms
that brings out the similarities.
104:2. garment of light. In Egyptian worship
of Aten the sun disk itself was considered to
be the deity. As a result the imagery of wrapping
oneself in light would have been particularly
appropriate to Atenism but not to the
worship of other sun deities. Nevertheless,
this phrase is not used in the Aten hymn.
Akkadian literature speaks of celestial gods
wearing the garment of heaven, but this refers
For common concepts, metaphors for God and musical terms, see pages 511-18.
549 PSALMS 104:3-32
to clouds. Another passage may be more relevant
in which Marduk is clothed by another
deity with radiance.
104:3. beams of upper chambers. In the ancient
world there were several levels of
heavens, and they were understood as having
floors, walls and roofs (see comment on
Ex 24:10. In Mesopotamian texts (Enuma Elish)
the waters of the heavens were made
from one half of Tiamat’s body when Marduk
defeated her and set up the cosmos.
These waters are identified with the highest
level of the heavens, Anu’s heaven (Anu was
the ancient chief deity, before Enlil or Marduk).
If this imagery is being used, Yahweh
is seen as inhabiting the highest heavens, the
beams being the roof beams of the upper story
of his cella. In the Mesopotamian texts the
cella of the chief god (Marduk) is in the middle
heavens, but the description of Anu’s
abode in the highest heavens likewise presupposes
a cella.
104:3. cosmos as temple. The psalmist’s attempt
to express God’s complete control over
all creation includes a multistoried or manychambered
sanctuary or palace in the heavens
(cf. Ps 78:69; Is 66:1. In the biblical and ancient
Near Eastern view the cosmos was a
temple and the temple was a microcosmos.
The cosmos can therefore be described in architectural
terms as a temple would be.
104:3. riding the clouds. The image of a rampant
God storming through the heavens in a
cloud chariot is a common one Ps 68:4; Jer
4:13). Such descriptions of storm theophany
may be found in the texts that speak of the
Ugaritic god Baal. In both the Aqhat epic and
in the Baal and Anat cycle of stories, Baal is
referred to as the “rider of the clouds.” Baal’s
attributes, commanding the storms, unleashing
the lightning and rushing to war as a divine
warrior, even appear in the Egyptian El
Amarna texts. The characteristics of Yahweh
as Creator, giver of fertility and divine warrior
share a great deal in common with these
earlier epics. One of the ways that Yahweh
presents himself to the Israelites as the sole
divine power is by assuming the titles and
powers of the other ancient Near Eastern
gods.
104:4. winds, flames as messengers. In both
Enuma Elish and the Tale of Anzu the winds
carry the news of the victory by the hero deity
over the chaos monster. In the former, the
north wind carries the blood of Tiamat as tidings
of her demise; in the latter, the feathers of
the defeated Anzu are carried on the wind to
Enlil. Flames of fire can refer to the destructiveness
of God’s wrath (as can winds for that
matter).
104:6-9. watery chaos. This does not refer to
the flood but to the initial creation narrative
where the dry land emerged as all of the waters
were assigned their places. The defeat of
the forces of chaos, personified in the primordial
sea, was one of the most common elements
of ancient Near Eastern cosmology
(Baal defeating Yamm in Ugaritic texts; Marduk
defeating Tiamat in Enuma Elish).
104:9. boundary for waters. Marduk, after
having defeated Tiamat, created the seas and
placed guards to keep back the waters. The
Babylonian Atrahasis Epic refers to a bolt of the
sea in the possession of the god Ea (Enki).
Other texts speak of locks of the sea. One of
the main tasks of the head of the pantheon
was to keep the sea in check so that chaos
would be restrained and order would prevail.
One of the earliest reflections of this motif is
found in the Myth of Ninurta and Azag, where
Ninurta builds a stone wall to contain the waters.
PSALMS 104:3-32 104:19. moon marking seasons. In contrast to
the sun, which marks days by its rising and
setting, the phases of the moon marked the
months, which are linked to the seasons. By
early in the first millennium the ancients were
well aware of the difference between the solar
cycle (365+ days) and the lunar cycle (354+
days). They also had a growing awareness of
calendrical reckoning by the sequence of stars
and constellations rising and setting. The
moon remained the main determiner of
months and seasons, though supplementary
months were added every three years to readjust
the months to the solar cycle. If only lunar
calculations were used, the months would
gradually drift away from their festivals that
marked the planting and harvest times
(which, of course, were determined by the
sun).
104:26. Leviathan. See comment on 74:14.
104:28. open hand. In the Egyptian reliefs
showing the worship of Aten, the deified sun
disk is portrayed with numerous arms reaching
from it, each one with a hand at the end of
it symbolizing the giving of blessings and favor.
104:32. volcanic activity in the Near East.
People in the ancient Near East were aware of
the phenomenon of volcanoes but had little
chance to observe them. Both Mesopotamia
and Egypt are river cultures, with few mountains
nearby, let alone active volcanoes. Ararat
is one of the active volcanoes in the Fertile
Crescent (but it has not had an eruption in historic
time). Additionally there are several in
Syria and quite a few along the southern rim
PSALMS 105:13—107:30 550
of Turkey. Most significantly, the Aegean features
half a dozen volcano sites, including at
least one that had an eruption during the Old
Testament period (Santorini, 1650 B.C.).
105:13-15. patriarchal wanderings. Abraham
left Ur of the Chaldees in either northern or
southern Mesopotamia (see comment on Gen
11:28) and traveled to Canaan. He had incidents
in Gerar and Egypt. Jacob traveled to
Paddan Aram in northern Mesopotamia and
back again to Canaan. Joseph and his whole
family journeyed to Egypt and sojourned
there. God’s care for them was evident in each
of their lives.
105:18. shackles and irons. The shackles
around the ankles chaining the feet together
are clear enough. Since the other instrument
goes around the neck, it must be an iron collar.
These were at times used to link prisoners together.
Assyrian inscriptions from the ninth
and eighth centuries depict captives being
transported or laboring with wooden yokes
around their necks.
105:23. land of Ham. This is an alternate name
for Egypt, where some of the descendants of
Ham, the son of Noah, settled.
105:29-36. plagues. For discussion of the
plagues see comments on Exodus 7—11.
105:39. cloud. This is a reference to the pillar
of cloud and fire that accompanied the Israelites
in the wilderness. For more information
see comment on Exodus 13:21-22.
105:40-41. quail, manna, water. For information
concerning these miraculous acts of provision
see comments on Exodus 16—17.
106:7. Red Sea. For more information see
comments on Exodus 14—15.
106:15. wasting disease. See Numbers 11:33.
There is no information available on the nature
of this disease. See comment on Numbers
25:8.
106:17. Dathan and Abiram. See comments on
latter part of Numbers 16.
106:19. Horeb. Horeb is another name for
Mount Sinai and is most likely located in the
southern section of the Sinai peninsula. For
more detailed discussion see comment on Exodus
19:1-2.
106:19-20. calf/bull. See comments on Exodus
32.
106:28. Baal of Peor. This is a reference to the
incident in which the Israelites got involved
with the women of Moab. See Numbers 25
and the comments there.
106:33. Moses’ rash words. Moses’ offense
took place during the second incident where
water came forth from the rock. See Numbers
20 and the comments there.
106:37. sacrificed to demons. This word for
demon is used elsewhere in the Old Testament
only in Deuteronomy 32:17, but it is a wellknown
type of spirit/demon in Mesopotamia,
where the term (shedu) describes a protective
guardian mostly concerned with the individual’s
health and welfare. It is not the name of a
deity but a category of being (like cherub
would be in the Old Testament). A shedu could
destroy one’s health just as easily as it could
protect it, so sacrifices to keep it placated were
advisable. They are depicted as winged creatures
(similar to the cherub, see comments on
Gen 3:24 and Ex 25:18-20, but they do not
have idols (as the gods have idols) by which
they are worshiped (see comment on Deut 4
for how this worked). For information concerning
child sacrifice see comments on Genesis
22:1 and Leviticus 18:21.
106:38. idols of Canaan. Gods of the Canaanites
included El, Baal (Hadad), Dagon and Anat.
PSALMS 105:13—107:30
Psalms 107—150
Book Five
107:10. exiles in prisons. While most of those
who had been deported to Babylon would not
have been imprisoned, there would have been
some political prisoners. Pits were used as
prisons in most of the ancient Near East. The
modern idea of a prison where prisoners were
to be reformed into good citizens was foreign
to the ancient world. Those in debt, criminals
awaiting trial and political prisoners were
held in confinement of one sort or another.
107:16. gates of bronze, bars of iron. The
Greek historian Herodotus described Babylon
as having “one hundred gates in the circuit of
the wall, all of bronze with bronze uprights
and lintels.” Large bronze gates have been excavated
at the Assyrian period site of Balawat,
giving a glimpse of what the Babylonian walls
may have been like. Gates were locked by
means of a bar slid across the gateway, and
iron would obviously be the most difficult to
break (see comment on Deut 33:25.
107:18. gates of death. Sheol was believed to
be like an earthly city in that it contained
houses and even a city wall (primarily to keep
in its inhabitants). In the Descent of Ishtar the
netherworld has a gate complex with seven
gates and gatekeepers at each one to control
access.
107:23-30. storms on the sea. The Babylonian
For common concepts, metaphors for God and musical terms, see pages 511-18.
551 PSALMS 107:29—108:10
hymn to Shamash also has a section in which
Shamash is seen as rescuing merchants (and
their goods) from storms at sea. But it does not
speak of Shamash either sending the waves or
stilling the storm, only of watching over the
traveler and saving his life.
PSALMS 107:29—108:10 107:29. stilling the storm. The sea was the
most powerful image of uncontrolled chaos
known to the ancient world. In the chaos combat
motif featured in the mythologies as well
as in the Old Testament, the forces of cosmic
chaos were most frequently represented in the
sea. Creation is sometimes spoken of as overcoming
those forces and bringing order and
control to the cosmos. In this context it is not
the primordial past that is under discussion
but Yahweh’s ability to (again) bring the sea
under control and restore order for these merchants.
This idea of transforming cosmic acts
into the historical realm occurs also in incidents
like the Israelite crossing of the Red Sea,
when the sea was harnessed and controlled by
Yahweh to do his bidding. It should not be
missed that this was a significant element in
Jesus’ calming of the sea as well.
107:33-35. world upside down. In the worldupside-
down motif, all that is considered
most consistent and reliable is jeopardized.
The concept can be applied to the cosmic
realm (sun growing dark), the natural realm
(mountains being leveled), the political realm
(empires overthrown), the social realm (poor
becoming rich) and the animal realm (lion and
lamb together). It is often used in prophetic
literature in connection with the Day of the
Lord and coming judgment. The Babylonian
epic of Irra is roughly similar in that it describes
a reversal of Marduk’s creation of order
out of the original primeval chaos.
108:2. awaken the dawn. Dawn (s\ah[ar) was
often personified in the Old Testament and is
known from Phoenician and Ugaritic inscriptions,
as well as being referred to at Emar. In
Akkadian dawn is personified under the
name Sheru. There are no references to any of
these roles in the mythology nor to rituals intended
to awaken the dawn.
108:7. Shechem, Valley of Succoth. The site of
Shechem has been identified with Tell Balatah,
east of modern Nablus and thirty-five miles
north of Jerusalem. Perhaps because of its
proximity to two nearby peaks, Mount Gerizim
and Mount Ebal, it has had a long history
as a sacred site. Shechem is known from many
ancient sources, including the Egyptian
records of Sen-Usert III (nineteenth century
B.C.) and the El Amarna tablets (fourteenth
century B.C.). Nearly continuous occupation is
evidenced through the second and first millennia,
demonstrating the importance of this
strategic city on the highway network running
north from Egypt through Beersheba,
Jerusalem and on to Damascus. It was
Abram’s first stop in Canaan. The fertile soil
in this area promoted agriculture as well as
good grazing. Succoth is situated east of the
Jordan River near its confluence with the Jabbok
River Judg 8:5. A number of archaeologists
have identified it with the site of Tell Deir
’Alla, based on Egyptian records (the stele of
Shishak) and cultural remains dating from the
Chalcolithic to Iron Age II. The name, which
means “booths,” would be appropriate for the
temporary housing of this region’s mixed
population of pastoral nomads and miners
(evidence of smelting has been found in Iron I
levels). It is located in the valley just west of
the highlands of Gilead as the land comes
down to the Jordan.
108:8. helmet, scepter. The term translated
“helmet” is not used elsewhere as a reference
to armor or headgear. It only occurs in the
parallel Psalm 60:7. The Hebrew text refers to
“a fortress for my head” or perhaps “my chief
fortress.” The scepter is now often identified
as a ceremonial engraved mace that kings are
sometimes portrayed holding in their hands
as a symbol of office. It is referred to elsewhere
in Genesis 49:10 and Numbers 21:18.
108:9. Moab as washbasin. The container referred
to here is usually used for cooking but
is a multipurpose pot/basin that comes in
various sizes. Washbasins were typically used
for ritual washing or ritual bathing and occur
in lists of fine gifts in the Amarna tablets. The
imagery here is obscure.
108:9. sandal tossed on Edom. Sandals were
the ordinary footwear in the ancient Near
East, but they were also a symbolic item of
clothing. This may have been due to the fact
that land was purchased based on whatever
size triangle of land one could walk off in an
hour, a day, a week or a month (1 Kings
21:16-17). Land was surveyed in triangles, and
a benchmark was constructed of fieldstones to
serve as a boundary marker Deut 19:14.
Since they walked off the land in sandals, the
sandals became the moveable title to that
land. By removing the sandals of her guardian
a widow removed his authorization to administer
the land of her household. Land transfers
in the Nuzi texts also involved replacing the
old owner’s foot on the land with that of the
new owner.
108:10. fortified city. Since the “fortified city”
is parallel to Edom, one is inclined to think of
the major fortified city in Edom. This would
be Bozrah, which name is built from the same
PSALMS 108:11—110:1 552
root as the word used here for fortified city.
Bozrah was the capital of ancient Edom and is
to be identified with Buseirah in the northern
region of the country. It guards a portion of
the king’s highway and is fairly close to the
copper mines found five miles to the southwest
at Wadi Dana. Excavations demonstrate
seventh- and sixth-century levels from the
most heavily fortified and largest settlement
in the area.
108:11. God going out with armies. In the divine
warrior motif, the deity fights the battles
and defeats the deities of the enemy. In Assyria
Nergal is the king of battle, and Ishtar is
viewed also as a war goddess. The Canaanite
Baal and the Babylonian Marduk are divine
warriors. In most situations prayers would be
made and omens asked to assure the god’s
presence. Standards or statues of the deity
were usually carried to symbolize their presence.
Assyrian kings of the ninth and eighth
centuries regularly referred to the divine standard
that went before them. The ark, as Yahweh’s
standard, represented the Lord as
clearing the way before the Israelites and leading
the armies into Canaan. This concept is
not very different from the Assyrian belief
that the gods empowered the weapons of the
king and fought before him or at his side.
Nearly every army in the ancient Near East included
priests and diviners (as seen in the
Mari texts), prophets 2 Kings 3 and portable
sacred objects (Assyrian annals of Shalmaneser
III [858-824 B.C.]). In this way the god(s)
could be consulted on the battlefield or invoked
to lead the soldiers to victory. The
psalmist here is invoking God’s aid against
their enemies in battle.
108:13. trampling enemies. Egyptian kings in
the early third millennium B.C. are depicted as
trampling over the corpses of defeated enemies.
For instance, Narmer, possibly the one
who unified Egypt, is seen with a mace
smashing enemies and stepping over them.
Likewise, the Sumerian kings from Lagash are
depicted as marching over the dead bodies of
their enemies. The tradition of trampling on
one’s enemies continued on into the first millennium
in Assyria and Babylonia.
109:6-15. relationship between imprecations
and hex/spell. This psalm is known as an
“imprecatory” psalm because it calls down
curses (imprecations) on the enemy. In the ancient
Near East such curses were enhanced or
activated by magical rituals and spells, but
this sort of practice would have been unacceptable
in the biblical system. Imprecatory
psalms can be best understood against the
background of the retribution principle (see
discussion in the sidebar on common concepts).
Since God’s justice was seen as requiring
punishment proportional to the
seriousness of the sin, the psalmist is calling
down the curses that would be appropriate if
justice were to be maintained. These are the
same magnitude of curses that God pronounces
on his enemies (see Is 13:15-16. The
forceful language of this passage contains aspects
of an East Semitic curse formula that relies
on the deity to carry out vengeance on the
enemy nations. An example of this type of indirect
curse is found in the vassal treaties of
the Assyrian king Esarhaddon as he calls on a
host of gods to do the treaty breaker harm. It
is also employed, with the addition of ritual
acts of execration, in the Aramaic Sefire inscription:
“Just as this bow and these arrows
are broken, so may Inurta and Hadad break
the bow of Mati’el and the bow of his nobles.”
The psalmist indirectly curses by imprecation,
calling on God to “laugh at them” in
their puny efforts to menace Israel. He does
not employ magical incantations or execration
rituals against them but instead relies on
God to render these peoples impotent—
breaking their power and their weapons of
destruction (see Jer 49:35; 51:56; Ezek 39:3.
109:7. prayers condemning. From the context
it could be concluded that this refers to a petitionary
prayer in a courtroom situation. Such
prayers could be accompanied by oaths of innocence
(such as Job’s in Job 31. If the party
were not truly innocent, such an oath would
be a basis for divine punishment.
109:24. fasting. Fasting is little attested in the
ancient Near East outside of the Bible. It generally
occurs in the context of mourning. In
the Old Testament the religious use of fasting
is often in connection with making a request
before God. Presumably the principle is that
the importance of the request causes an individual
to be so concerned about his or her
spiritual condition that physical necessities
fade into the background. In this sense the act
of fasting is designed as a process leading to
purification and the humbling of oneself before
God Ps 69:10.
PSALMS 108:11—110:1 110:1. seat at the right hand. A fully armed
warrior would hold his weapon in his right
hand and his shield in his left. The person to
the right of a king would have the privilege of
defending him. For a king to put someone
For common concepts, metaphors for God and musical terms, see pages 511-18.
553 PSALMS 110:1—116:14
there would be an affirmation of trust and
therefore an honor. In contrast, when the Lord
takes up his position at someone’s right hand,
as in Psalm 109:31, he is in a position to offer
defense with his shield. A statue of Pharaoh
Horemhab (fourteenth century B.C.) portrays
him seated at the right hand of the god Horus.
110:1. enemies a footstool. The Assyrian king
Tukulti-Ninurta I (thirteenth century) “puts
his foot on the neck of” individual conquered
kings as well as (symbolically) on that of conquered
lands, clarifying that they have thus
become his footstool. This is graphically depicted
in a tomb painting from the fifteenth
century B.C. showing Thutmose IV seated on
the lap of his mother (?) with his feet resting
on a box that is filled with enemies laid out in
a pile. For further information see comment
on 108:13.
110:4. priestly order of Melchizedek.
Melchizedek was the priest-king of Jerusalem
in the time of Abraham (see comments in Gen
14). As a result Jerusalem had a history of a
king exercising some of the prerogatives of
priestly office. For evidence of this being
practiced in David’s family see comment on
2 Samuel 8:18. It was not unusual in the ancient
world for the king to hold office as the
highest ranking priest as well (compare the
American president as the commander in
chief of the armed forces; or the sovereign of
England as the titular head of the Church of
England).
114:2. Judah as sanctuary. This reflects a temple-
as-state imagery. God’s throne was in the
temple just as the king’s throne was in his palace.
God and king reigned over the country
from their respective thrones. This concept
goes all the way back into earliest recorded
history, as the temples served as the earliest
administrative centers for the state. In this
way it can be seen that the two lines of this
verse are parallel in that the sanctuary is the
central feature in the “dominion” (kingdom).
PSALMS 110:1—116:14 114:4. mountains skipping. In the Ugaritic
tale concerning the building of Baal’s palace,
his enthronement is preceded by his voice
thundering forth, with the result that the high
places of the earth leap or quake. Similarly in
a hymn to Marduk his thundering voice
makes the earth quake. The Hebrew verb
translated “skip” is often thought to describe
a frolicking or gamboling type of motion but
is more likely the undulating appearance of a
flock of sheep or goats moving along a path
(see comment on 2 Sam 6:14-21. This would
be an appropriate image to describe the heaving
of the earth in an earthquake.
115:4-7. idol ideology. Idols came in a variety
of shapes and sizes in the ancient Near East.
They were typically carved of wood and overlaid
with hammered out sheets of silver or
gold. Basically human in appearance (except
those from Egypt which combined human
and animal characteristics), they had distinctive,
even formalized, poses, clothing and
hairstyles. Images of deity in the ancient Near
East were where the deity became present in a
special way, to the extent that the cult statue
became the god (when the god so favored his
worshipers), even though it was not the only
manifestation of the god. Rituals were performed
to bring the god to life in its idol. As a
result of this linkage, spells, incantations and
other magical acts could be performed on the
image in order to threaten, bind or compel the
deity. In contrast, other rites related to the image
were intended to aid the deity or care for
the deity. The idols then represented a worldview
and concept of deity that was not consistent
with how Yahweh had revealed himself.
The idol was not the deity, but the deity was
thought to inhabit the image and manifest its
presence and will through the image. Archaeologists
have found very few of the life-sized
images that the texts describe, but there are
renderings of them that allow accurate knowledge
of details. The images of deities in Mesopotamia
were fed, dressed and even washed
daily. Food sacrifices were brought to the deity
on a daily basis (which were no doubt eaten
by the temple technicians). Other attendants
were required to dress and undress the statue,
and still others were employed to wash the
statue and transport it in times of celebration.
116:13. cup of salvation. The connection in this
context to the payment of vows in the temple
suggests that a libation is being poured out as
testimony is given of God’s goodness and protection.
Libations were a common form of
thanksgiving in the ancient world, as depicted
on Egyptian, Phoenician and Mesopotamian
reliefs. The libation represents the deliverance
(salvation) afforded by deity and also accomplishes
deliverance from the vow.
116:14. fulfilling vows. Vows are voluntary,
conditional agreements that were common in
most of the cultures of the ancient Near East,
including the Hittite, Ugaritic, Mesopotamian
and, less often, Egyptian. In the ancient world
the most common context for a vow was
when a request was being made to deity. The
condition would typically involve God’s provision
or protection, while that which was
vowed was usually a gift to deity. The gift
would most frequently take the form of a sacrifice,
but other types of gifts to the sanctuary
or priests would be options. Fulfillment of a
PSALMS 118:22—120:5 554
vow could usually be accomplished at the
sanctuary and was a public act. In Ugaritic literature
King Keret makes a vow in requesting
a wife who could produce offspring. In return
he offered gold and silver corresponding to
his bride’s weight.
118:22. stone rejected by builders. Israelite
Iron Age architectural design made increasing
use of cut-stone masonry over the rough
boulders and rubble construction of earlier
periods. In order to provide stability and to
bind two adjoining walls together, a finely
shaped block of stone was inserted that became
the cornerstone. It would have been a
larger stone than those normally used, and
its insertion often required special effort or
rituals. Its large, smooth surface was a natural
place for inscribing religious slogans, the
name of the architect or king responsible and
the date of construction. It is possible that the
cornerstone could also serve as the foundation
stone. For information on the latter see
the next entry and comments on Ezra 3:3 and
3:10.
118:22. capstone. The cornerstone or, better,
the foundation brick is always significant in
temple building and restoration. One of the
most detailed temple-building accounts in ancient
Near Eastern literature describes
Gudea’s construction of a temple for Ningirsu
around 2000 B.C. The ceremony concerning
the premier brick shows its centrality to the
building procedure.
118:27. festal procession. To represent the
abundance and lushness of the land, Israelites
were instructed to celebrate the Feast of
Tabernacles, waving branches and decorating
their booths with fruit (citron) as well as
leaves and branches from willow and palm
trees. The festal occasion probably included
dancing and processions carrying bundles of
the leafy branches. In this way the people acknowledged
the abundance provided by
God and communally celebrated the visible
fulfillment of the covenant. Ancient Near
Eastern texts also describe the itineraries of
priestly processions. These differed in that
they took the images of gods, along with
their various divine accoutrements, from one
town to another within a kingdom. This allowed
the god to visit shrines, make inspection
tours of facilities owned by the principal
temple community and participate in annual
festivals outside the capital. These sacred
processions paraded the images and symbols
of the gods through the city streets to their
shrines, where sacrifices, sacred dancing and
other cultic activities would take place.
119:1. acrostic. The divisions every eight verses
that are marked in most translations represent
the consecutive letters of the Hebrew
alphabet. Each verse in the set of eight begins
with the same Hebrew letter. This is known as
an acrostic. For more information on acrostics
see the sidebar on common concepts.
119:72. thousands of pieces of silver and
gold. This is a way for the psalmist to express
a fortune. A common wage would have been
about ten shekels of silver a year.
PSALMS 118:22—120:5 119:83. wineskin in the smoke. Though the
skin bag referred to here once carried wine (1
Sam 16:20), it is not the vessel used for fermenting
the wine but that used for carrying
various liquids (for example, milk in Judg
4:19). The Akkadian cognate (nadu) is used for
a waterskin (often of sheep hide), and the
Gibeonites may well have used these bags for
that purpose Josh 9:4, 13. The word translated
“smoke” is also unusual and could possibly
refer to ash rather than smoke. In Genesis
19:28 it fills the air after the destruction of Sodom
and Gomorrah and is said to come out of a
furnace. In Psalm 148:8 it is paired with snow
in a series of destructive forces of nature (in
which case it would refer to the ash from a
volcano, see 104:32). Snow and ash (different
word) are also compared in Psalm 147:16.
Here in Psalm 119 the metaphor that would fit
the context is one of waiting with no apparent
response. Placing a skin sack in ash would reflect
a situation where low-level heat was required
over a sustained period of time, such
as in the production of yogurt. Though ghee
was the more common dairy product (see
comment on Is 7:15, yogurt was known in antiquity.
120:4. burning coals of the broom tree. The
trunk of the broom tree provided hard wood
that made excellent charcoal.
120:5. Meshech, Kedar. Meshech, a central
Anatolian kingdom, was conquered by Sargon
II of Assyria and invaded by the Cimmerians
from southern Russia. It is thought that
they were incorporated under Lydian control
after the conclusion of the Cimmerian wars.
They were known to the Assyrians as Mushku
and to Herodotus as the Moschi. At the end of
the eighth century the king of Mushku was
Mita, known to the Greeks as Midas, the king
with the golden touch. His tomb has been
identified at Gordion and excavated. Kedar,
the second son of Ishmael Gen 25:13, was the
For common concepts, metaphors for God and musical terms, see pages 511-18.
555 PSALMS 121:1—132:7
name of a tribe that flourished from the eighth
to the fourth centuries B.C. The tribe is known
from Assyrian and Late Babylonian texts as
Qadar. The personal names of the Kedarites
appear to have been related to the southern
branch of the Semitic languages. These tribal
peoples were based in the Arabian peninsula
and often made their way into the Levant via
the Sinai. They worked as sheep breeders and
caravaneers at least as late as the Hellenistic
period. Since these places are in opposite directions
from Israel, they are probably paired
as representatives of remote and barbaric
places.
PSALMS 121:1—132:7 121:1. help in hills. The NIV properly captures
the idiom that sees the hills (mountains) as a
place where one would need help. As a pilgrim
the psalmist is intimidated by the mountains
(because of the rigor of the treacherous
walk and the dangers that may lurk there in
the form of robbers or wild beasts) and seeks
divine protection on his journey.
121:3-4. sleeping. In Mesopotamian literature
a sleeping god is one who is unresponsive to
the prayers of the person who is calling out
for help. Enlil is said to be awake even when
he appears to be asleep. In a Babylonian
prayer the worshiper wonders how long the
deity is going to sleep.
121:6. harm from sun and moon. Anyone who
has traveled in the Middle East knows the
threat of dehydration and sunstroke. Many of
the roads to Jerusalem exposed the traveler to
oppressive heat. Just as too much exposure to
the sun could be dangerous, it was believed in
the ancient world that too much exposure to
the moon could pose a health threat. Medical
diagnostic texts from first-millennium Babylonia
and Assyria identify several conditions as
a result of the “hand of Sin” (Sin was the
moon god), including one in which the patient
grinds his teeth and his hands and feet tremble,
and another that has all the symptoms of
epilepsy. English words like “moonstruck”
and “lunatic” show that such belief persisted
into relatively recent times.
122:5. thrones for judgment. As the highest
judicial authority in the land, the king periodically
held audience to hear cases that were
being appealed. A throne was set up precisely
for this purpose, either in an audience hall in
the palace complex or at the main gate of the
city. In the excavations at Dan just such an
area has been uncovered at the entrance to the
gate, where the king would have sat on a canopied
throne in order to pass judgment.
124:7. fowler’s snare. The very familiar image
of fowlers trapping birds in nets and snares
may be the origin of this common metaphor
(see Josh 23:13; Ps 69:22; Is 8:14. There are numerous
examples of this activity from Egyptian
tomb paintings, and it also provides the
basis for the Sumerian Stele of the Vultures (see
the comment on Ezek 12:13. There were a
number of different techniques used to snare
birds. Although hunters might simply use a
sling, throwing stick (as in the Beni Hasan
tomb painting) or a bow to take down individual
fowl, the majority of instances in the
biblical text and in ancient art depict large
flocks of birds being captured in nets or cages.
For instance, the tomb of Ka-Gemmi at
Saqqarah (Sixth-Dynasty Egypt) portrays the
fowler using a net. Apparently some fowlers
also used decoys in their snares to attract the
birds along with bait food (attested in Ecclus
11:30).
126:4. streams in the Negev. The wadis of Palestine
are similar to overflowing rivers in the
rainy season. However, they have little or no
water during the summer season, precisely
the time when water is most needed. In the
arid desert region south of Jerusalem the periodic
flooding of these wadis brought relief
and life.
129:6. grass on the roof. The uppermost roof
on the common dwelling places in Israel
would have been constructed of beams laid
across the walls intertwined with reeds and
grasses. The whole roof would then be plastered
with mud to fill in the gaps and make
them somewhat watertight. Any lingering
seeds in the grass or mud might briefly sprout
but would quickly die for lack of roots.
132:6. Ephrathah, Jaar. Ephrathah is identified
in several passages as the home territory of
David Ruth 4:11; Mic 5:2. The “fields of Jaar”
are generally considered to be Kiriath Jearim,
where the ark stayed for twenty years. See
comment on 1 Samuel 6:21.
132:7. worship at footstool. First of all, it must
be recognized that the ark of the covenant was
considered the footstool of God’s invisible
throne (see comment on Ex 25:10-22. Second,
the footstool must be understood to be an integral
part of the throne, representing the closest
accessibility to the king. Third, the imagery
of the footstool has significance because it is
used to express the king’s subordination of his
foes (see comment on Ps 110:1. Finally, worshiping
at the footstool is another way of expressing
the reverence that is shown by
prostrating oneself at the feet of God or king.
On the black stela of Shalmaneser III the Israelite
king Jehu is portrayed kissing the ground
before the Assyrian king. In Enuma Elish the
tribunal of gods kisses the feet of Marduk after
he has put down the rebellion and estab-
PSALMS 132:17—136:6 556
lished himself as head of the pantheon. This
was the common act of submission offered to
kings and gods. Taking hold of the feet was a
gesture of self-abasement and entreaty. This
gesture occurs in a wide range of Akkadian
literature as fugitives or supplicants take hold
of the king’s feet to demonstrate their submission
or surrender and make their petitions.
132:17. horn for David. See comment on
“horn” in the sidebar on common metaphors.
PSALMS 132:17—136:6 132:17. lamp for anointed one. See comment
on 18:28.
133:2. oil on the head. Banquet guests in the
ancient world were often treated by a generous
host to fine oils for anointing their foreheads.
This provided not only a glistening
sheen to their countenance but also would
have added a fragrance to their persons and
the room. For example, an Assyrian text from
Esarhaddon’s reign describes how he
“drenched the foreheads” of his guests at a
royal banquet with “choicest oils.” Oil preserved
the complexion in the hot Middle Eastern
climate. Both the Egyptian Song of the
Harper and the Mesopotamian Gilgamesh
Epic describe individuals clothed in fine linen
and with myrrh on their head. Anointment of
priests used the finest oil and would symbolize
the gifts of God to the people and the responsibilities
now laid on their leaders
through this ceremony. In Israelite practice
anointing was a sign of election and often
closely related to endowment by the Spirit.
See the comment on Leviticus 8:1-9.
133:3. dew of Hermon. The word translated
“dew” is also used of light rain or drizzle.
Hermon obviously got plenty of moisture because
of the streams that flowed from it, a
symbol of its life and prosperity. Zion is here
seen as the beneficiary of the same abundance.
134:1. night service in the temple. The verb
that the NIV translates “minister” has to do
with taking up one’s post or station. This need
not refer to a ritual service of some sort but
simply to those priestly personnel who were
assigned guard duty at night. The temple was
guarded twenty-four hours a day so that neither
its sanctity would be violated nor its
valuables stolen. Even such “mundane” duty
gave one the opportunity of worship. On the
other hand, night rituals cannot be entirely
ruled out. Night rituals would have been common
in the ancient Near East, but there the
worship of the moon god and astral deities
was of central significance. In one Assyrian
prayer to the moon god that was recited in
conjunction with the New Moon celebration,
the worshiper speaks of spreading out a pure
incense offering of the night. Interestingly, the
Assyrian hymn is a shuilla, a “lifting of the
hand” composition.
135:7. clouds from ends of earth. In the Sumerian
composition titled Enki and the World Order,
Ishkur, the weather god, opens the gates
of heaven. This was the way Mesopotamians
understood where clouds came from. In Mesopotamian
cosmology the “ends of the earth”
refers to the horizon. This is where the gates of
heaven are located because the sun is seen as
setting there as it goes through the gates of
heaven.
135:7. wind storehouses. The Canaanites
and Babylonians attributed manifestations
of storms to Adad, the storm and wind god.
However, Jeremiah claimed that Yahweh
was solely responsible for atmospheric phenomena.
He used the imagery of Yahweh
having storehouses of rain, hail and snow,
which are set in motion by the wind, presumably
instigated by his breath (also see
Deut 28:12; Ps 33:7; Job 38:22. The word
translated “storehouses” can be used to refer
to treasuries that would store precious
objects, as well as royal weapons. Hail,
snow, wind, thunder and lightning are often
seen as the weapons that God uses to defeat
his enemies. Likewise storehouses could
serve for the storage of raw materials such
as barley, dates, grain or tithes in general. In
the same way God rations out the products
from his storehouses as necessary. Cosmic
storehouses are not common imagery in the
ancient Near East.
135:11. Sihon and Og. These battles are initially
recorded in Numbers 21. Sihon is only
known from the biblical records, and archaeology
has little to offer regarding his capital
city or his kingdom. There is also no extrabiblical
information from historical sources or archaeology
to shed light on Og.
135:15-17. idol ideology. See comment on
115:4-7.
136:6. earth spread on waters. In the Babylonian
perception of the cosmos, the earth’s
foundation is on what is called the apsu. This
is a primordial watery region that is under the
jurisdiction of the very important deity Enki/
Ea. From the standpoint of physical geography
it represents the water table that surfaces,
for example, in marshes and springs as well as
being associated with the sweet water cosmic
seas and rivers. In Enuma Elish one of Mar-
For common concepts, metaphors for God and musical terms, see pages 511-18.
557 PSALMS 136:19—139:13
duk’s names, Agilima, identifies him as the
one who built the earth above the water and
established the upper regions. For further information
see the comment on creation in
Psalms in the sidebar on common concepts.
PSALMS 136:19—139:13 136:19-20. Sihon and Og. See comment on
135:11.
137:2. poplars. A poplar is a willow-type tree
that grows best by streams or rivers (such as
the Tigris or Euphrates in Babylon). The Euphrates
poplar was native to the region and
had low-hanging branches and limbs. For information
on harps see comment on 33:2.
137:7. Edomites’ action. The principal theme
of the book of Obadiah is an indictment of
Edom for its crimes against Judah. This nation,
located south and east of the Dead Sea,
has a mixed tradition among the Israelites.
Much like the relationship between Jacob and
Esau, the traditional founders of each nation,
Edom is at times seen as a friend and ally
Deut 2:2-6; 2 Kings 3:9 and on other occasions
as a deadly enemy Num 20:14-21; Amos
1:11-15). During the period of the Neo-Assyrian
empire and the Neo-Babylonian empire
(734-586), Edom had been a vassal state. Most
likely Obadiah’s complaint against Edom, as
well as that of the psalmist, relates to the participation
of that nation in the final destruction
of Jerusalem and the exile of its people by
Nebuchadnezzar of Babylon in 587/6 B.C. Unfortunately,
however, records are unclear concerning
the precise role that Edom played.
139:2-4. divine omniscience in the ancient
Near East. It is not unusual in the ancient
world for it to be implied that gods or kings
know everything or that there are no limits to
their knowledge. So Nabonidus claims to be
wise, knowing everything and seeing hidden
things (see even 2 Sam 14:19. But in most cases
this is little more than patronization. While
there is no reason to see this psalm in that
light, it should be recognized that the context
is judicial rather than dealing in theological
abstraction. Yahweh is being addressed as the
judge who is in possession of all the information
for judging the psalmist’s case wisely and
fairly. In a hymn to Gula her spouse is praised
as one who “examines the heights of heaven,
who investigates the bottom of the netherworld”
(Foster). Shamash is praised as one
who (as the sun god) sees all the lands, but it
goes further as he is said to know their intentions
and see their footprints. It is more common
for the gods to be attributed boundless
wisdom.
139:8-12. divine omnipresence in the ancient
Near East. It is difficult to distinguish “having
access to every place” from “being simultaneously
in all places.” The former is all that is
demanded from the words of the psalmist and
is likewise the norm in the ancient Near East.
Since the sun god is usually the god of justice,
and there is nowhere his light does not shine,
he sees all. Even the netherworld was known
because the sun was believed to traverse the
netherworld during the night as he moved
from the western horizon to the east to rise
again. As a result the divine judge would
again have all the information needed. Nothing
could have been done secretly. There is no
concept in the ancient Near East of deity being
in every place simultaneously in the way that
omnipresence is construed in Christian theology.
139:8. heights and depths. This contrast expresses
the extent of God’s jurisdiction. In one
of the Amarna letters Tagi, a local ruler, acknowledges
the pharaoh’s control by stating:
“Should we go up into the sky, or should we
go down into the netherworld, our head is in
your hand” (Moran). Similarly a hymn to Shamash
affirms that no one “goes down into the
depths” without Shamash.
139:9. wings of the dawn. This verse may be
adopting solar terminology (rising with the
dawn = east, setting in the far side of the sea =
west), but “dawn” is more often equated with
the “morning star.” It is not unusual for the
heavenly bodies (or the gods that are associated
with them) to be portrayed with wings,
but the phrase “wings of the dawn” does not
occur in Akkadian.
139:13. deity making in the womb. There is
an Egyptian parallel to the idea of the deity
knowing an individual before birth. The god
Amun knew Pianki (an Egyptian monarch of
the Twenty-Fifth Dynasty in the eighth century
B.C.) while he “was in the belly of his
mother,” where he knew he was to be the ruler
of Egypt. In the Gilgamesh Epic, Gilgamesh’s
role as king was said to be destined
for him “when his umbilical cord was severed.”
Personal gods are praised as the “producer
of my progeny.” Nebuchadnezzar
praises Marduk as the one who created him.
In the Atrahasis Epic the goddess Mami is
identified as the womb, the creatrix of humankind.
In Sumerian literature the goddess
Ninhursag (Nintur) is responsible for the
birth process from conception through gestation
and delivery, and even serves as midwife.
In Egypt Khnum (a creator god
portrayed as a potter) is described in his
fashioning of people. He knots the flow of
blood to the bones and is said to knit the
bones from the start. It is clear then that the
psalmist is not introducing new theological
PSALMS 139:16—148:7 558
concepts but using stock phrases familiar in
the ancient world.
PSALMS 139:16—148:7 139:16. written in book. In a Hymn to Nabu the
sufferer laments, “My life is spent, O account-
keeper of the universe” (Foster). An
Old Babylonian letter says that a favorable
destiny was decreed for the writer of the letter
ever since he was in his mother’s womb. In
contrast, the Hittite prayer of Kantuzilis wonders
how the god could have ordained his
sickness (and impending death?) from his
mother’s womb. For information on the similar
book of life, see comments on Jeremiah
17:13 and Malachi 3:16.
140:10. burning coals punishment. Calling
down burning coals onto someone is found in
Esarhaddon’s vassal treaties as a punishment
for breaking the treaty. Other texts describe
deities raining down fire or fiery stones on
their enemies. This is a punishment from God,
not from other people.
140:10. thrown into fire punishment. Burning
was used as a form of execution as early as the
Hammurabi laws. In fifth-century Persia (during
the reign of Darius II, son of Artaxerxes),
and in the second century (2 Macc 13:4-8),
there are examples of execution by pushing
into a bin of ashes.
141:7. bones scattered at mouth of grave.
Some of the cultures of the ancient Near East
practiced secondary burial: the body would
be laid out (in a cave, for instance) until the
flesh decomposed, then the bones would be
buried in the final resting place. Even if a
body was devoured, proper burial could be
carried out if the bones could be retrieved. So
Ashurbanipal speaks of punishment of his enemies
by taking their bones out of Babylon
and scattering them around outside the city.
He also boasts of opening the graves of past
kings of his enemies and carting off their
bones “to inflict unrest upon their ghosts.”
142:title. in cave. During the time that David
was fleeing from Saul, he spent a lot of time in
caves 1 Sam 22—26). The Judean wilderness,
where David spent his fugitive years, has
abundant caves scattered throughout the region.
143:10. leading on level ground. The roads of
the ancient Near East were for the most part
unpaved (except for a few roads in the Late
Assyrian period). Although unpaved, those
which were intended for wheeled transport
(called “wagon roads” in the Nuzi texts) had
to be staked out, leveled and consistently
maintained. However, very few texts describe
the construction and maintenance of these
roads. Roads for heavy transport were somewhat
rare and were primarily along the trade
routes. Thus, a vassal king complained to the
king of Mari that he had to arrive at the Syrian
capital by a roundabout route along a major
highway. Assyrian kings rarely boasted of
their road constructions, as it appeared to be
the duty of the local populations. In a treaty
text Esarhaddon commands that when his son
succeeds him the vassal must submit to him
and “smooth his way in every respect.” In a
hymn to the goddess Gula the deity says that
she makes straight the path of one who seeks
her ways.
144:6-7. rescued from waters. See comments
on 18:16 and 30:3.
144:9. ten-stringed lyre. This is a typical musical
instrument of the time and is attested in
ancient Near Eastern texts, reliefs and paintings
as early as the third millennium B.C. The
lyre is differentiated from the harp by the
number of strings. Both are hand-held with
frames made of wood. A musical text has been
discovered at Ugarit that sheds light on Late
Bronze Age music. This text has the chords to
be played on a lyre accompanying a Hurrian
cult hymn.
144:12. pillars carved for palace. Palaces in
the ancient world featured open courtyards,
audience halls and garden pavilions that all
used pillars, both structurally and decoratively.
Caryatids (pillars in the shape of human
statues) are unattested in Israel, which would
have had little statuary due to the ban on images.
Caryatids of a sort are evidenced in
Egypt, where, for instance, mortuary temples
featured pillars that had half-figures attached
to them. The word used here, however, appears
to have something to do with corners
(used elsewhere only in Zech 9:15. In Israel
pillars would have featured the fine, detailed
sculpture that represented the height of their
skills.
PSALMS 148:14—150:5 147:4. names of the stars. Mesopotamian constellations
included animal figures such as a
goat (Lyra) and snake (Hydra); objects such as
an arrow (Sirius) and a wagon (Big Dipper);
and characters such as Anu (Orion). The most
popular of the constellations was Pleiades, often
portrayed on seals even in Palestine and
Syria. Neo-Assyrian texts preserve sketches of
stars in constellations. For further information
see the comment on 8:3.
148:7. great creatures of the ocean. In the
Babylonian Hymn to Shamash, the sun god is
For common concepts, metaphors for God and musical terms, see pages 511-18.
559 PSALMS 148:14—150:5
said to receive praise and reverence even from
the worst groups. Included in the list are the
fearsome monsters of the sea. The hymn thus
suggests that there is a total submission of all
creatures to Shamash, just as the Genesis creation
texts shows all creatures created by, and
therefore submitted to, Yahweh. The Labbu
Myth records the creation of the sea viper,
whose length was sixty leagues.
148:14. raised up a horn. See the comment on
“horn” in the sidebar on common metaphors
for God.
149:3. dancing. Much of the dancing that is attested
in the ancient world takes place in cultic
contexts, though both Mesopotamian and
Egyptian sources frequently depict dancers
involved in entertainment. The dancing connected
to festivals would probably resemble
folk dancing of today, featuring the coordinated
movements of a group of dancers. At other
times the dances could more resemble ballet,
where a scene or a drama is acted out. Single
dancers usually performed either whirling,
squatting, leaping, hopping type dances, or
acrobatics approximating a modern gymnast’s
routine. Dancers sometimes performed scantily
clad or in the nude. In cultic contexts the
participating officials (i.e., priests and administration)
at times danced, not just the professionals.
In one Hittite ritual this specifically
included the queen.
149:3. tambourine and harp. See comment on
150:3-5.
PSALMS 148:14—150:5 149:6. double-edged sword. This is literally a
sword of two mouths. In the Late Bronze Age
(Joshua’s time), the standard sword was
curved like a sickle with the sharp edge on
the outside of the curve. This shape is considered
responsible for the development of the
idiom “the mouth of the sword” (for instance
in Josh 6:21. It is possible that the idiom was
retained even when the shape of the sword
evolved, and a two-edged sword could be referred
to as “two-mouthed” despite the loss
of the shape that determined the idiom. Others,
trying to retain the association between
language and physical shape, have suggested
a double-sided axe, though in that case
the word translated “sword” here would
have to be understood more broadly as
blade, a difficult (though not impossible) extension.
149:8. fetters and shackles. Though the terms
used here are not the typical ones, it is likely
that the former were wrist cuffs chaining the
hands together, while the latter went around
the ankles chaining the feet together (as is
clear in 105:18). Iron was used for these as early
as the eighth-century Assyrians.
150:3-5. musical instruments. Musical instruments
were among the first inventions of
early humans. In Egypt the earliest
end-blown flutes date to the fourth millennium
B.C. A number of harps and lyres as
well as a pair of silver flutes were found in
the royal cemetery at Ur dating to the midthird
millennium. Flutes made of bone or
pottery date back at least to the fourth millennium.
Musical instruments provide entertainment
as well as background rhythm for
dances and ritual performances, such as processions
or cultic dramas. Other than simple
percussion instruments (drums and rattles),
the most common instruments used in the
ancient Near East were harps and lyres. Examples
have been found in excavated tombs
and painted on the walls of temples and palaces.
They are described in literature as a
means of soothing the spirit, invoking the
gods to speak, or providing the cadence for a
marching army. Musicians had their own
guilds and were highly respected. These are
all typical musical instruments of the time
and are attested in ancient Near Eastern
texts, reliefs and paintings as early as the
third millennium B.C. There is still some disagreement
among authorities as to which of
the Hebrew words in this passage ought to
be translated “harp” and which one as
“lyre.” The one the NIV translates “lyre” is a
ten-stringed instrument, while the one translated
“harp” is thought to have had fewer
strings. Both are hand-held with frames
made of wood. The tambourine has been
identified in archaeological reliefs as the
tambour, a small drum (leather stretched
over a hoop) that would not have the tinny
rattle sound of modern tambourines. The instrument
translated as flute is likely a double
pipe made of either bronze or reed. Cymbals
are made of bronze and are in the percussion
group, so the only remaining question concerns
their size.
PROVERBS 1:1-6 560
P R O V E R B S
PROVERBS 1:1-6
1:1—9:18
Wisdom Exhortations
1:1. sages in the ancient Near East. The tradition
of sages who expound on the wisdom of
ancient cultures is a longstanding one in the
ancient Near East. The manner employed in
such wisdom pieces as the Teaching of Ptah-
Hotep and the Instruction of Amenemope suggests
that there were wisdom schools in ancient
Egypt and Mesopotamia. The “sage” functioned
as the students’ “father,” conveying the
substance of the culture’s store of wisdom and
standing as a source upon which to draw precedents.
The Words of Ahiqar from eighth-century
Assyria may indicate that some of these sages
also were attached in some way to the palace
bureaucracy, perhaps as members of the scribal
class. The “words” of the sages included essays
on personal deportment and etiquette in a variety
of social situations. Their sayings also include
short statements giving advice on
political and diplomatic affairs. In this way
they transmitted a form of cultural memory as
well as a sense of their society’s basic values.
1:1. Solomon as a sage. According to 1 Kings
3:7-12 Solomon asked for and received a “wise
and discerning heart” to better rule his people.
The tradition of Solomon as a wise king
thus carries over in the superscription to the
book of Proverbs. The many areas of his wisdom
are detailed in 1 Kings 4:30-33 (see comments
on those verses).
1:6. wisdom categories. This verse lists three
of the many types of wisdom writings. The
proverb or mashal is an aphorism, a short
statement often consisting of contrasting parallel
lines. It is generally moral-laden and always
didactic in character. Parables are
extended contrast pieces that in narrative
form both tell a story and require the audience
to see a double or hidden meaning (see
the first two comments in 2 Sam 12:1-10. Although
there are no riddles in the book of
Proverbs, they were apparently common
enough as a form of intellectual game (see
comment on Samson’s riddle in Judg
14:12-14). The term used for riddle in Proverbs
1:6 only appears in Proverbs and comes
from a root that is usually translated as
“scornful” or “cynical.” This may be an attempt
to downgrade riddles as true wisdom
sayings. A longer form of wisdom literature
is found in Ecclesiastes, which includes both
PROVERBS ECHOED IN ANCIENT NEAR EAST
Several pieces of Egyptian and Mesopotamian wisdom literature contain parallels (linguistic, stylistic and
content) with the book of Proverbs. From ancient Egypt this includes (in chronological order) the Teaching
of Ptah-Hotep (c. 2500 B.C.), the Tale of the Eloquent Peasant (c. 2000 B.C.), the Instruction of Amenemope (c. 1200
B.C.) and the Instruction of Ankhsheshonqy (c. 200 B.C.). There are also some echoes in the Memphite Theology
of Creation (c. 2200 B.C.) and the Dispute over Suicide (c. 2000 B.C.). Similar proverbial sayings may also be
found in the Assyrian Words of Ahiqar (c. 700 B.C.) and in the Ugaritic epics of Baal and Anat and of Aqhat
(c. 1400 B.C.). Most of the similarities between these pieces of wisdom literature can be attributed to the
universality of wisdom sayings and the very common practice of borrowing phrases, imagery, proverbs
or even entire parables or stories. Here are some examples:
■ Proverbs 1:12 describes the grave as a mouth that swallows its victims, and this same imagery is echoed
in the epic of Baal and Anath, where the god of death, Mot, is said to “devour its prey,” eating them
“with both hands.”
■ Proverbs 6:23-29 and 7:24-27 both admonish the wise son to conquer his lust for women who will
bring him to disaster in much the same way that Ptah-Hotep cautions that one should “stay away from
the women of the house” and “keep your mind on business.”
■ Proverbs 16:8 and 21:9 provide examples of the “better than” saying that is also found in the Instruction
of Ankhsheshonqy, “Better to dwell in your own house than in someone else’s mansion,” and in the Instruction
of Amenemope, “Better is a single loaf and a happy heart than all the riches in the world and sorrow.”
■ The progression pattern found in Proverbs 6:16-19, “There are six things the LORD hates, seven that are
detestable to him,” is also used by Ahiqar, “two kinds of people are a delight, a third pleases Shamash.”
■ The model wife described in Proverbs 31:27-31 is also extolled by Ptah-Hotep, as is the son who is willing
to listen carefully to his father (see Prov 2:1-5.
■ The “Sayings of the Wise” that appear in Proverbs 22:17—24:22 find a structural model in the Instruction
of Amenemope. Both contain a general introduction followed by thirty chapters of very similar advice
on a variety of topics. For instance, both Amenemope and Proverbs 22:22 forbid the exploitation of the poor
and weak, and both the Egyptian sage and Proverbs 23:10 counsel not to move or topple a field’s boundary
stone lest “your conscience destroy you.”
561 PROVERBS 1:8—2:18
a group of sayings as well as a set of reflections
on the ironies of life. The largest category
of all in the Hebrew Bible is the philosophical
discourses of the book of Job. Using
the common theme of suffering, Job and his
friends examine and even test their understanding
of why pain and suffering comes to
the righteous.
1:8. instruction of the son. The call to listen
to the instructions of one’s parents stands as
a corollary to the law requiring children to
honor their father and mother Ex 20:12.
Thus the wisdom of mothers, who generally
served as a child’s first teacher, is equated
with that of fathers. The saying also contrasts
with similar statements in the Teaching of
Ptah-Hotep and the Words of Ahiqar that only
mention a son attending to the words of his
“father.” “Son” may also be understand in
each of these cases as the one who receives
the saying and does not always require blood
relation. Students would have memorized
the sayings and analogies of their teachers,
but the wise would have been those who
learned to apply what they had learned (see
Hos 14:9. The omission of daughters reflects
the reality that royal sons were generally educated,
while royal daughters typically were
not.
1:9. garland and chain. The words of the father
and mother, which embody the wisdom
of the society, can become a decorative
wreath for the son’s head and a chain or
necklace of office. Just as a champion is
adorned with a garland of victory and a newly
appointed official is given the chain and
vestments of his office, so too is the attentive
son assured of prosperity and a stable life
(see Prov 4:1-6. As Ptah-Hotep says, “The
wise follow their teacher’s advice [and] consequently
their projects do not fail.” In Egyptian
literature Maat, the goddess associated
with wisdom, truth and justice, provides a
garland of victory to the gods and is depicted
as being worn as a chain around the neck of
various officials.
PROVERBS 1:8—2:18 2:18. paths to the spirits of the dead. Ancient
Near Eastern literature has several examples
of the types of offers reflected here. In the Gilgamesh
Epic the goddess Ishtar, impressed
with the prowess displayed by Gilgamesh
when he defeated the dread Huwawa, offers
to make him her husband. Despite the many
benefits she cites, Gilgamesh details the life in
the netherworld that is the inevitable result of
her seduction. Likewise, in the Ugaritic Tale of
Aqhat, the goddess Anat offers Aqhat gold, silver
and eternal life in exchange for his marvelous
bow. Like Gilgamesh, Aqhat sees the
lie and expounds on the inevitability of death.
An affair with an adulteress is mentioned in
several wisdom pieces as one of the surest
ways to an early death (Ankhsheshonqy says,
“A man who makes love to a married woman
will be executed on her threshold”; see also
Prov 6:25-26. The dangers involved are also
reminiscent of the fate of the Sumerian goddess
Ishtar’s consort, Tammuz, who was
forced to live half the year in the underworld
as ransom for her release from the nether regions.
The shadowy world where the spirits
dwelt was an extremely undesirable place.
HOW PROVERBS WERE USED
As is the case in modern conversations, proverbs in ancient times functioned as a colloquial means of
getting a point across. Then as now they were considered ancient wisdom that must be considered seriously
(see 1 Sam 24:13. So when the proverb “A penny saved is a penny earned” is quoted today, the
speaker is advocating the wisdom of personal thrift. In the same way, when Ezekiel quotes the proverb
“Like mother, like daughter” Ezek 16:44, he is condemning Jerusalem for following in the evil footsteps
of her “mother” Samaria (compare Jer 3:6-11 for this theme, but using “sisters” as the kinship
term). Ezekiel also used proverbs to signal a change in policy or fortunes. For example in Ezekiel 18:2-3,
the prophet quotes a proverb that on its surface simply acknowledges the well-known fact that a person
who sees another person eat something sour will experience a similar reaction. In Israel, however,
the proverb had been used to indicate the legal idea of corporate responsibility in which a son was held
responsible for the sins of his father (see Ex 20:5. Now, however, Ezekiel states no person will be punished
for anyone’s sins but his or her own, and thus the proverb “shall no more be used by you in
Israel.”
Naturally, a proverb is only as useful as the context in which it is spoken. Thus the writer of Proverbs
notes that “like a lame man’s legs that hang limp is a proverb in the mouth of a fool” Prov 26:7. This is a
common saying in other wisdom literature. For instance, the Instruction of Ankhsheshonqy warns that
“fools cannot tell teaching from insult,” and the Instruction of Amenemope states that one should not “take
counsel with fools,” since their words “blow like a storm” and are without substance. It is clear then that
proverbs were not simply phrases to be memorized that anyone could understand. Their instruction
needed to be unpacked and expounded by a wise teacher. It is like a curriculum that assumes the presence
of a teacher to accomplish its aims.
PROVERBS 3:3—5:3 562
According to the Gilgamesh Epic, the “House
of Dust” contained no light, the dead were
“clothed like birds,” and “dust [was] their fare
and clay their food.” Still, it seems that the
spirits could be consulted by the living (see 1
Sam 28:11-15).
3:3. bound around neck. See the comment
on Deuteronomy 6:8 for the use of amulets
to serve as a reminder of the Law and a
form of protection against evil. The use of
the covenantal term h[esed for “love” in this
verse may also be compared to its use in Jeremiah
31:3, in which God “draws” the nation
to him with “loving-kindness.”
PROVERBS 3:3—5:3 3:3. tablet of the heart. It is conceivable that
the writer is referring to a practice of wearing
a small clay tablet as an amulet (compare
Judah’s cord and seal in Gen 38:18. However,
the parallel with Jeremiah 31:33 makes it more
likely that the writer is referring to an internalization
of God’s law with God writing “it
on their hearts.”
3:6. make paths straight. In a treaty text Esarhaddon
commands that when his son succeeds
him, the vassal must submit to him and
“smooth his way in every respect.” In a hymn
to the goddess Gula the deity says that she
makes straight the path of one who seeks her
ways.
3:15. rubies as most precious gem. While
both rubies and sapphires are forms of the
mineral corundum, which consists primarily
of aluminum oxide, rubies are much rarer
and therefore considered that much more
precious. The Egyptian sage Ptah-Hotep also
compares true wisdom with rare gems (emeralds),
adding weight to such analogies. Diamonds
were not known in the ancient
world.
3:18. tree of life. The theme of the tree of life is
common in ancient Near Eastern epic and art.
In the Gilgamesh Epic there is a plant called
“old man becomes young” that grows at the
bottom of the cosmic river. Stylized trees often
figure prominently in ancient Near Eastern art
and on seals from both Mesopotamia and
Canaan. These have often been interpreted as
depicting a tree of life, but more support from
the literature would be necessary to confirm
such interpretations. The tree is transformed
in Proverbs into an image of wisdom. As in
Proverbs 11:30, wisdom, embodied in the metaphor
of the “tree of life,” provides the key to
a fuller and more enriching life. The idea of
“embracing” wisdom holds sexual connotations
found in several places in Proverbs (8:17;
18:22) and may be compared to the woman of
worth in 31:10 and contrasted with “Dame
Folly” or the “strange woman” (9:13-18 and
5:3-14, respectively). The sense of fertility and
contentment inherent to both a good marriage
and a flowering tree is thus promoted as a desirable
goal.
3:19-20. language of old world cosmology. As
in Psalm 104:2-9, Proverbs details Yahweh as
the lord of creation, a sort of “divine architect,”
who shapes the cosmos like a wellordered
building (compare Job 38:4-7. The extra
dimension is added in these verses of God
personified as “Wisdom” (see Ps 104:24 and
Jer 10:12. If a deity’s “desire” may be equated
with wisdom, then the Egyptian Hymn to the
Aten expresses a similar concept, saying, “You
have created the world according to your desire,
while you were yet alone!” According the
sages, the creative act, in order to fully demonstrate
God’s presence and concern, is followed
by an ongoing and sustaining of the
structures of the heavens and the earth. The
“deeps” is the Hebrew word tehom, which refers
to the primordial cosmic ocean. In the
Babylonian creation epic, Enuma Elish, the
goddess representing this cosmic ocean,
Tiamat, is divided in half by Marduk to make
the waters above and the waters below.
4:9. garland/crown. The image of a marriage
feast is given substance with the bestowing of
the tradition symbols of union by the bride
(wisdom) on her protégé (groom). In this case
the marriage symbolism of the crown of
splendor (see Is 61:10 could be compared
with the fragrant bridal garments in Song of
Songs 4:11. In the metaphorical sense it could
also be paralleled with Isaiah 28:5, where God
becomes a “glorious crown, a beautiful
wreath” for the Israelites.
4:23. heart as wellspring of life. It is a common
tradition in the ancient Near East for
the heart to be the seat of the intellect (see
Prov 14:33 and the source of stability for
one who would adhere to a just and wise life
(see Solomon’s request in 1 Kings 3:5-9. In
Egyptian religious thought the heart (ib) is
distinguished from the soul (ba) and is considered
the very essence of a person’s being.
It is the heart that is weighed in the balance
of truth when a deceased individual is examined
by the gods Anubis and Thoth. The
Book of the Dead provides spells to protect
and strengthen the heart as preparation for
this ordeal.
5:3. adultery in the ancient Near East. Having
sexual relations with another man’s wife
was punishable by death in both the biblical
and the ancient Near Eastern codes. The
Egyptian Tale of Two Brothers calls it a “great
crime” that is not to be considered by an
honest man or woman. This was an attack
563 PROVERBS 6:1—8:11
on a man’s household, stealing his rights to
procreate and endangering the orderly
transmission of his estate to his heirs (see
comment on Ex 20:14. The act itself defiles
both participants Lev 18:20. Since it is not
only an attack on the sanctity of the household
but also a source of general contamination,
adultery serves as a reason for God to
expel the people from the land (Lev
18:24-25). The Egyptian Instruction of Any
(mid-second millennium) has a paragraph
that advises to beware of the strange woman
away from her husband who is seeking
to ensnare.
PROVERBS 6:1—8:11 6:1. securities and pledges. The expression
used here and paralleled in 11:15 and 17:18
shows an aversion to some common business
practices, including charging interest on
loans and standing surety for debts. The
Laws of Eshnunna and Hammurabi’s Code
both describe in great detail the rules applied
to these business transactions and the consequences
of forfeiture. The weight that debt
bears on an individual is graphically portrayed
in the Assyrian sage Ahiqar’s statement,
“I have hauled sand, and carried salt,
but nothing is heavier than debt.” Proverbs
thus provides the admonition to pay one’s
own debts, not burden others with interest
on loans, and not become a creditor who may
in turn lose everything based on bad loans
(see Prov 22:26-27.
6:6. ant behavior. Examination of the creatures
of nature provides both good and bad
examples of behavior. The ant is proclaimed
the paragon of hard work and foresightedness
(compare Prov 30:25, storing food
against the future. Yet another aspect of
their character is noted in a letter from the
El Amarna archive, stating that the ant, despite
its small size, is willing to defend itself
when provoked.
6:21. bound on the heart, fastened around the
neck. This introductory statement, like that in
3:1-3 and 7:1-3, combines the importance of
the wisdom statements with a physical object
as a perpetual reminder. Thus the “Shema”
statement of Deuteronomy 6:6-9 is to be tied
“as symbols on your hands” and bound “on
your foreheads.” See the comment on Deuteronomy
6:8 for the use of a warding amulet,
worn around the neck, near the heart, to protect
the bearer from evil.
7:3. bind on fingers. See comments on 3:3 and
6:21.
7:8, 12. corner. Babylonian texts speak of small
open-air shrines or niches on street corners or
courtyards. One text says that there were 180
of them in the city of Babylon to the goddess
Ishtar. These shrines featured a raised structure
with an altar on the top and seem to have
been frequented primarily by women. In this
sense, the word “corner” may refer to what is
basically a cultic niche.
7:13. brazen face. Compare the stance and attitude
of the “brazen prostitute” in Ezekiel
16:30. The Hebrew term translated here as
“brazen” is more often rendered as “strong”
or “fierce” (see Dan 8:23, but it can also take
on the connotation of “impudent” as in Ecclesiastes
8:1. This latter translation fits the
context of the adulteress who lies in wait for
her victims and confidently invites them into
her perfumed chambers. It also can be compared
to the wife in Hammurabi’s Code who
is “not circumspect” and “disparages her
husband.”
7:16. colored linens from Egypt. One of the
most important trade items produced in
Egypt was linen (see Ezek 27:7. Royal and
personal texts contain mention of its production
from flax thread and its use as a medium
of exchange or barter. One Eleventh Dynasty
text (First Intermediate Period) describes how
a farmer used cloth woven from flax harvested
on his land to pay rent. Colored cloth, adding
an additional step to the manufacturing
process, would have been costly and in the
case of the adulteress was used as both a sign
of wealth and a brightly colored enticement to
enter her chamber.
7:17. perfumed bed. Like her linen coverings
the adulteress uses foreign fragrances to
transform her bedchamber into an exotic and
desirable trap. Perfumes (like myrrh, frankincense
and aloes—see Song 3:6; 4:14) traveled
to Palestine by caravan from India and
the Arabian desert and up the Red Sea coast.
Perfume jars have been excavated at many
sites in the Near East. Manufacture and rendering
of spices and perfumes are depicted
on Egyptian tomb paintings, but much of the
details of these ancient processes have been
lost.
7:23. arrow piercing liver. Egyptian tomb
paintings often depict the noble deceased
hunting in the marshlands. Beaters frighten
the fowl to break from cover, and in their
terror a hail of arrows from the hunters unexpectedly
meets them. The unsuspecting
character of the adulteress’s victim suggests
this same attitude of preoccupation or
obliviousness to the real danger he faces.
The liver was considered among the most
vital organs, so is mentioned as the target
here.
8:11. rubies as most precious gem. See comment
on 3:15.
PROVERBS 8:22—9:3 564
8:22-29. wisdom as preceding cosmos. Just as
the Gospel of John begins with the statement
“In the beginning was the Word,” here the author(
s) of Proverbs makes the claim that wisdom
was the first of God’s creations, existing
alongside God from the dawn of time.
Throughout the creation of everything else in
the universe, wisdom is present. Like the
Egyptian Maat, which is described as escorting
the creator sun god Re, wisdom appears to
be Yahweh’s messenger, the oldest of created
beings. It is possible that there are also some
connections between this view of wisdom and
the Babylonian creation myth or the Ugaritic
depiction of El, but they cannot be clearly established.
PROVERBS 8:22—9:3 8:30. wisdom as craftsman. R. Murphy has
correctly connected this verse with the use
of “I am” in Exodus 3:14 as a reference to
God the Creator. If the role of wisdom is to
serve with God as a “master craftsman” or
the spirit of creativity, then this is an apt
parallel with the image found in Proverbs
3:19. If, on the other hand, wisdom is “a little
child” (some translations prefer this to
“craftsman”) playing at God’s feet, there is
still a sense of “delight” in being in God’s
presence and sharing in the thrill of emergent
creation at a time when there are no
other cares. Maat in Egyptian texts is also
referred to as a “child of the gods,” whose
play delights them. There are also numerous
examples of craftsmanlike creative acts,
such as Marduk’s shaping of humans in the
Babylonian epic Enuma Elish and the depiction
of the contest between Nintu-Mami and
Ea-Enki to create humans from clay in the
Babylonian Atrahasis Epic. In Egyptian creation
texts from Memphis, the creator deity,
Ptah, is portrayed as the craftsman engaged
in the creative work. Beyond this, Akkadian
literature speaks of the seven great “craftsmen”
who are the ancient sages who came
just after the flood and brought wisdom to
the early kings.
9:1. seven pillars of wisdom’s house. There
have been many theories suggested for wisdom’s
seven-pillared dwelling. They include
the firmaments of heaven, the planets,
the days of creation, the books of the law
and the seven sages of ancient Mesopotamia.
In addition, the Ugaritic epic of Baal
and Anat contains a reference to the dwelling
place of the high god El. He is said to
abide in “the seven chambers of wisdom,
the eight halls of judgment.” Murphy’s suggestion
that the book of Proverbs and its
chapters comprise Dame Wisdom’s house is
also attractive. In the Sumerian lament over
Eridu, Eanna the temple of Enki (the god of
wisdom) is described as having seven niches
and seven fires.
9:3. significance of highest point in the city.
Wisdom calls at the city gate in 8:3 as the place
for making public proclamations. But the
“highest point” is usually equated with the
temple or the palace that typically occupies
the acropolis of a site. The sense of a call to
study, wisdom and righteousness is also
found in Isaiah 2:2, where the Lord’s temple in
Jerusalem serves as the high point that draws
worshipers and “all nations” to that place (see
also Mic 4:1. The good tidings that are to be
proclaimed to the returning exiles in Isaiah
40:9 are also to be shouted from a “high
mountain.”
PROVERBS 10:1—15:25
PROVERBS AS GENERALIZED TRUTH
While there is a universality to wisdom in the book of Proverbs, many of these sayings represent the
collective common sense of the ancient Near East and its cultures during that time period. However,
it should also be understood that statements like “keep my commands and you will live” Prov 7:2
and “the LORD does not let the righteous go hungry” (10:3) are not explicit promises or universal
truths. The values expressed in the biblical world do not necessarily translate perfectly into our
modern age. In addition, there is the physical reality of poverty, need and want that is not an indicator
of a lack of righteousness but merely an expression of economic problems, mental defect and
social ills.
So what is recognized as true of modern proverbs should also be understood as characteristic of
ancient proverbs (biblical or otherwise). They do not represent absolute truth but true perspectives on
life’s circumstances. “April showers bring May flowers” is not a promise or a guarantee. Crime sometimes
does pay. This quality of proverbs is demonstrated for biblical proverbs in the fact that opposite
solutions can be offered to the same problem. Proverbs 26:4 advises not to answer a fool according to his
folly, while the very next verse urges answering a fool according to his folly. The fact is that there are situations
in which verse 4 would be appropriate as well as situations in which verse 5 would be appropriate.
The advice to be followed is often dependent on the situation, and a wise person will know which course
to choose. Our own modern proverbs show a similar tendency in “contradictory” proverbs, such as “He
who hesitates is lost” but “Look before you leap.” Or “Birds of a feather flock together” but “Opposites
attract.”
565 PROVERBS 10:1—15:25
10:1—22:16
Proverbs of Solomon
10:6. retribution principle. The comparison
between the wise person and the fool is a
common theme in the wisdom literature of
the ancient Near East. One task of wisdom is
to reassure the people that evil or foolish behavior
will not be rewarded. Thus in the
Egyptian teachings of Ptah-Hotep (c. twentyfifth
century B.C.) the sage expresses the
proper attitude about work: “The wise rise
early to start to work, but fools rise early to
worry about all there is to do.” The ability to
make one’s way in society without causing
undue harm or distress is described in a saying
by the Egyptian sage Amenemope (c.
eleventh century B.C.): “More dangerous are
the words of fools than storm winds on open
water.” Another Egyptian teacher, Ankhsheshonqy
(c. eighth century B.C.), notes that
“a wise man seeks friends, and a fool seeks
enemies.” In each of these statements the
wisdom tradition makes it clear that there is
a retribution principle operating in the universe
that balances the harm caused by unthinking
words and actions with the healing
words and actions of the wise or righteous
person. For general discussion of the retribution
principle see the sidebars in Job 4 and
on common concepts in Psalms, and the introduction
to the poetic and wisdom literature.
10:10. winks maliciously. The word “maliciously”
is interpretive here, and the other
occurrences of this phrase include both
eyes, so winking is unlikely. An alternative
is suggested by the Akkadian omen-wisdom
that contains a series of omens related to the
eyes. One of them asserts that if a person
closes his eyes, he will speak falsehood. It is
uncertain whether this refers to frequent
blinking or to squinting the eyes shut while
talking. This same concept is expressed in
16:30.
10:11. fountain of life. As the Egyptian sage
Amenemope states, abundant life is to be
found in wise action and speech, but “fools
who talk publicly in the temple are like a tree
planted indoors” that withers and dies for
lack of light and is burned or cast away as
trash. On the other hand, “the wise who are
reserved are like a tree planted in a garden,”
which bears sweet fruit, provides shade and
flourishes “in the garden forever.”
11:1. cheating in the marketplace. The practice
of using “dishonest scales” was a temptation
for shopkeepers and bankers. Within the
civil authority of the state, the Babylonian
Law Code of Hammurabi attempted to curtail
this illegal practice by threatening forfeiture of
an investment by a corrupt banker. In the
realm of wisdom admonition, however, people
are encouraged to strive for proper behavior.
Thus the “eloquent peasant” of Egyptian
wisdom literature advises the king and his officials
of a dangerous situation in which
“those authorized to give full measures short
their people.” The assumption is that the king
will see the wisdom of eliminating such harmful
practices. See the comments on Amos 8:5-6
for discussion of dishonest business practices
in eighth century Israel.
11:15. securities and pledges. See comment
on 6:1.
11:30. tree of life. See comment on 3:18.
13:12. tree of life. See comment on 3:18.
13:24. child discipline in the ancient world.
There was a real concern in ancient legal (see
Sumerian law code and Ex 20:12 and wisdom
writings to teach children to honor and obey
their parents. For instance, the Assyrian sage
Ahiqar makes the familiar statement that to
“spare the rod is to spoil the child.” He also
notes the persons “who do not honor their
parents’ name are cursed for their evil by Shamash,
the god of justice.” The parents’ responsibility
for their children is also a concern. It is
clearly pointed out in the Egyptian Instruction
of Ankhsheshonqy: “The children of fools wander
in the streets, but the children of the wise
are at their parents’ sides” (compare the legal
injunction regarding the prodigal son in Deut
21:18-21).
14:19. bowing down at the gates. In this instance
“gates” refers to the household gates
of the righteous, not the city gates (compare
the obeisance of the king’s servants at the
king’s gate in Esther 3:2. In that sense, therefore,
the parallelism of the verse indicates
that the evildoers will be forced to show subservience
to the righteous, becoming their
servants. A similar case in which due respect
is granted by those who had previously taken
no notice of their “new masters” is found
in Moses’ prediction in Exodus 11:8 that the
Egyptian officials would “bow down before
me.”
15:4. tree of life. See comment on Proverbs
3:18.
15:25. widow’s boundaries. Removal of a
boundary marker was considered a covenant
violation since the land was part of the people’s
inheritance (see Deut 19:14. In Babylonian
ritual texts one explanation given for an
illness is violation of the taboo against setting
up a false boundary stone. The Egyptian
Book of the Dead includes a disclaimer by
PROVERBS 16:10—21:2 566
the petitioner of moving a neighbor’s boundary
marker. To add to the nature of the crime,
the widow lived without the normal legal
protection of her husband and could have
been easily preyed on. Thus the proverb
speaks against infringing her rights. A parallel
to this injunction is found in the teachings
of Amenemope: “Do not poach on the widow’s
field.”
16:10. king as oracle. The words of a king carry
more weight than those of an average citizen.
This becomes a major responsibility for
monarchs, for as Ahiqar notes, the words of
rulers “are two-edged swords.” Few if any
may challenge the words of a king, and thus
as the spokesman for the nation and the
god(s), the ruler must not infringe of the
rights of the people or allow injustice to occur.
As the eloquent peasant says to his pharaoh:
“You are my lord, my last hope, my only
judge.”
PROVERBS 16:10—21:2 16:11. weights and measures. See comment
on 11:1. Note also the statement in the Egyptian
Book of the Dead where the soul about to
be judged by the gods of the afterlife includes
in his “oath of clearance” that he has “not
used false weights for scales.”
16:33. lots. See the comment on 1 Samuel
14:40-43 for the use of lot casting as a means of
decision-making. It is a form of divination in
which the assumption is that God will determine
the cast and thus provide the answer
(usually yes or no) to the question that is
posed.
17:3. refining precious metals. Gold and silver
may be refined in a graphite crucible. Gold
melts at a temperature of 1,945.4 degrees Fahrenheit
and sterling silver at 1,640 degrees
Fahrenheit. An additional 338 degrees is necessary
to allow the metal to be poured without
freezing and not so hot that a destructive
crystalline structure forms or alloys are dissipated
before the metal cools. It is also important
to avoid oxygen infiltration as much as
possible during the melting process so that the
structure of the metal will not become porous.
The refining process requires expertise and an
intimate knowledge of the tools and metals involved.
As such it is an apt metaphor for
God’s testing of the heart (compare the
“weighing of the heart” in the judgment of the
soul in Egyptian religious tradition).
17:18. securities and pledges. See comment
on 6:1.
18:18. casting lots to settle disputes. See comments
on 1 Samuel 14:40-43 and Joshua
7:14-18 for the use of lots to determine the
truth of a situation. On the one hand lots were
used when a random decision was needed (as
we might draw straws or flip a coin). On the
other hand, despite that, it was believed that
God controlled the cast (see 16:33).
19:12. king as lion. Akkadian literature as early
as the third millennium B.C. described a
king (Sargon) as roaring like a lion.
20:8. role of the king. The traditional role of
the king was to dispense justice from his
throne of office (compare comment on 2 Sam
15:2-6, where problems are created when
King David fails in this responsibility, with
comment on Solomon’s role as a wise king in
1 Kings 3:16-28. Although the statement is
made repeatedly in the teachings of Amenemope
that justice “is a gift of the gods,” the assumption
is made that the king, as the gods’
representative, voices their wishes on earth.
Thus Ahiqar, the Assyrian sage, can state that
“the tongue of the ruler is gentle, but it can
break a dragon’s bones.”
20:16. security for wayward woman. The law
regarding taking a garment in pledge for a
debt is found in Exodus 22:26-27 and Deuteronomy
24:10-13 (see comments there). Its
abuse is mentioned in Amos 2:8 and the
Yavneh Yam inscription. Both of those are directed
toward how one is to treat his neighbor.
This proverb deals with those whose reputation
is either unknown or questionable. It
stands as an admonition to the creditor not to
be foolishly lenient and thus risk losing the investment
(compare Prov 27:13.
20:23. weights and scales. See comment on
11:1.
20:26. threshing wheel. See comment on Isaiah
28:28 for a description of the threshing
sledge with attached wheels (or rollers). This
type of sledge (’ôpan ’agalah), minus the stones
and metal teeth found on the morag (platform
sledge), would not have damaged the grain so
severely and thus would have left the job of
separating the chaff from the grain to the winnowing
process.
21:2. weighing the heart. In Egyptian religious
tradition the dead had to face a final
judgment before the gods. Thoth, the scribal
god, recorded the responses of the examined,
while the dead person’s heart was weighed in
a scale against a feather symbolizing Truth. If
the answers were correct, and the heart did
not overbalance the feather, then the soul
could enter the realm of Osiris and live forever.
Failure meant extinction, since a demonlike
god, Sebek, in the shape of a crocodile
consumed the soul. The Pyramid Texts and
the Book of the Dead contained spells and a
list of the proper responses to be given during
this “final examination.” Israelite thought
took over the imagery of this idea, portraying
567 PROVERBS 21:9—23:31
God as weighing the “heart,” the seat of the
intellect and thus the decision-maker, to determine
a person’s capacity for good or evil (see
Eccles 3:17; Jer 20:12.
PROVERBS 21:9—23:31 21:9. corner of a roof. The “better” sayings
provide a contrast or extreme that is preferable
to contact with evil or with the disagreeable.
The corner of a roof or a cramped attic
chamber (see 1 Kings 17:19 would be an uncomfortable
perch, but its dangers or inaccessibility
might protect the sufferer from an
even more unpleasant contact with a nagging
wife (see Prov 21:19; 25:24). The teachings of
Amenemope also use this type of saying:
“Better is a single loaf and a happy heart than
all the riches in the world and sorrow.”
22:16—24:34
Sayings of the Wise
22:20. thirty sayings. A portion of the book of
Proverbs (22:17—24:22) seems to imitate, at
least in part, the literary structure of the Egyptian
Instruction of Amenemope. Both contain a
general introduction that is followed by thirty
chapters or units of very similar advice on
proper behavior. There is some dispute
among scholars on the identification of the
thirty units within the biblical text, since there
are breaks in the sections that may indicate
unrelated segments (see “my son” diversions
at 23:15, 19 and 26). Also arguing against the
connection is the fact that the NIV had to
slightly emend the text to arrive at thirty units
and had to provide the noun sayings so that
there would be something that there were
thirty of. Beyond this difficulty is the fact that
the thirty sections in Proverbs would each be
only a few verses long (four to six lines), while
the thirty chapters in Amenemope average
twelve to sixteen lines in length. The closest
parallels between Amenemope and Proverbs
come to an end at 23:11, and the remaining
units have close ties to other pieces of wisdom
literature, including the teachings of Ahiqar.
This may indicate that the biblical writer or
wisdom school had a general familiarity with
Amenemope and other wisdom literature, but
also a measure of literary independence.
22:26. pledge and securities. See comment on
6:1.
22:28. boundary stone. Plots of land in the ancient
Near East were marked with boundary
stones at each corner. It was common in Mesopotamia
for these stones or kudurrus to contain
an inscription cursing anyone who dared
to remove or shift the marker. God symbols
were also carved into the stones as a sign of
the landowner’s divine patron. Several pieces
of ancient wisdom and legal materials contain
injunctions against tampering with boundary
stones, including the Egyptian Book of the
Dead, the teachings of Amenemope, and Deuteronomy
19:14 (see the comment on Prov
15:25).
23:10. fields of the fatherless. There is a general
admonition in Israelite law not to take advantage
of the poor and powerless, such as
widows and orphans Ex 22:22; Deut 27:19.
However, such abuse did occur. For instance,
Micah 2:2 charges evildoers with seizing fields
and defrauding their fellow Israelites of their
inheritance. Concern for dependents of prisoners
of war or their widows can also be
found in the Middle Assyrian Laws, where
the government can be petitioned to provide
for the needs of these people.
23:13-14. child discipline. The discipline of
children, including corporal punishment, was
considered wise and essential to the child’s
welfare. The Aramaic proverbs of Ahiqar include
almost identical lines to those found
here: “Do not withhold your son from the rod,
or you will not be able to save him. If I strike
you, my son, you will not die, but if I allow
you to follow your heart [you will not live].”
23:21. gluttony. Gluttony was often condemned
in Egyptian wisdom literature. Closest
to this verse is the instruction found in
Papyrus Insinger: “Do not be a glutton lest you
become the companion of poverty.”
23:30. bowls of mixed wine. The alcoholic potency
of the wine, normally mixed with water,
is enhanced with the addition of honey or
pepper to create a type of “spiced wine.” As in
Proverbs 20:1 the fool is the one who overindulges
in wine. Drunkenness runs counter to
the wisdom tradition. For instance, the Greek
custom of the “symposium,” or drinking party,
regulated the amount of wine consumed so
that rational discourse was possible and a
general atmosphere was maintained in which
the celebrants could freely release their cares
and display their talents in song and poetry.
See comment on Ecclesiastes 9:7.
23:31. wine when it is red. It is not clear
whether there is some fascination with the color
red that is a further inducement to overindulge
in strong drink (as is suggested by the
Septuagint reading here) or whether there is a
translation problem at this point. The sparkling
nature of wine may indicate a particularly
potent vintage that is smooth to the
palate (see Song 7:9 or may be related to a
term for wine in the Ugaritic Baal epic. The
Egyptian Instruction of Any likewise includes
warnings against drunkenness as leading to
careless speech, bodily harm, rejection by
PROVERBS 24:13—25:22
568
friends and loss of senses.
24:13. honey and honey from the comb.
The
wisdom writer here follows a tradition found
in both Psalm 19:10 and Ezekiel 3:3 in which
God’s words/laws are equated with wisdom
and are therefore to be desired. In most Old
Testament texts honey represents a natural resource,
probably the syrup of the date rather
than bees’ honey. There is no evidence of bee
domestication in Israel, though the Hittites
had accomplished that and used bee honey in
their sacrifices (as did the Canaanites). In the
Bible honey occurs in lists with other agricultural
products (see 2 Chron 31:5. Here the reference
to the honeycomb differentiates the
product as bees’ honey. Note also that honey
from the comb would be the freshest and tastiest
kind. Akkadian texts also use honey figuratively
as they speak of praise being sweeter
than honey or wine.
PROVERBS 24:13—25:22
25:1—29:27
Proverbs of Solomon Gathered by
Hezekiah’s Men
25:1. Hezekiah’s men.
Who these councilors
or scribal officials might be is uncertain. Several
advisers to King Hezekiah of Judah are
mentioned in 2 Kings 18:18, but there is no
way to equate them with the recorders of the
“proverbs of Solomon.” National crisis, however,
is a time for reflection, and perhaps
Hezekiah attempted to gain God’s favor by
having traditional wisdom sayings recorded
and disseminated (compare the teachings of
Ahiqar, a guide to proper behavior, which
were presented to the king of Assyria as a
means of his returning to royal favor). Certainly
the text suggests that Hezekiah had
court-sponsored sages who gathered and
compiled wisdom sayings.
25:4. refinement of silver.
For silver to be
shaped into jewelry or decorative design it
must be purified of the iron oxide that naturally
occurs within the ore, or it will corrode
or become too brittle when cool. Care must
also be taken that no foreign matter be alloyed
with the silver during the smelting process.
This requires a temperature of 1,640 degrees
Fahrenheit for sterling silver (containing 7.5
parts of copper alloy) and a graphite crucible.
Proper refining of the metal thus forms a parallel
with a king who attempts to purge his
court of evil by removing disloyal and foolish
advisers. The eloquent peasant of Egyptian
wisdom also admonishes the pharaoh to be
just, “a ruler without greed” and “a destroyer
of lies.”
25:11. apples of gold in silver settings.
As in
15:23 a well-turned phrase or a wisdom statement
is said to be of great value. The writer
here uses the metaphor of a finely worked
piece of jewelry whose craftsman has been
able to balance a golden piece of fruit amidst
an intricately designed silver setting. The delicacy
of this decorative device draws the eye,
just as a clever saying touches the mind. Some
have suggested that the fruit named here is an
apricot rather than an apple, but it makes no
difference to the imagery.
25:13. snow at harvest.
According to the work
calendar outlined in the Gezer Almanac (late
tenth-century Hebrew inscription), harvest activity
occurred in the spring and in the mid
and late summer months. Thus the dream of a
cool breeze or even snow may well have been
on the mind of workers laboring in the hot
sun. An alternate interprets “snow” as water
melted from snow and therefore cool and refreshing.
Others have seen a reference to carefully
packaged ice and snow being brought
from the mountains. Either way this serves as
an apt metaphor for the relief brought by a
long-awaited messenger whose news refreshes
and soothes the mind (the teachings of
Ptah-Hotep likewise express the value of a
messenger’s words).
25:20. vinegar on soda.
This verse has textual
problems too numerous and complex to discuss
here, and there is a disagreement in the
ancient translations (LXX, Syriac) over its details.
Vinegar is an acidic product, while soda is
a base. Combining them would immediately
produce a very noticeable chemical reaction.
Taking away a coat on a cold day would likewise
bring an extreme reaction (shivering with
cold). Historically, singing to someone who
was depressed also brought an extreme reaction
when Saul tried to kill David.
25:22. heap burning coals on his head.
The
Instruction
of Amenemope
also advises the wise
person to shame fools or their enemies by pulling
them out of deep water and by feeding
them one’s bread until they are so full that they
are ashamed. Similarly, the precepts and admonitions
in Babylonian wisdom literature
states that the wise man should not “return
evil to the man who disputes with you” and
should in fact “smile on your adversary.” This
is surely the direction this proverb goes, but
the metaphor of heaping burning coals on the
head remains elusive. Suggestions offering
cultural explanations have included the following:
(1) there is an Egyptian ritual (mentioned
in a late demotic text from the third
century
B
.
C
.) in which a man apparently gave
public evidence of his penitence by carrying a
pan of burning charcoal on his head when he
569 PROVERBS 25:23—31:7
went to ask forgiveness of the one he had offended;
(2) in the Middle Assyrian laws there
is an example of a punishment in which hot asphalt
was poured on the offender’s head. Both
of these have difficulties. The first is in a late
text and the action referred to has been variously
interpreted. The second is hot tar, not
coals, and is a punishment much like tarring
(and feathering) in more recent history. Paul
quotes this proverb in Romans 12:20.
PROVERBS 25:23—31:7 25:23. north wind. In Israel a north wind does
not bring rain but fair weather. It is therefore
suggested that this proverb had its origin in
Egypt where the north wind does bring the
rain off the Mediterranean (five to ten inches
per year in the delta).
25:24. corner of a roof. See comment on 21:9.
26:1. weather cycles in Palestine. Snow never
occurs in the summer in Palestine, and rain is
an extremely rare event during the harvests of
spring and summer. The Mediterranean climate
of Syro-Palestine brings rain and cooler
temperature (below freezing in the higher elevations
as at Jerusalem) during the winter
months (October to February), and the remainder
of the year is dry, with only an occasional
freak shower. Thus this statement is like many
in ancient wisdom literature (Amenemope and
Ankhsheshonqy) in which the fool is described
as “unteachable” and dishonorable. As Ahiqar
notes, there is no point is sending the bedouin
to sea, for it is not his natural habitat.
26:16. seven. R. Clifford has suggested that
this is a reference to the famed seven sages
who brought civilization and wisdom to the
world in Mesopotamian lore. The seven apkallu
came before the flood, and their counterparts,
the seven ummanu, came after the flood.
This is possible, but one would expect a definite
article (the seven) if it were the case.
26:23. pottery and glaze. While a glaze may be
applied to pottery as decoration, it may also
hide flaws and thus cheat the one who purchases
the pot. Similarly, a silver dross or covering
made of adulterated, oxidized metal may
initially look good but will quickly tarnish or
flake off. Thus the fervent or “burning” lips
(see 16:27) of a scoundrel may attempt to cover
his hatred and malice with deceitful words.
26:24. lips/heart. An Akkadian proverb draws
the same distinction, observing that a man
may speak friendly words with his lips but
have a heart full of murder. The incantation
series Shurpu speaks of one whose speech is
straightforward but whose heart is devious.
27:9. perfume and incense. Various pungent
scents were part of the Israelite’s everyday
life. To cover some of the more offensive
smells, to enhance one’s sexual attractiveness
Esther 2:12; Song 1:13; see the thirteenthcentury
B.C. Egyptian love songs) and to serve as
an offering to God (see comment on Ex
30:34-38), perfumes were concocted and incense
burnt. Among the most common were frankincense,
myrrh, saffron and mixtures of cinnamon,
cassia and olive oil. Such a pleasant fragrance is
an apt parallel with a friend’s wise advice.
27:13. securities and pledges. See comment
on 6:1.
27:21. refining precious metals. See comment
on 17:3.
28:8. exorbitant interest rates. The law forbade
charging interest on money or commodities
loaned to fellow Israelites (see comment
on Ex 22:25. It was lawful to charge interest in
transactions with non-Israelites Deut 23:20,
and there is ample evidence of interest rates as
high as 20 percent in Hammurabi’s Code (see
the comment on Ex 22:25. Usury as a means
of building one’s own fortune was considered
inappropriate for Israelites, since loans were
designed to aid one’s fellow, not to take advantage
of his financial difficulties (see comment
on Neh 5:7.
30:1—31:9
Sayings of Agur and Lemuel’s
Mother
30:25. ants. See comment on 6:6.
30:26. coneys. The Syrian hyrax or rock badger
is an ungulate mammal that lives in rocky
cliff faces and inaccessible rocky climes. As a
result it finds its protection in its isolated existence
(see Ps 104:18. In addition, the ingenuity
it takes to live in seemingly uninhabitable
places points up the adaptability
and resourcefulness of this creature.
30:27. locusts. See comments on Amos 4:9 and
Joel 1:4-7 for the destructive power of the locust.
The fact that their swarms move en
masse without a clear leader makes their
strength even more ominous to behold.
30:28. lizard. The ability of lizards to scurry
along the ground Lev 11:29 into the most secure
places, including the royal palace, may
make them the envy of some humans who
wish for such exalted residences. There is also
a sense here that despite the fact that they lack
natural defenses and can be captured by
hand, lizards make the most of what abilities
they do have to succeed.
31:4-7. drunkenness in ancient world. The
brewing of various types of beer and the fermenting
of wine from dates and grapes is
known in Mesopotamia and Egypt from protoliterate
times (c. 4000 B.C.). Banqueting scenes
are common in Assyrian art and depict parties
PROVERBS 31:10—ECCLESIASTES 1:1 570
of men and women eating from tables stacked
high with food and drinking from cups and
through straws. The Babylonian creation epic,
Enuma Elish, describes how the gods banqueted,
making “the sweet liquor flow through
their drinking tubes” (a necessity since the lees
of the beverage were so thick). A Sumerian
hymn to the goddess Ninkasi celebrates the
brewing process and gives thanks for the beverage
that slakes the thirst and gushes forth in
abundance like the Tigris and Euphrates. The
ills of drunkenness are found in Psalm 69:12
and Proverbs 20:1 and in the drunken parties
portrayed in Daniel 5:1-4 and Esther 1:3-8, and
were also well recognized across the ancient
Near East. Egyptian wisdom literature warns
against intoxication with its accompanying
lack of control and the resulting social rejection.
There is evidence from the Mari texts of intoxication
being viewed as a favorable condition
for receiving divine oracles.
PROVERBS 31:10—ecclesiastes 1:1
31:10-31
Noble Wife
31:10. rubies as most precious gem. See comment
on 3:15.
31:13. selection of wool and flax. The idealized
wife in this extended proverb has the
ability to wisely choose the best grades of
wool and flax for her weaving (note the prohibition
against weaving wool and linen together
in Deut 22:11. Flax was grown for its seeds
and its fibers, and could be used to make
clothing, belts and lamp wicks. Wool and flax
are also paired in Hosea 2:9, along with grain
and wine, as the gifts that God, Israel’s husband,
gives as part of the covenantal promise
(also listed in Hammurabi’s Code and the
Middle Assyrian laws as part of a husband’s
responsibility to his wife).
31:16-24. business enterprises for women.
Hammurabi’s Code contains several laws regulating
the activities of Babylonian women
who operate inns or taverns. However, this
may not be construed in the same light as having
the ability to buy a field or sell finely dyed
and woven garments as a professional seamstress.
The idealized picture of the “perfect
wife” in this proverb goes beyond anything
that the biblical text elsewhere suggests was
open to women. Ordinarily they did not have
the legal standing to purchase land, although
they certainly worked hard with their families
to cultivate it and deal with its produce. The
one industry mentioned in ancient Near Eastern
texts that was open to female enterprise
was weaving, and this may be the model for
all the other activities.
31:19. distaff and spindle. The terms translated
as distaff and spindle only appear here.
However, the context suggests that the translation
is appropriate and that these are simply
technical terms related to the task of spinning
and weaving. There is a sense of intense activity
performed by a determined woman willing
to “gird up her loins” (i.e., pull up her
sleeves) and produce large quantities of woven
goods for both her family and for merchants
to sell for her.
31:21. scarlet. See the comments on Exodus
25:4 and 25:5 for discussion of the various
dyes used to color fabrics, especially linen. A
red or purple dye would have been expensive
and reserved for the wealthy.
31:22. fine linen and purple. A sheet of fine
linen would have been a valuable and desirable
commodity, to be used as a bed covering
or cut into smaller pieces for garments (see
Judg 14:12-13 and Is 3:23. A purple dye made
from the glandular fluid of sea mollusks
would have been quite expensive and in this
context is a symbol of how prosperous the
ideal wife makes her household.
31:23. elders at the city gate. The traditional
place for the city elders to gather to do business
(see Lot in Sodom’s gate in Gen 19:1 and
to hear legal arguments was at the city gate
(see Ruth 4:1-4. Old Babylonian records note
the legal role of the elders in judging land disputes,
hearing the taking of oaths and serving
as witnesses to various transactions (see Jer
32:12).
E C C L E S I A S T E S
1:1. “son” of David. The term “son” can signify
either a political relationship or kinship (any
male descendant can be called a son). In this
context it associates the Teacher with one of
David’s royal descendants, Solomon being the
most obvious candidate that comes to mind.
571 ECCLESIASTES 1:2—3:5
1:2. meaningless. As early as Sumerian literature
and throughout the traditions of the ancient
Near East the meaninglessness of
existence, and particularly of the human
plight, had been recognized: from the days of
old there has been vanity (wind).
1:9. nothing new under the sun. From Assyrian
royal inscriptions it appears that the
kings were constantly seeking out accomplishments
so they could boast they had
done something that had never been done or
achieved before. The king could thereby
include himself among the “creators” or
“founders”—ones who had established precedents.
Such accomplishments included
quest or conquest; building of a road, palace,
temple or city; or the introduction of a new
technique or celebration.
1:13. role of the sage. Sages seem to have comprised
a different guild from the scribes,
though their exact function and nature is obscure.
They were certainly teachers, but
whether they had formal training or taught
formally is unknown. Sages were known in
other ancient Near Eastern cultures and were
sometimes counselors to royalty. For more information
see comment on Proverbs 1:1.
2:5. gardens and parks. Palaces were often
surrounded by a private garden planted with
fruit trees and shade trees, with watercourses,
pools and paths—more like a park. The arboretum
often contained many exotic trees and
plants. Such gardens have been excavated at
Pasargadae, Cyrus the Great’s capital city.
2:6. irrigation systems. Mesha of Moab (ninth
century B.C.) also claims in his list of achievements
to have built reservoirs for water in the
king’s house. The Jewish historian Josephus
claims in his Jewish War that the King’s Pool in
Jerusalem was built by Solomon.
2:7. slavery in Israel. There were individuals
in Israel who were deprived of at least part of
their freedom and who could be bought and
sold. The most common term for slave in Torah
was ’ebed. This term, however, was vague
(similar to its Akkadian counterpart, wardu),
since it was used for anyone in a subordinate
position to someone of a higher rank; it was
thus a term for general dependence. It has often
been translated as “servant.” Even patriarchs
and monarchs were servants of God,
and all the inhabitants of both Israel and
Judah were servants or subjects of the king,
including the members of the royal family.
David was at one time a slave (vassal) of the
Philistine king Achish, and Ahaz of Judah was
servant to the Assyrian king Tiglath-Pileser
III. A chief source of slavery was prisoners of
war, who were sold as slaves. However, in the
Mosaic Law an Israelite could not be forced to
do the work of a slave. The only way an Israelite
could be reduced to servitude was because
of his or her own poverty or if he or she had
been given over as security for a relative’s
poverty. This slavery ended once the debt was
paid. There is very little mentioned about the
number of domestic servants and slaves in ancient
Israel. For example, a census taken after
the exile (fifth century B.C.) recorded over seven
thousand slaves, as compared to over forty
thousand free persons. A well-off family probably
owned one or more domestic servants.
Although a slave was considered property, he
or she was also considered human and thus
had certain rights. The slave was considered a
part of the family, as evidenced by the requirement
of circumcision. Although there was no
predominance of slave labor in agriculture,
the artisan trades or any branch of the economy,
there appears to have been some employment
of state slavery during the period of the
monarchy (c. 1000-586 B.C.). David set the
population to work making bricks, while Solomon
used “slaves” to work in the mines at
Arabah, in the factories at Ezion Geber and in
the work of the royal palace and temple. Most
of these slaves were Canaanites and not Israelites.
ECCLESIASTES 12:28—35:15 2:8. singers. Musicians were usually retained
for the ruler’s entertainment or for cultic ceremonies.
Since both male and female singers
are included here, the latter is more likely. Mesopotamia
and Egypt had long histories of
both popular and religious music that must
have been known to the Israelites. Ancient
Egyptian tomb paintings demonstrate the
postures of dancers as well as a wide variety
of musical instruments. Court musicians, both
male and female, are attested at many royal
courts throughout the ancient Near East. They
are attested in texts (including, for instance,
Uruk and Mari) in the Tigris-Euphrates Valley,
Hittite Anatolia and Egypt. They were included
among permanent palace personnel, as rations
lists demonstrate.
2:8. harem. The term here is usually considered
a designation for concubines, but the
word occurs only here and is obscure. Certainly
the taking of concubines was a normal pattern
of behavior for kings. Others have
suggested that the word should be translated
“treasure chests.”
3:5. scattering and gathering stones. Stones
were cleared away from a field so that the
farmer could use it for agricultural purposes
(see Is 5:2. One threw stones into an enemy’s
field so that it could not produce yield (2
Kings 3:19, 25; Is 5:2.
ECCLESIASTES 3:16—6:3 572
3:16. corruption of the judiciary. The writer
bemoans the fact that what had previously
been justice has become wickedness. In other
words, the normal course of the world has
been overturned, a common theme in Mesopotamian
literature, especially in the literary
piece called the Babylonian Job. For more information
see comments on Isaiah 5:23.
4:12. cord of three strands. This phrase was
evidently well known in the ancient Near
East. In the Sumerian story of Gilgamesh and
the Land of the Living Gilgamesh encourages
Enkidu as they anxiously anticipate their battle
with the fearsome Huwawa. He suggests
that the two of them can defend one another
and so they will succeed.
5:1. options in the temple. Ancient Near
Eastern literature offers similar cautions. The
Egyptian Instruction for Merikare commends
the character of someone who is upright in
heart over the sacrifice of an evil person. An
inscription from Ugarit comments on the actions
of a fool who rushes to offer prayers to
appease his god even though he has no sense
of guilt. The options mentioned in the text
contrast the direction of communication. The
sacrifice of the fool usually accompanies a
petition to the deity for favor or the granting
of a request. What one listens to in the temple
would typically be an oracle in which the
deity can express favor or disfavor. The
Egyptian Teaching of Ptah-Hotep spends nearly
fifty lines extolling the virtues of one who
hears over the foolishness of one who speaks
rashly.
5:2. swearing of oaths. This verse most likely
refers to the swearing of oaths, for rash oaths
were known to be a problem. The swearing of
an oath was considered a very serious matter
in ancient Israel. An oath was always sworn in
the name of a god. This placed a heavy responsibility
on the one who swore such an
oath to carry out its stipulations, since he
would be liable to divine as well as human
retribution if he did not. Oaths were used in
legal proceedings and for political treaties and
covenants. Client kings and dominant kings
alike were required to abide by their oaths to
support each other.
5:3. dreams. Dreams in the ancient world were
thought to offer information from the divine
realm and were therefore taken very seriously.
Some dreams given to prophets and kings
were considered a means of divine revelation.
Most dreams, however, the ordinary dreams
of common people, were believed to contain
omens that communicated information about
what the gods were doing. Those that were
revelation usually identified the deity and often
involved the deity. The dreams that were
omens usually made no reference to deity.
Dreams were often filled with symbolism necessitating
an interpreter, though at times the
symbols were reasonably self-evident. The information
that came through dreams was not
believed to be irreversible, but a dream could
be a cause for concern, if not alarm. This verse
would then best be read, “As a dream is accompanied
by many worries, so a fool’s
speech comes with many words.”
5:4. vows. Information concerning vows can
be found in most of the cultures of the ancient
Near East, including the Hittite, Ugaritic, Mesopotamian
and, less often, Egyptian. Vows
were voluntary agreements made with deity.
The vows would typically be conditional and
accompany a petition made to deity. They
were cultic commitments to God in which the
worshiper promised to undertake a certain action
if God answered his or her request. Artifacts
used as votive offerings have been found
at various archaeological sites in the Levant.
Moreover, votive stelae from Phoenicia and
literature (prayers and thanksgiving texts)
from Mesopotamia, Egypt and Anatolia show
evidence of vow-making. For more information
see comment on 1 Samuel 1:11.
5:6. temple messenger. Scholars are not certain
as to who this temple messenger was, as
there is no other biblical reference to the office.
From this verse we can assume there was a
temple official whose job was to make sure
that worshipers had fulfilled their vows. Similar
functionaries may have been referred to on
Phoenician inscriptions.
5:8. corrupt bureaucracy. The king in the ancient
Near East was required to protect the legal
rights of his people. The royal bureaucracy
was thus responsible for justice and righteousness.
Too often, however, reality was much
harsher. By the time everyone (local officials
all the way up to the temple and palace) got
their share of the farmer’s crop (in the form of
produce taxation), bare subsistence was all
that was possible.
ECCLESIASTES 3:16—6:3 5:17. eating in darkness. If one works in the
fields from sunup till sundown, then both
breakfast and supper are eaten in the dark.
Thus those who desire wealth will not have
fulfillment.
6:3. importance of proper burial. In Mesopotamia
those who had not been properly buried
were condemned to wander the earth aimlessly
as spirits and to bother the living. This
idea is implied in the horror observed in biblical
texts concerning individuals who died in a
violent manner without proper burial. Most
ancient peoples believed that proper, timely
573 ECCLESIASTES 6:6—8:12
burial affected the quality of the afterlife. See
the comment on 1 Kings 16:4. In the Gilgamesh
Epic Enkidu, having returned from
the netherworld, reports to Gilgamesh that
the one who died unburied has no rest and
that the one who had no living relatives to
take care of him could only eat what was
thrown into the street. A Babylonian curse relates
burial to the uniting of the spirit of the
dead with loved ones. We know that even Israelites
believed that proper burial affected
one’s afterlife, because they, like their neighbors,
buried their loved ones with the provisions
that would serve them in the afterlife
most often pottery vessels (filled with food)
and jewelry (to ward off evil), with tools and
personal items sometimes added.
6:6. all go to the same place. In Israelite understanding
(reflected also in many of the surrounding
cultures) the choices were not
heaven or hell but life or death. This verse is
talking about human destiny, and therefore
the place where all went was Sheol, the abode
of the dead. For more information about afterlife
beliefs see the comments on Job 3:13-19
and the sidebar on Isaiah 14.
7:1. fine perfume. Banqueters in the ancient
world were often treated by a generous host
to fine oils that would be used to anoint their
foreheads. This provided not only a glistening
sheen to their countenance but also would
have added a fragrance to their persons and
the room. For example, an Assyrian text from
Esarhaddon’s reign describes how he
“drenched the foreheads” of his guests at a
royal banquet with “choicest oils.”
7:6. crackling thorns under the pot. The thin
wood of thorn bushes produces a lot of noise
that draws attention as it bursts quickly into
flame. In reality, however, it makes very poor
firewood and gives off no lasting heat.
ECCLESIASTES 6:6—8:12 7:7. bribery in Israel. Gift-giving was common
in ancient Israel. Sacrifices and other offerings
were considered gifts to God. Giftgiving
between individuals was also important,
although in some cases gifts were considered
improper (because of the motive of the
giver), causing the gift to be considered a
bribe. It is in this context that the Israelites
were commanded not to take gifts (i.e., bribes)
since they “blind the wise” (see comment on
Ex 23:8. As evidenced by the preface to the
Code of Hammurabi (c. 1750 B.C.) and the
statements made by the eloquent peasant in
Egyptian wisdom literature (c. 2100 B.C.), the
standard of behavior for those in authority
was to protect the rights of the poor and weak
in society. An efficiently administered state in
the ancient Near East depended on the reliability
of the law and its enforcement. To this
end every organized state created a bureaucracy
of judges and local officials to deal with
civil and criminal cases. It was their task to
hear testimony, investigate charges, evaluate
evidence and execute judgment (detailed in
the Middle Assyrian Laws and the Code of
Hammurabi). The temptation for judges and
government officials to accept bribes is found
in every time and place. In the ancient Near
East taking bribes became almost institutionally
accepted in bureaucratic situations, as
competing parties attempted to outmaneuver
each other. However, at least on the ideal level,
arguments and penalties were imposed to
eliminate or at least lessen this problem. Thus
Hammurabi’s Code 5 placed harsh penalties
on any judge who altered one of his decisions
(presumably because of a bribe), including
stiff fines and permanent removal from the
bench.
7:12. money as shelter. The word the NIV
translates “shelter” is the word usually rendered
“shade.” It is a metaphor for the protection
and comfort that come with relief from
the hot sun. This may have been a well-known
proverb, but it has not been found elsewhere.
Presumably the shadow of money, like wisdom,
is the protection that money affords the
individual.
7:13. straighten what is crooked. In the ancient
Near East the pious were constantly baffled
concerning what the gods were doing and
why they were doing it. In a Sumerian hymn
to Enlil the poet says, “Your immensely clever
deeds are dismaying, their meaning is a twisted
thread that cannot be separated” (ANET,
575).
8:2. courtier’s conduct. Advice concerning
how to conduct oneself as a courtier is expected
in wisdom literature, since its primary
function was training future palace functionaries.
The Egyptian Teaching of Ptah-Hotep addresses
many of its paragraphs to people in
various leadership capacities. The Instruction
of Ankhsheshonqy advises in much the same
way as this section of Ecclesiastes: “Do not
make a judgment in which you are wrong”
(16:17); “Do not hasten when you speak before
your master” (17:10). The advice to the
courtier described here is also similar to that
in the Words of Ahiqar, a counselor at the Assyrian
court in the seventh century B.C.
8:11-12. criminal punishment in Israel. Israel
shared a common legal tradition with the rest
of the ancient Near East concerning criminal
punishment. The most common penalties in
the Bible were stoning, death by fire and mutilation.
Ancient Near Eastern sources (e.g., the
ECCLESIASTES 9:5—10:2 574
Code of Hammurabi and the Middle Assyrian
Laws) occasionally mention the methods of
punishment, which included drowning, mutilation
and impalement. Imprisonment was
not used as a punishment for crime, though
there were debtors’ prisons and political prisoners.
Additionally, prisons would be used to
detain those awaiting trial.
9:5, 10. no reward. The term “reward” here
probably refers to the benefits of life, in which
the dead cannot partake. They cannot enjoy
any of those things that are considered blessings
in this life. Beyond that, this also indicates
the Israelite belief that there was no
heavenly reward for a life of faith or good
works. They believed that God’s justice was
carried out in this life rather than in the afterlife.
9:7-10. eat, drink and be merry. The Greek
philosopher Epicurus was not the first to commend
this approach to life. Even Gilgamesh
was advised to let his belly be full, make merry
day and night, and let his garments be
clean and fresh and his body be bathed. He
was urged to take delight in his children and
wife. In Egyptian literature the Harper’s Song
from the first half of the second millennium
advise a life of rejoicing and pursuing pleasure.
This includes anointing the head and
dressing in fine clothes.
ECCLESIASTES 9:5—10:2 9:7. wine. There were a number of different
types of wine in ancient Israel. The most common
form of wine was from the Vitus vinifera
L. grape. It was typically red Gen 49:11-12;
Prov 23:31; white wine is mentioned only in
rabbinic sources). The Old Testament mentions
the existence of a “sweet wine,” probably
produced by exposing the grapes to the
sun for at least three days before treading.
Vinegar (i.e., sour wine) was used for seasoning
and for its medicinal value. The most common
mixture was wine diluted with water,
although spices were also mixed with this
beverage. As in the rest of the Near East wine
was not the most common beverage but was
used for special occasions, including feasts,
coronations and weddings. There were certain
biblical restrictions to the drinking of wine
that were primarily of a cultic (e.g., Lev 10:9
and dedicatory nature (i.e., Nazirite vow).
Wine was also used in the Israelite cult (e.g.,
drink offerings). Wine was apparently an important
commercial item, as Solomon provided
wine to Hiram of Tyre in exchange for the
building of the temple 2 Chron 2:10, 15.
9:8. clothed in white. Scholars have understood
the color white to symbolize purity, festivity
or elevated social status. In both Egypt
(Story of Sinuhe) and Mesopotamia (Epic of
Gilgamesh) clean or bright garments conveyed
a sense of well-being. Moreover, the hot
Middle Eastern climate favors the wearing of
white clothes to reflect the heat.
9:8. anointed head. Oil preserved the complexion
in the hot Middle Eastern climate.
Both the Egyptian Song of the Harper and the
Mesopotamian Epic of Gilgamesh describe individuals
clothed in fine linen and with myrrh
on their head.
9:11. concept of fate. Fate, an impersonal
force, controlled the destiny of things. Enki,
the god of wisdom, wore a sorcerer’s hat,
showing that he attempted to control and
predict fate, much like a human sorcerer. Fate
was written on tablets, and those who controlled
them controlled the destiny of the
universe. If they were in the wrong hands,
there was chaos in the world. In one myth a
bird deity (Anzu) stole the tablets of fate,
which caused quite a stir within the divine
community until he was killed. The Israelite
concept of fate or chance was different than
in Mesopotamia. Instead of viewing something
as a random happening (Fate), they
would consider it simply an unexpected
event (serendipity). “Time” and “chance” are
presented here not as two separate contingencies
but as a single factor. A “well-timed
coincidence” can occur in any situation and
alter what would have been considered an
assured outcome.
9:12. hunting/fishing. Although Ishmael and
Esau were known as hunters, hunting was not
a typical vocation in Israel except in time of
hunger or to get rid of the wild animals that
caused danger to flocks. In both Assyria and
Egypt, however, there are numerous wall reliefs
depicting royal hunting scenes. Hunting
is also implied for Solomon’s court (1 Kings
4:23). This vocation was known well enough
in Israel to be the basis for some metaphors.
Fishing, like hunting, is not mentioned as a
recreational activity in ancient Israel. The
book of Job describes fishing by spear or harpoon
(41:7) or by hook (41:1-2; Is 19:8. Like
hunting, fishing was often the basis of metaphors,
primarily as a figure of God’s judgment
on individuals or nations.
10:1. flies in the perfume. This little phrase is
somewhat like the modern “one bad apple ruins
the whole barrel.” Something as insignificant
as flies will ruin even the best perfume by
making it so disgusting that the whole container
will have to be discarded.
10:2. right and left. While there is no doubt
that the right side was considered the place of
honor and the most protected position, there
is no indication that there was anything nega-
575 ECCLESIASTES 10:8—12:3
tive or inherently weak or evil connected to
the left side, either in the ancient Near East or
in Israel. It was secondary in honor and an unexpected
direction from which to attack. The
fool chose the path of vulnerability and lower
status.
10:8-9. dangers of stated activities. (1) Digging
a pit was an activity designed to catch a
large animal. With that purpose in mind, the
pit was disguised, making it possible that one
could stumble into it oneself. (2) When a stone
wall was dismantled, or when a breach was
made in a wall for a gate, a farmer could unwittingly
disturb a snake who had taken up
residence among the cool stones. (3) The quarrying
of rocks referred to here is probably not
that done by professionals, because the other
activities are all normal agrarian activities.
The verb is used for quarrying but is also used
in more general contexts that deal with uprooting
or taking something out. Alternatively
then, this line could refer to a farmer clearing
stones from his field. Injury could come from
dropped rocks, hernias or scraped arms. (4)
Finally, the dangers inherent in splitting logs
are easily recognizable. The axhead could fly
off the handle or glance off the wood, resulting
in serious injury.
10:11. snake charming. Snakes were greatly
feared in the ancient world as magical beings
as well as for their venom. Snake charming
was a skill known throughout the ancient
Near East. Snake charmers appear to be represented
on Egyptian scarab-amulets (see comment
on Ex 7:11-12. Both Egyptian and
Mesopotamian literature contains examples of
incantations against serpents and their bites.
The word translated “charmed” here should
not evoke images of swaying serpents hypnotized
by pipe-playing swamis. Instead the reference
is to snakes against which the
incantations are ineffective. Akkadian texts
also speak of snakes that are “unconjurable.”
10:20. birds as tattlers. Stories of “little birds”
who told secrets are found in Aristophanes’
The Birds, a classical Greek comedy, and in the
Hittite tale of Elkuhirsa. The proverbs of
Ahiqar assert that a word is like a bird and
that one who releases it lacks sense.
11:1. bread on waters. This proverb has been
found in the Egyptian source the Instruction of
Ankhsheshonqy (“do a good deed and throw it
in the river; when it dries up you shall find
it”) and in Arabic proverbs. If Ecclesiastes follows
the route of Ankhsheshonqy, it suggests
that a spontaneous good deed carries no guarantees
of reciprocity but that “what goes
around, comes around.”
11:2. giving of portions. The giving of portions
generally assumes a situation in which
goods or assets are being distributed (not just
invested). This could be in the context of inheritance
or generosity.
12:1-8. effects of old age. One line of interpretation
sees a physiological allusion in each of
these lines:
verse 2: sight dimmed, depressed
verse 3: trembling hands, stooping posture,
losing teeth, cataracts
verse 4: loss of hearing, awakening early
verse 5: increased fears, gray/white hair,
slow movements, decreased sexual drive
verse 6: weakened spinal cord, deteriorated
mental powers; loss of bladder control;
heart failure
ECCLESIASTES 10:8—12:3 verse 7: death
Some of these connections go back to the
Targums (Jewish interpretive translations into
Aramaic dating to as early as the first century
A.D.), but the connections are difficult to substantiate
since many of them are not attested
elsewhere. So, for instance, to see the “golden
bowl” as a reference to the brain would be
unlikely, since in the ancient world they were
unaware of the function of the brain. Could the
silver cord be the aorta and the golden bowl the
heart? The fact that no one can say shows the
speculative nature of the whole line of interpretation.
The Egyptian Teaching of Ptah-Hotep from
the Middle Kingdom (first half of second millennium
B.C.) opens with a dozen lines describing
the effects of old age (such as eyes dim, ears go
deaf, bones ache, memory and discernment
gone), but it speaks in straightforward terms
rather than using metaphors.
12:3. keepers of the house. The “keepers of
the house” could be male servants, common
as house slaves throughout the ancient Near
East, who often were people in authority (like
Joseph in Potiphar’s house).
12:3. grinders. The grinders are female servants
or prisoners who perform the daily
work of grinding grain to provide bread for
the entire estate. Grinding grain into flour was
usually done with millstones and was the job
of the lowest members of society. One of the
basic “appliances” of any ancient household
would have been the handmill (called a saddle
quern) with two stones for grinding (see
comment on Judg 9:53. Larger milling houses
often served as prison workhouses in Mesopotamia,
but each prisoner still used a handmill
for grinding. Grinding houses would
include prisoners of war, criminals and those
who had defaulted on their debts.
12:3. looking through windows. There is a familiar
motif of a woman looking out the window
that is beautifully represented in ivory
ECCLESIASTES 12:4—SONG OF SONGS 1:13 576
carvings found at Nimrud, Samaria and Arslan
Tash (in which the woman is adorned
with an Egyptian wig). In literature the woman
is gazing into the distance awaiting news
of a husband or son who has gone to war (see
comment on Judg 5:28. This is possibly the
basis of the metaphor used here.
12:4. sounds of activity. The doors being shut
are double doors and therefore must refer to
the city gate where all the bustle of activity
takes place. Neither the city noise nor the laborers’
noise (from the mill) is now heard.
These sounds died out at the end of the day.
12:5. almond tree. The white blossoms of the
almond tree apparently represent the white
hair of old age. The almond tree was the first
tree to bloom in late January-early February,
rising to a height of fifteen to thirty feet. The
almond flower is white with shades of pink,
ripening with almonds about ten weeks later.
Other ancient metaphors for old age include
white gypsum on a black mountain.
12:6. silver cord/golden bowl. The word for
bowl here also is found in Zechariah 4:2-3, where
it is a bowl that holds the wicks of candles. Some
have assumed that the silver cord holds the expensive
golden bowl, which, if severed, would
cause the bowl to be smashed. This symbolizes
the aging process and death. Josephus describes
a golden lamp hung on a golden chain at the
Jewish temple at Leontopolis in Egypt.
ECCLESIASTES 12:4—SONG OF SONGS 1:13 12:6. pitcher at spring/wheel at well. Both
items are associated with a well or cistern. The
wheel has been thought to represent the pulley,
which lifts the jar out of the well, though
these devices were not widely used. Alternatively,
the word translated “wheel” (galgal)
may refer to a cooking pot, based on a similar
term in Akkadian (gulgullu, which, perhaps
not coincidentally, also means “skull”).
ECCLESIASTES 12:4—SONG OF SONGS 1:13
S O N G O F S O N G S
1:2. kiss. A kiss on the lips was used as a passionate
expression throughout the Near East,
though Egyptians in the early periods often
touched noses instead.
1:3. perfumes. A number of oil- and resinbased
perfumes were employed to scent the
body and burnt as incense. Among these
were myrrh, frankincense and bdellium (see
Is 60:6; Jer 6:20. Saffron, calamus and aloes
were imported from India, cinnamon from
Sri Lanka and nard from Nepal. For other
biblical usage see the incense recipe in the
comment on Exodus 30:34-38 and the perfumes
mentioned in the comments on Proverbs
7:17 and 27:9.
1:5. Kedar. The Kedar were among the most
powerful of the northern Arabian bedouin
tribal groups in the period between the eighth
and fourth centuries B.C. They are mentioned
in the Assyrian and Neo-Babylonian annals
and are tied to the genealogy of Ishmael in
Genesis 25:13 (see the comments on Gen
25:12-16; Is 21:16 and 42:11). Their tents consisted
of animal skins or woven fabric
stretched over poles to form a three-sided pavilion.
The black color would have come from
the use of black goat hair (see the comment on
Ex 26:7-13.
1:7. veiled woman. Although this reference
is uncertain, it may hinge on the differences
in costuming required in various social settings.
According to the Middle Assyrian
Laws, the wives, widows and unmarried
daughters of citizens were required to wear
a veil when out in public (note how Rebekah
veils herself prior to meeting Isaac in
Gen 24:65. In the house or in a setting
where only family members or servants
were present (such as her husband’s sheepfold)
the veil would be unnecessary. Note
also the veil worn by Tamar in Genesis
38:14-15. This may indicate the use of the
veil in Canaanite context as a sign of sacred
prostitution or possibly by harlots working
among the shepherds.
1:9. mare among Pharaoh’s chariots. A tactic
of battle attested in Egyptian literature was to
release a mare in the vicinity of the chariots so
that the stallions pulling the chariots would
become distracted and confused. The word
“harnessed” (NIV) does not occur in the Hebrew
text.
1:11. earrings of gold studded with silver. As
in Proverbs 25:11 the biblical writer uses the
image of a finely crafted piece of precious jewelry
to demonstrate devotion and affection. In
this case the earrings probably had pendants
of silver or studs embedded in the gold setting
(see comment on Is 3:18-23.
1:13. sachet of myrrh. Myrrh bushes grow in
577 SONG OF SONGS 1:14—2:7
the arid region just north of the coastal mountains
of Yemen and Oman in the rain shadow
of the southwest monsoon. The reddish myrrh
resin, extracted by gashing the thorny stems
and exposing the inner bark, appears as juicy
drupes. It was crushed for use in making perfume
or as a medicinal ingredient. Its natural
fragrance, somewhat like turpentine, was
long-lasting enough to be placed in a sachet to
enhance sexual pleasure or serve as an aromatic
mask to the odors often present in ancient
homes. Pouches worn around the neck
containing various elements were worn as
amulets in Egypt.
SONG OF SONGS 1:14—2:7 1:14. henna blossoms. Henna is a flowering
shrub, Lawsonia inermis L., with fragrant white
blossoms. It grows in many areas of the Middle
East, and has been discovered in the tomb
of the pharaoh Tutankhamen. The leaves and
twigs produce a red, yellow or orange dye
that can be used to color the hair and other
parts of the body. Their fragrance is similar to
roses.
1:14. En Gedi. This is an oasis located thirtyfive
miles southeast of Jerusalem and nestled
within a ravine on the western shore of
the Dead Sea. The name means “spring of
the young goat,” and the excavation of the
fourth-millennium temple within its precincts
attests the antiquity of its refreshing
character. In this metaphor the peculiar location
of the oasis between the ridges of the
surrounding hills makes it an apt parallel to
the sachet of myrrh and the bouquet of henna
blossoms between the “beloved’s”
breasts.
1:15. eyes are doves. Doves figure prominently
on seals and other iconography as a symbol
of lovemaking or seduction. They are sometimes
understood as messengers of love. In
this case the eyes are seen as having seductive
power.
2:1. rose of Sharon. While the exact flower referred
to here is unknown, the use of the Hebrew
word shushan for “lily” in this verse
indicates a plant with six petals. A likely
choice, therefore, would be the polyanthus
narcissus, which grows in the hills and moist
valleys of the Sharon Plain. It flowers during
the winter and has white petals and an orange
cup or corona enhancing the beauty of each
cluster. Narcissi have been found as offerings
in Hellenistic tombs in Egypt.
2:4. banner over me is love. The translation
of degel as “banner” is uncertain. Both Murphy
and Fox make reference to an Akkadian
cognate, diglu, “glance” or “intent,” and Fox
chooses to translate “his intent towards me
was love.” In either case, setting a standard
as a symbol of possession or making an intent
to carry out an action arrives at the
same conclusion, to make love to the beloved
(see Jer 2:33.
2:5. raisins/apples as aphrodisiac. The woman
asks for raisins and apples as a cure restorative
for her “love sickness” (similar to the
lovesick male in Chester Beatty’s love songs
from Egypt). It can only be cured by the return
of her lover. It is possible that the raisins are
associated with the raisin cakes mentioned in
association with the worship of the goddess
Ishtar (see the comment on Jer 7:18. Apples
also were understood as aphrodisiacs in Assyrian
incantations.
2:7. gazelles and does. Gazelles and does are
often portrayed as the companions of the god-
SEXUAL METAPHOR
The explicit nature of portions of the Song of Songs may be a bit shocking to some readers. However, metaphorical
erotic literature was not uncommon in the ancient Near East, as is seen especially in Egyptian
Love Songs. Fertility was a major issue for the people of these cultures, since their lives revolved and
relied upon the harvest. Most of their religious festivals and holidays centered on the agricultural calendar,
and it was an easy step to employ these images of plowing, seeding, cultivation and harvest to
human relations. As a result, the sexual metaphors that appear in the text express the high emotions of a
loving couple, who find it difficult to be separated and who in sometimes flamboyant terms describe each
other’s merits and beauty. It would be impossible in the light of their passion to speak in anything other
than sensuous and intimate terms.
There is a celebration of life here, both in the natural world and amongst humans. So when the
“beloved” speaks of her lover as being graceful as a gazelle, leaping over hills (2:17) and thus demonstrating
his energy and athletic skills, it is easy to enter into her passionate realm. He equates her with all that
is beautiful, “a mare among Pharaoh’s chariots” (1:19), with eyes like doves (1:15; 4:1) and lips a “scarlet
ribbon” (4:3). She in turn describes him as a fragrant sachet of myrrh worn around her neck and close to
her heart (1:13-14). Such comparison masks the thorns of everyday life and for a time restores a sense of
the idyllic essence of Eden.
Most English translations disguise some of the most blatant erotic imagery with euphemism and metaphor,
as is appropriate considering the poetic nature of the literature and the need to preserve a certain
propriety for a general audience.
SONG OF SONGS 2:9—4:4 578
dess of love in ancient Near Eastern art.
2:9. peering through the lattice motif. The
finely carved ivories found in excavations of
the Iron Age levels at Samaria and Nimrud include
the motif of “the woman in the window.”
Some associate this with the Phoenician
goddess Astarte, who was identified with a
cult of sacred prostitution (see the adulteress’s
spying through the lattice in Prov 7:6. In this
case, however, it is the impatient man who periodically
glances through the screen to see
when his lover will be ready to admit him.
2:13. early figs. The word used for fig here,
paggâ, does not appear elsewhere in the Bible,
but there are Aramaic and Arabic cognates
which refer to the first unripe fruit to appear
on a fig tree. Ordinarily the fig tree has two
crops a year. The first ripens in June and the
second in August or September (see Jer 24:3;
Hos 9:10.
SONG OF SONGS 2:9—4:4 2:15. foxes. In the Egyptian love poetry foxes
represent sexually aggressive men, rather like
the term “wolf” in American idiom.
2:16. lilies. Some translators consider the lilies
mentioned here to be lotus flowers, which
were symbols of sensuality and fertility in
Egypt and Canaan.
3:2. motif of searching through the city. See
the comment on Jeremiah 5:1 comparing Jeremiah
to the Greek philosopher Diogenes in his
search through a city for an “honest man.”
The motif of searching a city is also found in
Ezekiel’s vision of the executioners and the
scribe in Ezekiel 9. There is an intensity in this
verse that is tied to the desperation and anxiousness
of the woman for her lover, which
even draws her into a potentially dangerous
search. Ordinarily an honorable woman
would not be out on the streets alone (compare
the adulteress in Prov 7:6-20. Mythological
literature also depicts the search of the
consort for her lover. In Canaanite mythology
Anat goes seeking for Baal; in Egyptian literature
Isis goes on a quest for Osiris.
3:4. mother’s house. As is the case in Genesis
24:28 in the story of Rebekah and in Ruth 1:8
when Naomi instructs her daughters-in-law
to return to their “mother’s house,” in this instance
the term “mother’s house” is indicative
of both a spatial and a social realm. The bêt ’em
in each of these texts is to be equated with the
bêt ’ab, or “father’s house.” While most texts,
perhaps due to the legal issues of inheritance
and landownership, employ “father’s house”
(see Gen 38:11; Lev 22:13, the importance of
females within the household with respect to
procreation as well as management of its affairs
(see Prov 31:10-31 made these terms of
equal social value within Israelite culture.
3:6. merchant spices. Merchant caravans
brought quantities of incense, both frankincense
and myrrh, from the desert regions of
southern Arabia and Somalia. These expensive
items not only provide a cloud of fragrance
for the procession described here but
also enhance the sexual desirability of the
woman. The Egyptian love songs repeatedly
refer to “myrrh-anointed beauty” and other
aromas as sexual intoxicants.
3:9. wooden carriage. The lovers compare
their bower to the royal canopy of King Solomon,
constructed from the finest wood from
Lebanon and decorated with gold and silver.
The term translated “carriage” here has had
many interpretations based on Egyptian, Aramaic
and Greek cognates. Ideas range from a
litter or sedan chair to a throne room or “magnificent
building.” Fox’s idea of a covered pavilion
in a garden (see Esther 1:6 or a garden
kiosk such as those in Mesopotamian texts and
Egyptian tomb paintings is a likely suggestion.
3:11. crowned by mother at wedding. Wedding
garlands were worn by the couple as
they processed to their nuptial ceremony (Is
61:10; compare the Persian king placing a
crown on Esther’s head when he makes her
his queen in Esther 2:17. There is no evidence
elsewhere in the text of a mother crowning her
son as king, although given the theme of Solomon’s
wise reign it may be a reference to the
“crown of splendor” that Dame Wisdom places
on the head of her chosen Prov 4:9. The
mother held the position of priority in the
family concerning all matters of the heart.
4:1-7. description of lover’s body. As Keel
points out, for the most part the descriptions
focus on dynamic powers rather than shapes.
So the eyes are not shaped like doves but act
like doves (see comment on 1:15).
4:3. temples as halves of pomegranate. Rather
than “halves” of a pomegranate, Keel plausibly
suggests slit of the pomegranate
revealing the tender red fruit. This would fit
well with the parallel of the lips earlier in the
verse. If that is the case, the word translated
“temples” should be translated as “cheeks.”
4:4. tower of David. According to the fashion
described in the Egyptian love songs and depicted
in art (bust of Nefertiti) a long neck was
a characteristic of a beautiful woman. Thus a
comparison with a tall, well-built tower is
quite apt (see 7:4 and comparison with an
“ivory tower”). However, the structure itself is
unknown to archaeologists, and it is unclear
whether it stood in Jerusalem or some other
city. More important than the shape, however,
was the fact that a tower represented the pride
and glory of a city. This is the imagery also
579 SONG OF SONGS 4:4—6:11
used for the neck in the Bible (for instance, Ps
75:5).
4:4. shields hung on tower. The metaphor of a
woman’s adorned neck continues by comparing
the shields used to decorate the structure
(compare 1 Kings 10:16-17 with the necklaces
and strings of jewels worn by wealthy or beloved
women (see Prov 1:9; Song 1:10; Ezek
16:11). In his “Lament for Tyre” Ezekiel describes
how shields were hung on the city
walls to add to its beauty Ezek 27:10-11.
4:8. crest of Amana. Now the lover calls his
beloved to join him from her inaccessible
heights and distant lands. This is a metaphor
of his desire for her presence rather than her
actual geographic location. The Amana is one
of the peaks of the Anti-Lebanon Range, near
the source of the Amanus River.
song of songs 4:4—6:11 4:8. Senir/Hermon. These are alternate names
for the same peak, Mount Hermon (see comment
on Deut 3:9. Assyrian records mention
Senir within the Lebanon range, in northern
Transjordan. The song here simply uses this
metaphorically inaccessible region as synonymous
with the lover’s feeling of isolation
when separated from his beloved.
4:8. lions and leopards. These wild animals
are often the companions of goddesses, particularly
Ishtar, the Mesopotamian goddess of
love. Keel says that the motif stretches from
Neolithic art all the way into the classical
Greek and Roman period.
4:12. gardens. Gardens were places of delight
and refreshment and therefore served easily
as a metaphor for the beloved. Sumerian literature
used the metaphor to describe the lover’s
partner as a well-stocked garden, and
Akkadian proverbs describe a woman as a
garden of delight. In Egyptian love songs the
woman describes herself as a field planted
with all sorts of plants.
4:13-14. spices. As is commonly the case in the
Egyptian love songs, the beloved woman’s
beauty and desirability is compared to fragrant
fruits, trees and spices (see the comments
on Prov 7:17 and 27:9). The exaggeration
of the number and variety of exotic
plants listed here may simply be a reflection of
a “lover’s flattery.” Nine types of spices are
listed, and three actually grow in Israel (balsam,
henna, saffron). The crimson saffron crocus
produces such minute quantities of spice
that over four thousand flowers are needed to
produce an ounce. Frankincense, aloes and
spikenard were imported from Arabia, India,
Nepal and China, and thus were extremely expensive.
Spikenard is obtained from camel
grass in the deserts of Arabia and North Africa,
but is also referred to as “pure nard” (see
Mk 14:3. It is made from the flowers of a
plant growing on the slopes of the Himalayas
(thirteen thousand feet in elevation) and was
considered an aphrodisiac. Myrrh, cinnamon
and sweet cane/calamus were also imported.
Calamus comes from an aromatic grass found
in India, which today is used to produce citronella
oils.
5:7. treatment by guards. It is possible that the
watchmen considered an unaccompanied,
young female out at night a harlot. They take
away her veil or light scarf (see Is 3:18, 23,
perhaps in line with the Middle Assyrian law
that permits only “mothers of households,
widows and other free women” to wear a veil
in public. The woman may have launched into
her search so quickly that she is only half
dressed, like the lovesick woman in the Egyptian
love songs.
5:15. pillars of marble. Now it is the woman’s
turn to describe her lover in flamboyant
terms. Her comparisons of his legs with a pair
of finely carved marble pillars set on golden
bases is similar to the description Ben Sira
uses for a woman’s shapely legs and feet (Ecclus
26:18). A similar portrayal of perfect
physical symmetry can be found in the description
of the Babylonian god Marduk in the
Enuma Elish creation epic.
6:4. Tirzah. Although the capital of the northern
kingdom of Israel was moved from Tirzah
(Tell el-Far’ah) during Omri’s reign, that does
not mean it was totally abandoned. It is possible
the writer here wishes to avoid comparisons
between Jerusalem and Samaria, political
rivals, so Tirzah could be a substitute. The
name also serves as a pun, based on the Hebrew
root rs[h, “pleasing” or “beauty.” This allows
the lover to intensify his statement that
she is as “beautiful as Tirzah.”
6:8. harem. A royal harem consists of (1) women
who are designated as “queens” and
whose sons are automatically in the line of
succession; (2) concubines who have a lesser
status and whose sons may not inherit without
the direct command of the king; and (3)
maidens who may be either women who have
not yet been presented formally to the king
(see Esther 2:8-14 or those who have not yet
borne children. In this case the man boasts
that his beloved is more beautiful that any
number (sixty plus eighty equals infinity) of
women in the king’s harem.
6:11. nut trees. While pistachios and pine nuts
were common in ancient Palestine, there were
no naturally occurring “nuts” such as walnuts
(Juglans regia L.). The term ’egoz, which only
appears in this verse in the Bible, has been
translated as “walnut,” and that suggests that
SONG OF SONGS 6:13—8:14 580
the tree may have been introduced in Palestine
from its natural habitat in Persia and India
prior to the Hellenistic period.
6:13. Shulammite. Since a definite article precedes
this name, it is probably an epithet, such
as “perfect one,” not a personal name. The
name may be based on a feminine form of the
name Solomon, or possibly there is a connection
with the Mesopotamian goddess Shulmanitu
or Sala. It is unlikely that the name
refers to an inhabitant of Shunem, since the
woman is so closely associated with Jerusalem
in the songs.
6:13. dance of Mahanaim. No specific dance
has been associated with Mahanaim, a site in
Transjordan on the Jabbok River (see 2 Sam
2:9). The name means “two camps,” and thus
some have interpreted the reference to mean a
dance in which the men and women separate
and dance in lines opposite each other. Dance
is often associated with the celebration of a
victory 1 Sam 18:6-7 and as an expression of
joy Ex 15:20; Judg 11:34.
7:2. blended wine. During the Hellenistic period
wine was often mixed with water so that
a greater quantity could be consumed and
conversation could continue throughout the
meal. However, in earlier periods blended or
mixed wine was drunk. This was a more potent
intoxicant and thus had to be consumed
with more moderation (see Judg 9:13; Prov
9:2). In Mesopotamia, where wine was less
common until the time of the Assyrian empire,
wine was served on special occasions.
Sometimes only grape syrup would be available,
mixed with honey to create a liqueur.
7:4. ivory tower. See the comment on 4:4 for a
comparison between a woman’s shapely neck
and a tall structure.
7:4. pools of Heshbon. Since pools of water
reflect the light, they serve as an excellent metaphor
for the beloved’s dazzling eyes. Excavations
at Heshbon, ten miles north of Madaba
in Transjordan, have uncovered a large
eighth-century B.C. cistern or reservoir that
could be the basis for this image. The long,
dry months of summer would have required
the storage of water in cisterns, and these
pools of water would have been beautiful indeed
to the inhabitants of the city as they saw
light sparkle off the water.
7:4. gate of Bath Rabbim. This place name has
not been located, although one may presume
that it was the entrance to the city reservoir.
There may also be a pun on the meaning of
the phrase, “daughter of many,” based on the
similar sounding title bat nadib, “nobleman’s
daughter,” thereby granting the beloved an
honorable title.
7:4. tower of Lebanon. A tall mountain, such
as Mount Hermon in southern Lebanon, may
be meant here. However, Fox’s suggestion of a
play on Lebonah, “frankincense,” with the
place name Lebanon is attractive. Thus the
woman’s nose is fragrant and as desirable as a
tall pile of this expensive incense.
7:13. mandrakes. The fruit of the mandrake is
also mentioned in the Egyptian love songs as
an aphrodisiac. Rachel quickly moves to obtain
a mandrake when her sister Leah’s son
Reuben finds it in a field (see the comment on
Gen 30:14-15. The plant has broad leaves with
purple flowers with a strong fragrance and
small yellow fruit.
song of songs 6:13—8:14 8:2. spiced wine. See the comment on blended
wine in 7:2. In some cases wine was made
from fruit juices such as the pomegranate.
Egyptian sources record the use of palm sap,
date syrup and figs to make wines. The sweet
flavor of such beverages is paralleled here
with the sweetness of a kiss (1:2; 5:16).
8:6. seal metaphor. The metaphor reflects the
intimacy of the constant and close contact
represented by a seal ring (see Jer 22:24 or a
cylinder seal worn around the neck as an amulet
and thus near the heart (see comment on
Gen 38:18, 25. One of the Cairo love songs
(Group B, known as the “seven wishes”) contains
a phrase that is comparable: “If only I
were her little seal ring, the keeper of her finger!”
8:11. Baal Hamon. This place name has not
been identified and only appears in this verse.
A similar name, Belamon, appears in Judith
8:3, but this may only be a coincidence. The
name may have been chosen simply because it
means “the possessor of wealth” and thus becomes
synonymous with the fruitful nature of
the vineyard and by extension of Solomon’s
harem containing a thousand women.
8:14. spice-laden mountains. These mountains
are to be equated with the “hills of ether”
(NIV: “rugged hills”) mentioned in 2:17. The
invitation in both cases is for the young man
to come to the fragrant pleasures offered by
the young woman, symbolized by the mountains
or hills. The image is similar to that of
Ishtar’s divine lover Tammuz, who as a shepherd
“springs over the hills.”
P R O P H E T I C
L I T E R AT U R E
I n t r o d u c t i o n
The IVP Biblical Background Commentary: OlIdn tTreosdtuamctieonnt
Since as Christians we believe that there is only one God, and since we understand
that prophecy contains messages from that God, we are often inclined to
think that prophecy in the Bible is a unique phenomenon. While we may be justified
in thinking that any prophecy outside the Bible is fraudulent, the fact remains
that biblical prophecy is part of a long tradition of prophecy in the ancient Near
East. Even the Bible makes this fact known to us in the narratives about Balaam
and the prophets of Baal sponsored by Ahab and Jezebel.
Divination can refer to any process that seeks to gain messages from beyond
the human realm. In the ancient world divination took many different forms (see
comments in Deut 18, but most of them were illegal for use in Israel because they
assumed a low view of deity. Prophecy was a form of divination that was practiced
legally by the Israelites. It was not mantic divination that required knowledge
and training in specialized literature (e.g., spells or omen texts) or the use of
magical rituals but instead was premised on direct inspiration by the deity. Texts
that speak of prophets and present the messages of prophets are scattered
throughout ancient Near Eastern literature. In some of these the prophets use
other forms of divination in order to receive their messages.
The most prominent corpus of prophetic messages is found in about fifty letters
preserved on tablets found in the royal archives of the town of Mari. These
date to early in the second millennium B.C. (contemporary with the events of Genesis).
The letters report to the king prophecies that were brought to the attention
of local officials. The prophecies come from various deities and instruct the king
in military matters and other issues of government policy. Occasionally they call
for certain rituals to be performed.
THE IVP BIBLICAL BACKGROUND COMMENTARY: OLD TESTAMENT 582
A second corpus of nearly thirty oracles comes from the Neo-Assyrian period
(seventh century). The primary deity is Ishtar of Arbela, and the prophecies typically
forecast victory and prosperity for the king in his various undertakings.
Some of the oracles are collected on large tablets that served as archive copies,
while others are smaller texts concerning single oracles. The oracles are fairly
brief, ranging from a sentence to a paragraph or two at the most.
In Egyptian literature there are no texts claiming to represent oracles from deity,
but works such as the Admonitions of Ipuwer and the Visions of Neferti (both thought
to date to the early second millennium) do contain observations concerning the chaotic
state of society and warnings of coming judgment. They also at times refer to a
coming restoration of order. These compositions therefore include the same types of
messages that can be found in Israel’s prophetic literature. Despite this similarity,
there is no observable prophetic institution in Egypt like that found in the rest of the
ancient Near East. The most obvious reason for this difference is that in Egypt deity
was incarnate in the person of the pharaoh. There was therefore no need for a
mouthpiece speaking for deity—deity was in their midst.
The prophetic oracles that are known from the ancient Near East are similar to
an early phase of Israelite prophecy. The writing prophets of Israel have been designated
as the “classical prophets,” and the earliest of these appear at the beginning of
the eighth century. Prior to that time prophets such as Nathan, Elijah, Elisha and
many others are mentioned in the historical literature, but no collections of their
oracles are known. They are referred to as the “preclassical prophets.” These preclassical
prophets show the most similarity to the prophets known from the ancient
world. Their messages are directed to the king and concern public policy or other
issues of national significance. In that sense these prophets serve as official or, more
frequently, unofficial advisors to the king. In contrast, the classical prophets often
address the people as they offer their social and spiritual commentary. Though their
messages include the pronouncement of blessing or rebuke, it is now directed
toward society as a whole. As a result, the writing prophets express warnings concerning
captivity, destruction and exile that are new to this period and to the prophetic
institution.
Prophets were often identified as madmen—a consequence of the fact that it
was not unusual for them to receive their messages while entranced. One of the
titles used for prophets in Akkadian literature is muh~h~u, which is usually translated
“ecstatic.” Nevertheless, prophets were taken very seriously. The very act of
speaking their word was considered determinative in bringing their message to
reality. This was true regardless of the social standing of the prophet. Some prophets
were part of the temple personnel or on the king’s council of advisors. But it
was not at all unusual for the prophet to be a layperson or a commoner. In Babylon
or Assyria the word of the prophet would be subject to confirmation. This was
accomplished by using divination procedures. The question would be posed as to
whether or not the message was to be received favorably, and the divination
priest would look for the answer to be “written on” the entrails of the sacrificed
animal.
It is clear that all of the cultures of the ancient world believed that the gods
communicated through select individuals. In most of the ancient Near East the
583 PROPHETIC LITERATURE
prophets appear to have been supportive of imperial ideology. In Israel they more
often represented a counterculture movement. As such the prophets tended to
cluster around periods of great turmoil. During the preclassical period the prophets
Moses, Deborah, Samuel, Elijah and Elisha all served during troubled times.
During the classical period prophetic activity surrounds three key periods:
1. the Assyrian crisis that brought the fall of the northern kingdom and the
siege of Jerusalem (760-700: Amos, Hosea, Micah, Isaiah)
prophetic literature 2. the Babylonian crisis that brought the fall of Assyria and the fall of Judah
and Jerusalem (650-580: Habakkuk, Zephaniah, Nahum, Jeremiah, Ezekiel)
3. the postexilic period with its Persian rule and identity crisis (530-480: Haggai,
Zechariah, Joel, Obadiah, Malachi; Daniel could be counted among these,
although he served during the exile)
The oracles of the writing prophets can be divided into four general categories.
Indictment oracles notified the people of what they had done wrong. Judgment oracles
described God’s intended response to their offenses. Instruction oracles (which
are relatively scarce until the postexilic period) told the people what they needed
to do and how they needed to act and think. Aftermath oracles informed the people
about God’s plans after the judgment has come. All but the last occur also in
ancient Near Eastern prophecies, but in the ancient Near East these prophecies
were never collected, “published” and canonized as they were in Israel.
ISAIAH 1:1-11 584
I S A I A H
1:1-31
Indictment of Rebellion
1:1. chronology. In 6:1 the commissioning of
Isaiah is placed in the year King Uzziah died,
about 739 B.C. Here it is indicated that his prophetic
ministry continued into the time of
Hezekiah, at least until after the siege of Jerusalem
by Sennacherib in 701. This was a tumultuous
half-century that witnessed the rise and
dominance of the Neo-Assyrian empire,
which was eventually responsible for the
northern kingdom invasion, the fall of Samaria
and massive destruction in Judah. Isaiah’s
commission coincided with the beginning of
this renewed Assyrian threat (for details of the
Assyrian threat in the previous century see
comments on 1 Kings 22:1 and 2 Kings 9:14,
as Tiglath-Pileser III conducted his first western
campaign in 740-738. This campaign targeted
Arpad in northern Syria but resulted in
tribute being paid by some of the southern
states such as Damascus, Tyre, Sidon and Samaria.
1:2. addressing heaven and earth. In other ancient
Near Eastern literature the gods would
be called as witnesses to an important event.
Here the Lord is issuing a formal indictment
against Israel, and the nondeified cosmos is
called as witness. In one Hittite treaty, after a
long list of divine witnesses, the mountains,
the rivers, the sea, the Euphrates, heaven and
earth, the winds and the clouds are also listed.
In the covenant God made with Israel (see
comment on Deut 4:26 heaven and earth had
been called as witnesses, so it is appropriate
here that they be called on to hear the indictment
detailing the violation of that covenant.
ISAIAH 1:1-11 1:4. accusations of national sin. The Myth of
Erra and Ishum (eighth-century Babylon)
speaks of the destruction of cities that was justified
because the people abandoned justice
and righteousness, committed atrocities and
plotted wicked schemes. Nevertheless, explanations
of famous city destructions in the ancient
world are generally seen as a result of
divine abandonment. The abandonment was
usually blamed on either the violations the
king had committed or simply on the idea that
fate had decreed it.
1:7. fields stripped, laid waste. The devastation
of the land was a natural consequence of
invasion. Invading armies often lacked an adequate
supply line and therefore expected to
live off the land they were invading. What
they didn’t use for their own purposes they
destroyed. Not only were the crops burned,
but the trampling of the land often crippled
the agricultural cycle for several seasons afterward.
Sometimes people who were being attacked
would even burn their own crops so
that the enemy would not have the use of the
food they had worked so hard to grow. The elements
included in this threat of divine destruction
are typical. A well-known section of
the Myth of Erra and Ishum describes Erra’s destructive
intentions as including devastating
cities and making them a wilderness; destroying
mountains, cattle and produce; wiping out
the population; putting a fool on the throne;
bringing a plague of wild beasts; and leveling
the royal palace.
1:8. daughter of Zion. Zion is the name for the
mountain on which Jerusalem is situated and
represents that cosmic location from which
the Lord conquers and reigns. It is therefore
also associated with the Davidic covenant and
kingship ordained by God. The daughter of
Zion would then be the city itself.
1:8. nature of comparison. Small huts were
built in fields so that watchmen could stand
guard over the fruit that was ready to be harvested.
At the end of the harvest these huts
would be abandoned and left desolate in a
field stripped bare of its produce. So Jerusalem
is portrayed as vacant and deserted with
nothing left to protect.
1:9. nature of comparison. In the Sodom and
Gomorrah account in Genesis 19 these cities
are not destroyed by invading armies, but that
is not the nature of the comparison here. The
totality of the destruction as God’s judgment
is the emphasis of the text. Once the connection
is suggested, verse 10 goes the next step
by suggesting that the degree of wickedness is
likewise comparable. A just God would be expected
to bring comparable judgment for
comparable crimes.
ISAIAH 1:12-22 1:11. burnt offerings. Burnt offerings usually
accompany petition. Many in the ancient
world viewed sacrifice as providing food for
the gods. If one had a special request to set before
the gods, it was judged proper protocol to
provide a meal. In Israel even though the
burnt offerings were associated with petitions,
the “meal for the gods” mentality had been
theoretically discarded. As Isaiah and other
prophets demonstrate, however, the revised
view had not taken hold very firmly and there
were frequent lapses into the popular syncre-
585 ISAIAH 1:12-22
tism. The problem with the “feeding the
gods” mentality was that it presupposed that
God had needs that worshipers could meet
and therefore procure his favor.
1:12. trampling of courts. Temples in the ancient
world were considered sacred spaces
that were protected by closely monitored, restricted
access. Admission to the general public
was granted only when a sacrifice needed
to be offered and then only to the outer court.
Entrance to sacred space for anything but holy
purpose would be sacrilegious trespassing.
1:13. incense. In the ancient world incense
was valued as an accompaniment to sacrifice.
Its sweet scent effectively masked any of the
unpleasant odors resulting from the performance
of the rituals. It was expensive (see
comment on Lev 2:1 but was believed to be
favored by the gods.
1:13. New Moons and Sabbaths. Keyed to its
use of a lunar calendar, ancient Israel marked
the first day of the month, with its “new
moon” phase, as a festival day (every twentynine
or thirty days). As on the Sabbath all
work was to cease (see Amos 8:5, and there
were sacrifices to be made (see comments on
Num 28:11-15. The festival continued to be
observed in the postexilic period Ezra 3:5;
Neh 10:33. New Moon festivals were also
prominent in Mesopotamia from late in the
third millennium down to the Neo-Babylonian
period in the middle of the first millennium
B.C.
1:13. convocations, assemblies, appointed
feasts. There were three major festivals that
featured pilgrimage gatherings in Jerusalem
and several others that would have included
more local gatherings. Religious festivals offered
frequent opportunity for celebrations,
communal meals and social gatherings. What
had been designed as a means to praise and
honor God, however, was not bringing any
pleasure to him.
1:15. spreading hands in prayer. In 2 Chronicles
6:12 Solomon is described as standing
with his arms upraised and palms opened upward
as he addresses the assembly and prays
a dedicatory prayer for the temple. The incantation
prayers of Mesopotamian sources, such
as that to Ishtar, imply prostration of the supplicant
as well as a ritual of raising the hands.
Hittite sources suggest similar postures and
gestures. Akkadian literature features a form
of incantation called the Shuilla (“raising of
the hand”). For more information see comment
on 2 Kings 5:11.
1:15. deities ignoring prayers. The motif of
the frustrated supplicant is well known in ancient
literature. As an example, in the “Prayer
to Every God” found in Ashurbanipal’s library
at Nineveh, the supplicant goes through
a sequence of asking forgiveness for every offense
he can imagine, from every deity. He
then laments that despite his contrition no deity
is willing to take him by the hand or stand
by his side—no one hears him. Taking the
standpoint of deity, the Lament over the Destruction
of Ur reports that Anu and Enlil had
determined not to heed the petitions for deliverance
but were determined to carry out their
plans for destruction.
1:16-17. ethical dimension of religion. Doing
justice would be a basic requirement that any
god would have for any people. In fact the instruction
given here could not be more formulaic.
These are considered the responsibilities
that any civilized society would have. Establishing
justice and defending the vulnerable
are the hallmarks of a successful king. The
only difference between Israel and the rest of
the ancient world in this area would concern
how these responsibilities related to spiritual
obligations. In the ancient Near East the gods
had the responsibility of maintaining justice.
Part of that came to them for pragmatic reasons:
oppressed people would be inclined to
bother the gods with their continuous (annoying?)
requests for relief. More foundationally
they believed that justice was built into the
fabric of the cosmos and its laws were under
the guardianship of the gods. The difference
in the Israelite worldview was that in their belief,
justice was built into the very character of
God and was an attribute, not just a stewardship.
Mesopotamians had the spiritual obligation
to please the gods. This was accomplished
primarily by rituals but also by not
rocking the boat of civilization. Israelites had
the spiritual obligation to be Godlike. This
was accomplished by ethical behavior and
personal holiness. Mesopotamians would
have viewed the washing in physical terms
accomplished through ritual. Israelites were
to accomplish it in spiritual terms through repentance
and reformation.
1:18. nature of comparison. The dyes mentioned
here are of the most durable and striking
type, creating the most noticeable and
permanent stains. There is nowhere in the Old
Testament or in the ancient Near Eastern literature
where red is specifically symbolic of sin,
though white is symbolic of purity.
1:22. silver and dross. In the ancient world silver
was extracted and assayed through a process
called cupellation. In the initial smelting
process silver was extracted from lead ores
(galena) containing less than 1 percent silver
in a given sample. The lead was melted in
ISAIAH 1:22—2:2 586
shallow vessels made of porous substances
such as bone ash or clay. A bellows was then
used to blow air across the molten lead, producing
lead oxide (litharge). Some of the lead
oxide was absorbed by the bone ash, while
some could be skimmed off the surface. Ideally
the silver would remain. Unfortunately this
process had many potential problems. If the
temperature was too high or if the sample
contained other metals (copper or tin were
common), the cupellation would be unsuccessful.
In this situation, when the litharge
was skimmed off, rather than resulting in silver
extraction what remained was tainted silver
mixed with other metals and therefore
unusable. This unusable product is perhaps
what is referred to in the translation as
“dross.” Another possibility is that the text refers
to the assaying process. This involved
heating a sample of silver together with large
amounts of lead in order to draw off the impurities.
One of the possible results of the assaying
process was that the quantity of lead
would be insufficient to draw off the impurities,
rendering the silver useless. Rather than
being purified, then, the silver would be in
worse shape than before the process. Perhaps
this process is envisioned by the text, and the
silver becomes this useless junk. The assaying
process can be repeated and may eventually
succeed (see v. 25).
1:22. choice wine. Many consider the beverage
referred to here to be beer rather than
wine because of the related term in Akkadian.
The most common variety of beer was made
from barley malt, but other types were made
from emmer or even dates. There were many
varieties of wine, and some were valued more
highly than others. The library of Ashurbanipal
contained a text that named the ten best
wines (pure wine from Izalla was considered
the best).
ISAIAH 1:22—2:2 1:23. orphans and widows in courts. A major
aspect of Israelite legal tradition involved
making provision for groups classified as
weak or poor: widows, orphans and the resident
alien (see Ex 22:22; Deut 10:18-19;
24:17-21). Concern for the needy is evident in
Mesopotamian legal collections as early as the
mid-third millennium and generally addresses
protection of rights and guarantee of justice
in the courts. Based on very early statements
in the prologues of the Ur-Nammu Code and
the Code of Hammurabi it is clear that kings
considered it part of their role as “wise rulers”
to protect the rights of the poor, the widow
and the orphan. Similarly, in the Egyptian Tale
of the Eloquent Peasant the plaintiff begins by
identifying his judge as “the father of the orphan,
the husband of the widow.” This reflects
a concern throughout the ancient Near
East that the vulnerable classes be provided
for.
1:25. nature of imagery. For identification of
dross see comment on 1:22.
1:26. judges/counselors. Since this section has
to do with justice in society and in the court
system, the judges here are most likely judicial
functionaries rather than the deliverers of the
Judges period. This would also be supported
by the parallel term “counselors,” which is
never used to describe the deliverers in the
book of Judges. The counselors were responsible
for helping the king to formulate and carry
out policies. The judges were responsible for
helping the king to formulate and enforce law.
National policy and the justice system are under
indictment here.
1:29. sacred oaks and gardens. Gardens in the
ancient Near East were often parks of fruit
and shade trees, arboretums serving as outdoor
shrines or providing comfortable surroundings
for sacred enclosures. Sacred trees
played a significant role in popular religion of
the day. These popular beliefs would have
viewed stone and tree as potential divine
dwellings. In Canaanite religion they were believed
to be symbols of fertility (see Deut 12:2;
Jer 3:9; Hos 4:13, though there is very little in
the archaeological or literary remains of the
Canaanites that would clarify the role of sacred
trees. Excavations at Late Bronze Kition
have uncovered a temple that featured a sacred
grove with sixty tree pits.
ISAIAH 2:2-10
2:1-5
Jerusalem in Days to Come
2:2. mountain of the temple. Topographically,
Jerusalem is elevated above its surroundings,
so that one always had to climb up to the city.
Additionally, the temple is located on the
highest ground in the city, so one goes up to
the temple from other locations in the city.
This oracle uses these topographical data to
proclaim the future political elevation of the
city. The Weidner Chronicle declares that the
city of Babylon should be elevated and exalted
in all lands. In addition, Assyrian building
inscriptions often talk about elevating the
temple by restoring it and increasing its
height. In Babylonian literature the Marduk
Prophecy (from several centuries before Isaiah)
announces the future elevation of Babylon
with the temple doubled in height. That text
also mentions returning the scattered ones (by
which it means the statues of the gods that
have been disenfranchised from their tem-
587 ISAIAH 2:2-10
ples). It continues by describing a period of
peace, justice and prosperity, including the
dismantling of fortresses. This general language
of city restoration and elevation is
therefore familiar in the rhetoric of the ancient
Near East.
2:2. all nations coming. Texts as early as 2000
B.C. speak of the universal appeal that will
characterize a new temple. Gudea speaks of
the temple he is building to Ningirsu as attracting
people from distant and foreign lands
who will gather together to honor the deity.
Temples are where oracles are given to decide
legal disputes and to inquire of the deity regarding
courses of action that should be taken.
It is not unusual for foreign people, even
kings, to travel great distances to consult a deity.
The Persian king Cambyses, for instance,
received an oracle from the famous Egyptian
shrine of Leto in Buto.
2:4. swords into plowshares. Rather than
“plowshares” that turn over the dirt as they
plow, this may refer to the metal tip of the
plow that breaks up the earth and scratches
out a furrow. This tip is about seven inches
long. However, this same Hebrew word is
used in 2 Kings 6:5, where it appears to refer
to some sort of ax. Since the sword is “broken
up,” it is possible that the resulting product is
metal shards that could then be put to various
uses.
2:4. spears into pruning hooks. Pruning
hooks are the small knives used to remove
leaves and new shoots from the grapevines.
Archaeological samples found are simply
thin, short pieces of metal with a curved hook
at the end sharpened on the inside edge as a
sickle would be. The shape is reminiscent of
the tangtype spearheads that had been popular
during the Bronze Age.
2:6-22
The Coming Day of the Lord
2:6. superstitions, divination. The ancient
worldview was heavily encumbered with superstitions
of all sorts. For centuries omens
that identified many occurrences or circumstances
as favorable or unfavorable had been
observed and recorded. The disposition of the
gods toward an individual could only be assessed
by the good or bad things that happened
to him or her. Demonic forces were
believed to be abroad and active, so prophylactic
and apotropaic rituals were pursued to
combat them. Spells and curses were cast by
experts in magic, and the spirits of the dead
were believed to wander the earth. Divination
was the science of being able to interpret the
omens and formulate incantations that would
be effective in dispelling the powers that
threatened them. For more information see
comments on Deuteronomy 18.
2:7. full of horses and chariots. Assyrian chariots
were large, carrying four men and being
pulled by four horses. The chariotry corps and
cavalry represented the cutting edge of military
technology. Vast economic resources were
required to import the animals, build the chariots
and train the horsemen and charioteers
(for an indication of the expense see 1 Kings
10:29). Assyrian military supremacy was dependent
on the horses, and even the kings
worried about the supply of horses and gathering
the necessary fodder to care for the horses.
Careful census figures were kept of the
types of horses available, and horses were often
collected in tribute or captured in raids.
Reliefs show great care taken with the horses,
and the army on campaign traveled with principal
mounts as well as remounts for the cavalry.
2:8. idols. Idols came in a variety of shapes
and sizes in the ancient Near East. They were
typically carved of wood and overlaid with
hammered-out sheets of silver or gold and
then clothed in the finest attire. Basically human
in appearance (except those from Egypt,
which combined human and animal characteristics),
they had distinctive, even formalized,
poses, clothing and hairstyles. Images of
deity in the ancient Near East were where the
deity became present in a special way to the
extent that the cult statue became the god
(when the god so favored his worshipers),
even though it was not the only manifestation
of the god. Rituals were performed to bring
the god to life in its idol. As a result of this
linkage, spells, incantations and other magical
acts could be performed on the image in order
to threaten, bind or compel the deity. In contrast
other rites related to the image were intended
to aid the deity or care for the deity.
The idols then represent a worldview, a concept
of deity that was not consistent with how
Yahweh had revealed himself. The idol was
not the deity, but the deity was thought to inhabit
the image and manifest its presence and
will through the image. Archaeologists have
found very few of the life-sized images that
the texts describe, but there are renderings of
them that allow accurate knowledge of details.
2:10. splendor of the majesty of deity. In the
ancient world a bright or flaming aura surrounding
deity is the norm. In Egyptian literature
it is depicted as the winged sun disk
accompanied by storm clouds. Akkadian uses
ISAIAH 2:12—3:6 588
the term melammu to describe this visible representation
of the glory of deity. It is especially
evident in the divine warrior motif where the
deity unveils his glory as he fights for his people
(for more information on the divine warrior
see comments on Ex 15:3; Josh 3:17;
6:21-24; 10:11; 1 Sam 4:3-4; 7:10). Akkadian literature
occasionally evidences the same connection
as here, when the word for fear or
dread is associated with the melammu.
2:12. Day of the Lord. See sidebar at Joel 2.
2:13. cedars of Lebanon, oaks of Bashan.
These two types of tree were valued for their
size, beauty, strength and durability. They
would be used in the building projects (such
as gates and palaces) that were the sources of
pride for nations and in which they would put
their trust.
2:15. towers and walls. Walls of this period
were solid (in contrast to the casemate walls of
the previous age) and could be made of mud
brick, fieldstone or ashlar hewn stone. While
towers and walls were features of fortified cities,
there were also many garrison fortresses
built along trade routes and borders. In Israel
both the fortresses and towers were rectangular.
Examples at Kadesh Barnea and Horvat
Uza measure between twenty and twenty-five
thousand square feet. Since city walls have
not been preserved to their original height, it
is difficult to say how high they were. A width
of fifteen to twenty feet was common, and
judging from their massive foundations and
the length of ladders used for scaling the
walls, a height of thirty to forty feet would not
be unusual. The walls at Lachish were about
fifty feet high. Assyrian inscriptions usually
give the height in courses of brick. The wall of
Sennacherib’s Nineveh is said to have been
constructed of 180 courses of brick (sixty to
seventy feet?). At the time of Isaiah Sargon’s
capital city at Khorsabad had a wall nearly
one hundred feet thick with 150 towers circling
the 750-acre city.
ISAIAH 2:12—3:6 2:16. ships. Trade by means of seagoing vessels
was already taking place in the first half
of the third millennium B.C. By mid-second
millennium a fleet of ships from Ugarit numbered
150. Excavations of a sunken merchant
ship (off the coast of Uluburun, Turkey) from
the period give a good idea of the variety of
items being shipped. Trading ships of the first
millennium were single-masted with a crow’s
nest and could feature either one or two banks
of oars. A typical length would be about fifty
feet, though larger ones are known.
2:19. effects of theophany. In the ancient Near
East the trembling of the earth is an indication
of the divine involvement in battle. Additionally,
the dread of a deity as a divine warrior
was often believed to precede a powerful, successful
army into battle. Egyptian texts attribute
this terror to Amun-Re in the inscriptions
of Thutmose III, and Hittite, Assyrian
and Babylonian texts all have their divine
warriors who strike terror into the hearts of
the enemy.
2:20-21. rodents and bats, flight to caves. A
Sumerian Hymn of Enheduanna to the goddess
Inanna from the third millennium depicts
the gods fluttering away like bats to their
caves from the goddess’s terrible presence.
This suggests the possibility that in these verses
it is the idols being carried to caves and
crags by the rodents (the flight of men has already
been reported in v. 19). Just as men have
fled from before the glory of the Lord, so do
the idols, but, incapable of moving on their
own, they are transported by the lowliest creatures.
ISAIAH 3:16—5:6
3:1—4:1
Judgment on Jerusalem and Its
Women
3:1. reality of siege. Siege warfare was designed
to isolate a city and create a blockade
that would eventually force a surrender. With
the enemy camped around the city, the fields
could not be harvested for their food supply.
No one could get in to bring in food, so the
people in the city had to live on whatever had
been stockpiled in the city. If the water source
for the city was a well or spring outside the
city walls, the siege would be short, for the
cisterns would quickly run dry. Jerusalem had
a water supply that could be accessed from inside
the city walls (see comment on 2 Chron
32:3). Support is typically viewed in terms of
human leaders. The “resources” to survive a
siege would be found in capable leadership
that could keep morale high and successfully
manage food rationing.
3:2-3. classes of leadership. The list of leadership
resources here is fairly extensive, covering
the military, clan leadership, religious
personnel (both legitimate and illegitimate)
and political advisors.
3:5. status of the elderly. In Israelite society
the oldest active male was the head of the
household. He typically represented the family
in the community and made the decisions
for the family. As a result the senior members
of the family usually commanded a high degree
of respect and honor.
3:6. cloak of leadership. The cloak was a basic
piece of clothing that even the poor were expected
to own. It was considered essential
589 ISAIAH 3:16—5:6
enough that it was forbidden to keep overnight
a man’s cloak taken in pledge (see comment
on Ex 22:26-27. Though this passage
may suggest that the situation had gotten so
bad that hardly anyone had cloaks (and therefore
possession of one distinguished a person),
there is also something special about a
king’s cloak. In Assyrian texts of this period
the cloak of the king figured prominently in
certain rituals, particularly the substitute king
ritual. When there were omens suggesting
that the king’s life was in danger, a substitute
king would be designated, who would take
the king’s place by being garbed in his cloak
and generally suffer the consequences. While
there is no suggestion of a substitute king ritual
here, there may have been an important
function for the cloak.
3:16. ornaments on ankles. Ankle bracelets
were solid rings usually made of bronze. The
word is also used of the irons used to hobble
camels. Some burials of the Iron Age evidence
arm and ankle rings still on the body.
3:17. sores and baldness. The translation
“bring sores” is very uncertain. Another possibility
is that it is another expression for inflicting
baldness. While many translations
suggest the shaving of the entire head, the
forehead seems to be specifically indicated by
the Hebrew word. In Mesopotamia shaving
off half the hair was used as a punishment intended
to bring public humiliation. Additionally,
a particular style of haircut was used to
designate a slave.
3:18-23. ancient finery. The NIV’s “headbands”
(v. 18) have now been identified as sun
ornaments, while the crescent necklaces are
moon ornaments. Many of the terms used admit
of various interpretations. For instance,
“perfume bottles” (v. 20) is highly interpretive,
and though perfume bottles have been
found by archaeologists, they could hardly
have been worn as jewelry. Others have suggested
some sort of amulet to parallel the next
term. Information about jewelry in the ancient
world comes from a number of different
sources. Some literary works make reference
to the wearing of various ornaments. Other
written sources include inventories (such as
one found at Mari) and lists of gifts or tribute.
The pieces that are referred to can sometimes
be matched up with pictorial representations
in reliefs and paintings or with archaeological
finds. But many words cannot confidently be
matched with objects.
4:1. offer of the seven women. It is to be presumed
that these women have lost their husbands
and sons, and are therefore left socially
defenseless even though they are not without
means. This was a common aftermath of war.
It was contractually and legally the husband’s
responsibility to provide food and clothing.
These women are not looking for financial
provision and would certainly be willing to
bypass the usual conventions of bride price.
Their need for familial association may simply
stem from social mandates or, in the worst
cases, may reflect the desire for a household
for children that have been conceived through
rape by enemy soldiers.
ISAIAH 5:8-23
4:2-6
Future Glory
4:5-6. imagery. The cloud of smoke and fire is
reminiscent of the pillar that offered the Israelites
guidance and protection in the wilderness.
In the ancient world a bright or flaming
aura surrounding deity is the norm. In Egyptian
literature it is depicted as the winged sun
disk accompanied by storm clouds. Akkadian
uses the term melammu to describe this visible
representation of the glory of deity, which in
turn is enshrouded in smoke or cloud. In
Canaanite mythology it has been suggested
the melammu concept is expressed by the word
’anan, the same Hebrew word here translated
“cloud,” but the occurrences are too few and
obscure for confidence. In any case, the pillar
here would then be one beacon; smoke being
visible in the daytime, while the inner flame it
covered would glow through at night.
5:1-7
Parable of the Vineyard
5:1-2. parables and allegories in the ancient
Near East. There is continued discussion
about whether this should be categorized as a
parable or an allegory, the distinction being
how broad a comparison is intended by the
tale. Parables are known from ancient Near
Eastern literature as early as the Sumerian period,
and a few are available from the Neo-
Assyrian period. The metaphor of a city as an
unproductive plant is known from the Myth of
Erra and Ishum (copies date to the eighth century),
in which Marduk laments Babylon. He
says that he filled it with seeds like a pine
cone, but no fruit came from it, and he planted
it like an orchard but never tasted its fruit. For
more information see the comment on Ezekiel
17:1.
5:1-6. vineyard preparation and upkeep.
Grapes were among the basic staple products
of the ancient Near East and therefore the care
necessary for a vineyard was well known. In
the rocky and hilly terrain of Israel special
ISAIAH 5:8-23 590
care had to be taken to preserve the soil and
the moisture necessary to produce good fruit.
As the rocks were cleared from the hillside,
the stones were used to create terraces to level
the ground. This would prevent water drainage
and soil erosion. More stones were used to
build huts and watchtowers that would be
used to protect the crop when it neared harvest
time. Constant hoeing between the rows
of vine was necessary to prevent weeds from
springing up and sapping off the water supply
in the soil. Various irrigation techniques
were used to assure sufficient groundwater. If
the ground did not have adequate moisture or
if the vines were not pruned back, the resulting
crop would be small and sour. Finally,
some of the stones were also used for winepresses
and cisterns on the site so that the
grapes could be processed without risking
damage during transportation.
5:8-30
Woe to Israel
5:8. oppressive real estate development. Expansion
of real estate holdings in the ancient
world was usually at someone else’s expense.
Bad harvests over several seasons could necessitate
giving up ownership over property
in order to pay off or work off debt. In Israel
this was a theological as well as an economic
crisis. Since God had given them the land as a
benefit of the covenant, each family considered
its landholdings as its little share in the
covenant. Therefore, what otherwise would
be a financial tragedy (often with an oppressive
dimension) also served to deprive family
members of their part in the covenant. For
more information see comments on Leviticus
25. Additionally, the decision-making body in
any community was comprised of landowners.
The individual who obtained all the land
rights in the community would have the power
to do whatever he wanted.
5:10. normal levels of production. A vineyard
would typically be expected to yield at least
one thousand gallons of wine per acre. Harvests
of grain in irrigated areas across the ancient
Near East yielded a normal seed to crop
ratio of about one to ten (though higher yields
are attested in the literature). Therefore a
homer of seed would usually be expected to
yield ten homers of grain. Here the ratio is reversed
as ten to one (an ephah is about onetenth
of a homer). The yields represented
here, then, are meager fractions of that normally
expected.
ISAIAH 5:26—6:2 5:12. musical instruments. These are all typical
musical instruments of the time and are attested
in ancient Near Eastern texts, reliefs
and paintings as early as the third millennium
B.C. There is still some disagreement among
authorities as to which of the Hebrew words
in this passage ought to be translated “harp”
and which one as “lyre.” The one the NIV
translates “lyre” is a ten-stringed instrument,
while the one translated “harp” is thought to
have had fewer strings. Both are hand-held
with frames made of wood. The tambourine
has been identified in archaeological reliefs as
the tambour, a small drum (leather stretched
over a hoop) that would not have the tinny
rattle sound of modern tambourines. The instrument
translated as flute is likely a double
pipe made of either bronze or reed.
5:14. grave. The grave was understood as the
doorway to the netherworld (Hebrew sheol).
As the entryway it was considered part of
Sheol, so the context must determine whether
an author is referring to the place of burial or
the world of departed spirits. Sheol was not a
pleasant place. There were no possessions,
memory, knowledge or joy. It was not viewed
as a place where judgment or punishment
took place, though it was considered an act of
God’s judgment to be sent there rather than
remaining alive. Subsequently it is inaccurate
to translate Sheol as “hell,” for the latter is by
definition a place of punishment. The Israelite
understanding of the netherworld was more
similar to the concepts found in Mesopotamia
than to those found in Egypt. For more information
see comment on 14:9. The idea of
Sheol swallowing or devouring the wicked is
paralleled in the Egyptian Book of the Dead.
As the heart of the individual is weighed, the
composite chaos monster with crocodile head
stands by expectantly, prepared to devour
those who fail the test.
5:22. alcoholic beverage. A wide variety of alcoholic
beverages was available in the ancient
world. Wine (from honey, dates or grapes)
and beer were the most common. What is
classed today as “hard liquor” (requiring a
distillation process) was not yet known. The
two terms used in this verse may refer respectively
to grape wine and date wine, but it is
difficult to be certain. The mixing that is mentioned
here involves mixing in herbs, spices or
oils.
5:23. judges bribed in ancient Near East. As
evidenced by the preface to the Code of Hammurabi
(c. 1750 B.C.) and the statements made
by the eloquent peasant in Egyptian wisdom
literature (c. 2100 B.C.), the standard for behavior
by those in authority is to protect the
rights of the poor and weak in society. True
justice (see Lev 19:15 is expected of kings, of-
591 ISAIAH 5:26—6:2
ficials and local magistrates. In fact the world
turned upside down theme found in the book
of Judges and in prophetic literature (1:23) describes
a society in which “laws are enacted,
but ignored” (for example in the Egyptian Visions
of Neferti [c. 1900 B.C.]). An efficiently administered
state in the ancient Near East
depends on the reliability of the law and its
enforcement. To this end every organized
state creates a bureaucracy of judges and local
officials to deal with civil and criminal cases.
It is their task to hear testimony, investigate
charges made, evaluate evidence and execute
judgment (detailed in the Middle Assyrian
Laws and the Code of Hammurabi). There are
some cases, however, that require the attention
of the king (see 2 Sam 15:2-4 and appeals
are occasionally forwarded on to that highest
magistrate (as in the Mari texts). The temptation
for judges and government officials to accept
bribes is found in every time and place
(see Prov 6:35; Mic 7:3. Taking bribes becomes
almost institutionally accepted in bureaucratic
situations as competing parties attempt to
outmaneuver each other (see Ezra 4:4-5; Mic
3:11). However, at least on the ideal level, arguments
and penalties are imposed to eliminate
or at least lessen this problem. Thus
Hammurabi’s Code 5 places harsh penalties
on any judge who alters one of his decisions
(presumably because of a bribe), including
stiff fines and permanent removal from the
bench. Exodus 23:8 forbids the taking of
bribes and the perversion of justice as an offense
against God, the weak and innocent,
and the entire community (see Amos 5:12.
5:26. banner, whistling. The banner, or standard,
was used as a means of calling out an
army of a particular territory or indicating the
place where a muster was taking place or a
camp was located. It often featured an insignia
of the tribe or division. The word translated
“whistle” can also refer to a hiss. For the
significance here see the comment on 7:18.
5:27. significance of belt and sandal thong.
Neo-Assyrian military uniform consisted of a
knee-length kilt fastened by a broad leather
belt. Many of the infantry went barefoot, but
the cavalry was equipped with knee-high soft
leather boots held on by long crisscrossed
thongs.
5:28. bows, arrows, horses’ hooves, chariots.
Horses were not shod by the Assyrians, so
horses with hard hooves were the more desirable,
especially for the rocky terrain of Syro-
Palestine. The (composite) bow was the main
offensive weapon of the Assyrian army. Arrowheads
were made of various materials including
bone, horn and various metals.
Chariots could accommodate four people and
had heavy six or eight spoke wheels.
5:29. lion behavior. The lion would typically
roar as a warning in a territorial confrontation.
The growl is appropriate to the seizing of
prey. Both images are reflected here.
ISAIAH 6:4—7:1
6:1-13
The Throne Vision and Isaiah’s
Commissioning
6:1. chronology. Uzziah is generally supposed
to have died in 739. This is a critical juncture
in history. In 740-738 Assyrian king Tiglath-
Pileser III made his first campaign into the
west. This is the beginning of a serious military
threat that will eventually bring about the
downfall of the northern kingdom, Israel, the
destruction of the capital city of Samaria
(along with many other cities of Israel and
Judah) and the deportation of large segments
of the population. The Assyrians are on the
brink of establishing the empire that will
dominate the ancient Near East for over a century.
For more information on Uzziah’s reign
see comments on 2 Chronicles 26.
6:1. throne. The central Holy of Holies was
viewed as the throne room of the Lord, so it is
logical that the vision is set in the temple complex.
The ark is portrayed as the footstool of
his throne, and the cherubim typically flank
the throne. This is, of course, the invisible
throne of the invisible deity. For more information
on thrones see comments on 2 Chronicles
3:10-13; 9:17-19.
6:1. train of robe filling temple. The word
translated “train” elsewhere (and probably
here) refers to the hem. It is the richly decorated
and distinctive border around the high
priestly robe (see comments on Ex 28:31-35.
The hem was used as a mark of identity for
people of rank such as priests and kings. In
ancient Near Eastern iconography deities
were also portrayed with such garments. The
edge of the cloth was embroidered, and a
fringe of three- or four-inch-long tassels
trimmed the skirt by the ankles. The huge size
of deity is common in the ancient Near East.
For instance, at the Syrian temple in ’Ain Dara
footprints more than three feet long are carved
into the stone slabs leading into the entrance
hall.
6:2. seraphs. This is the only place in Scripture
where a supernatural creature is designated as
a seraph. The serpents that plagued the Israelites
in the wilderness, however, also go by that
designation, and Isaiah twice refers to flying
serpents (NIV: “darting” 14:29; 30:6). Since supernatural
creatures are often portrayed as
ISAIAH 6:4—7:1 592
composite (see comment on Gen 3:24, there is
therefore good reason to think of the seraphs
as winged serpents. Since the Hebrew root sarap
is usually associated with “burning,” there
is also good reason to associate these creatures
with fire. Ancient Near Eastern literature offers
some support for these portrayals. Fiery
serpents are well known in Egyptian art and
literature. There the serpent, or uraeus, is a
symbol of royalty and authority. It adorns the
crown of Pharaoh and sometimes is pictured
with wings (usually either two or four). It is
not unusual for them to have hands, feet or
faces. Serpents in an upright position with
wings also decorate the throne of Tutankhamen.
Many seals decorated with winged uraei
have been found in excavations in Palestine
dating to this period, so we know that the Israelites
were familiar with this motif. Examples
of six-winged creatures are not so widely
attested. A relief from Tell Halaf, however,
from approximately this period portrays a
human-shaped figure with six wings.
6:4. effects of seraph calls. In Akkadian texts
as well as in Amos 9:1 the shaking of doorposts
or thresholds indicates the beginning of
demolition. If this was the case, the smoke
could be the result of destructive forces at
work. The cries of the seraphs, however, are
not easily taken as warning of imminent destruction
(a consequence of God’s holiness being
compromised?). It is probably better to see
smoke and trembling doorways as accompanying
the theophany. This same word for
smoke is used in 4:5.
6:7. purification of lips. Mesopotamian rituals
often feature the purification of lips as symbolic
of the purification of the person. It is
viewed as a prerequisite, especially for diviner
priests, before they may appear before the
divine council and report what they have witnessed.
6:7. atonement. Translations have struggled
with this term (for instance, some render it
“forgiven”). For information on the ritual concept
see the comment on Leviticus 1:4. The
same verb occurs in Akkadian ritual literature
referring to “wiping” away ritual impurity
and is used specifically in the purification of
the mouth. In one Old Babylonian prayer the
diviner wipes his mouth with resin in preparation
for appearing before the assembly of
the gods. In Babylonian incantation texts fire
is commonly seen as a purifying element. One
incantation series is titled Shurpu (“burning”)
and is concerned with removing ritual offense
or uncleanness.
6:8. us. The familiar picture of a heavenly
throne surrounded by the heavenly council is
well known from the Ugaritic texts (most notably
the Epic of Keret), though this Canaanite
council is made up of the gods of the pantheon.
Examples occur also in the tenth century
building inscription of Yehimilk from Byblos
and the Karatepe stele of Azitawadda. In the
Akkadian Enuma Elish it is the assembly of the
gods that appoints Marduk as their head. Fifty
gods made up this assembly with seven in the
inner council. In Israelite belief the gods were
replaced by angels or spirits—the sons of God
or the heavenly host.
6:9-10. role of the prophet. The description of
eyes and ears that do not function as they
should or a heart that is hard or heavy matches
that which occurs elsewhere in medical
texts or in contexts of fear. In 1 Samuel 25 Nabal
suffers some sort of paralysis, stroke or
heart attack, and his heart becomes as stone.
In a Babylonian wisdom hymn a sufferer describes
his fear-induced paralysis as resulting
in eyes that do not see and ears that do not
hear. It is difficult to know whether the paralysis
that meets Isaiah’s messages comes from
spiritual sickness or from fear. The prophet’s
role was to deliver the message regardless of
whether there was any response or not. If the
message did not result in response, it would at
least establish clearly the people’s guilt.
ISAIAH 6:4—7:1
7:1-25
Immanuel
7:1. chronology. The chronology of the reigns
of Jotham, Ahaz and Hezekiah is very complex.
Nevertheless, the invasion referred to in
this verse can be fairly confidently dated to
735. By 734 Tiglath-Pileser III had begun responding
to the problems here in the west,
and the coalition would not have felt at liberty
to take such aggressive action.
7:1. political situation. Assyrian king
Tiglath-Pileser III was occupied with Urartu
and Media between 737 and 735. During this
time the western states were working to put
together a coalition that might resist Assyrian
incursions. Rezin (see next entry) had most
likely played a major role in bringing Pekah to
the throne of Samaria (see comments on Pekah
in 2 Kings 15. It is suspected that the attack
against Jerusalem was related to Ahaz’s
pro-Assyrian (or at least neutral) position. The
siege was intended to result in replacing Ahaz
with an anti-Assyrian representative on the
throne, who would then join in the coalition.
7:1. Rezin. Known to the Assyrians as Raqianu,
which most likely represented the Aramaic
name Radyan, Rezin ruled in Damascus
from at least 738 (when he is named as paying
593 ISAIAH 7:3-16
tribute to Tiglath-Pileser III) to the fall of
Damascus in 732.
7:3. location. Hezekiah’s tunnel had not yet
been constructed at this time. Water was conducted
from the Gihon spring (in the Kidron
Valley on the east side of the city) toward the
south through an aqueduct that brought the
water to a reservoir at the southwestern tip of
the city. This aqueduct is known as the Siloam
Channel and in biblical times went by the
name Shiloah (see 8:6). Presumably the waters
of the reservoir (Pool of Siloam) would have
been periodically released into an area below
this to provide water for laundering. The road
to the Washerman’s Field would likely have
traveled through the Kidron Valley. This
would be a good place to find Ahaz if he were
inspecting the water supply of the city to see
how it could be secured for use inside the city
in the eventuality of a siege.
Isaiah 7:3-16 7:6. son of Tabeel. Though nothing is known
historically of this individual, the name Tabeel
is Aramaic and thus suggests someone in the
royal household (likely of Davidic lineage)
whose mother was perhaps a princess from
the area of Aram. Such an individual would
be more likely to be a sympathizer with
Aramean causes. Another possibility that has
been suggested is that this is a reference to Tubail
(=Ethbaal) the king of Tyre, who also had
paid tribute to Tiglath-Pileser in 738.
7:8. chronology. From 735, the date of these
events, sixty-five years would stretch to 670
B.C. This has seemed strange to some interpreters
since Ephraim suffered significant territorial
reduction in 733, and Samaria was
destroyed and the people deported by 721. Esarhaddon
was near the end of his reign in 670.
He had successfully invaded Egypt in 671 and
had a number of other campaigns to the west
during this time period. So far, however, there
is no indication of deportations into or out of
Israel during his reign.
7:11. divine sign. There are a number of cases
of signs being given from deity in the Old Testament.
The most similar examples are found
in 1 Samuel 2:34 and 2 Kings 19:29. In these instances
the sign relates to the beginning of the
fulfillment of the prophecy. Signs given by deity
in the larger ancient Near Eastern context
would typically be connected to omens. Behind
the omens was the belief that there was
an interconnectedness that stretched across all
boundaries. The omens were related to historical
events the way that symptoms are related
to the onset of disease. Historical events were
therefore considered to be related to corresponding
happenings or phenomena in the
natural world. For example, the gods wrote
their signs in the heavens or on the kidneys or
liver of sacrificed animals. These signs would
not only portend coming events but would be
thought of as part of those events.
7:11. depths and heights. Babylonian texts
also speak of the range of signs (omens) in
heaven and on earth, as their diviners tried to
make use of all possible sources of information
concerning what the gods were up to.
ISAIAH 7:17—8:1 7:14. portentous names. Names were generally
believed to be related to the character and
destiny of the individual. In Egypt throne
names were given (usually five of them) that
embodied the claims, hopes and dreams of
Pharaoh. Babies were sometimes named to reflect
on a situation at the time of their birth
Gen 29—30; 1 Sam 4:21.
7:15. curds and honey. “Curds” would be better
understood as a butter type product, since
Proverbs 30:33 shows that it is produced by
churning, not by coagulation or fermentation.
In Assyrian and Babylonian texts the word
used here in the Hebrew text is identified as a
product called “ghee”—a refined form of butterfat—
that is sweet and does not spoil as easily
as other dairy products. It is the liquid
produced when butter from cow’s milk is
melted, boiled and strained. In the Mesopotamian
texts this product is most frequently
paired up with honey in a variety of texts including
ritual texts, medical texts and descriptions
of food products. It was one of many
products that were used for libation offerings
for the gods. Honey is often a reference to the
syrup from dates or figs. Bee honey was available
when found, but bees were not yet domesticated
for honey production. Honey and
ghee were nourishing products that traveled
well and would suit the needs of someone living
off the land rather than farming the land.
They were mixed together and used as a condiment
on either confectionery date cakes or
the more common wheat cakes.
7:16. fate of two kings. The land of Pekah was
the northern kingdom of Israel. In 733 the Assyrians
greatly reduced the territory of Israel,
leaving only the capital, Samaria, and its environs.
The remainder of the country was annexed
and over thirteen thousand people
were deported. Pekah himself was killed in a
conspiracy led by Hoshea, his successor, and
backed by the Assyrians (as indicated in
Tiglath-Pileser’s inscriptions). The pro-Assyrian
Hoshea paid tribute to Tiglath-Pileser and accepted
vassal status. He would reign until the
final overthrow of the northern kingdom in
721—a likely time to consider the boy referred
to in this verse as knowing good and evil
(about age thirteen). The land of Rezin was
ISAIAH 7:17—8:1 594
Aram, with its capital city, Damascus. The
Aramean state was annexed by Assyria in 732,
Damascus was overthrown and Rezin was executed.
7:17. Neo-Assyrian empire. The Neo-Assyrian
empire was inaugurated soon after
Tiglath-Pileser III’s accession to the throne in
745. It was not to be overthrown until 612,
when Nineveh fell to the alliance of the Medes
and Babylonians. Though significant deterioration
can be seen as early as 630, this still represents
over a century of domination over a
large expanse of the Near East. For a decade
or so this even included Egypt. The major Assyrian
kings, Tiglath-Pileser III, Shalmaneser
V, Sargon II, Sennacherib, Esarhaddon and
Ashurbanipal, are known from the biblical
text as well as from many documents recovered
from the period, including royal annals
and chronicles from several of them. The empire
expanded in all four directions: absorbing
Urartu to the north, the Medes to the east,
Babylonia and Elam to the south and Syro-Palestine
to the west. At its height it included all
or part of the modern countries of Iran, Iraq,
Turkey, Syria, Lebanon, Jordan, Israel and
Egypt. Assyria’s reputation as a militaristic regime
is supported by extensive documentation
and stands as its historical legacy. Its
strategy of psychological warfare included
terrifying rhetoric, brutal destructions and
carefully chosen examples of cruel torture. Its
expansion was fueled by the potential for economic
gain, which would come through the
plunder, tribute and tariffs that would result
from control of trade and the trade routes. For
Assyrian activity in this period see comments
on 1:1; 6:1; and 7:1.
7:18. flies and bees imagery. The word translated
“whistle” can also refer to a hiss. Part of
the lore of beekeeping maintained that a
swarm could be lured out of its hive to another
location by a whistling sound. Attacking
armies are compared to flies and bees in Homer’s
Iliad as well.
7:19. imagery. This verse simply continues the
imagery of bees by listing the places where
bees are naturally inclined to make their
hives.
7:20. shaving captives. In Assyrian nomenclature
“barber” could be used as a divine title.
Here the function is attributed to Yahweh.
While many translations suggest the shaving
of the entire head, the forehead seems to be
specifically indicated by the Hebrew word. In
Mesopotamia shaving off half the hair was
used as a punishment intended to bring public
humiliation. Additionally, a particular style
of haircut was used to designate a slave. Most
commentators believe that “the hair of your
legs” is a euphemism for pubic hair.
7:23. value of vines. It is difficult to determine
whether the text makes reference to a thousand
vines that would be bought or sold for a
shekel each (an exorbitant price), or, more reasonably,
to a vineyard housing a thousand
vines whose annual produce would bring a
thousand shekels. The latter understanding
would find support in Song of Songs 8:11.
7:24-25. farmland to pasture. Cattle and flocks
could be devastating to agricultural land.
Their movements would trample the soil, and
their grazing would defoliate it, eventually
leading to massive erosion of the topsoil and
depletion of water sources.
ISAIAH 8:1-19
8:1-10
Assyrian Invasion
8:1. scroll. If the writing instrument used is an
engraving tool (see next entry), the material
must be something that requires etching or incision—
usually suggesting stone or clay that
will be baked. The word used to describe the
writing material is used only one other time in
the Old Testament, Isaiah 3:23, where the NIV
translates “mirrors” in the middle of a list of
clothing. Akkadian texts list cylinder seals
(worn around the neck) among other items of
women’s garments. These were worn as amulets
to ward off demonic forces. They were inscribed
with the name of the individual and
often with artistic decoration as well. In Israel
stamp seals were typically used, so there is no
indication of what the word for cylinder seal
would be, though cylinder seals have been
found in Syro-Palestine and were well known
there. Since cylinder seals were engraved with
the name of the individual, and here an official
document is being engraved with the
name of an individual (including the preposition,
not represented in the NIV’s translation,
that typically precedes the name on stamp
seals as well as on Aramaic cylinder seals), it
is possible that a cylinder seal is being made
here, though the Hebrew word cannot be
identified with any confidence (there is no
known West Semitic technical term for cylinder
seal). In the Neo-Assyrian period large
cylinder seals (one, for instance, that is seven
and one-half inches long) were used for seals
of the gods. All of this information would fit
well with the usage in 3:23 and with Isaiah’s
emphasis on significant names. Assyrian
dream texts show an interesting relationship
between a seal being given in a dream and information
about a future offspring. One line
says that if someone in his dream gives him an
595 ISAIAH 8:1-19
inscribed seal, he will have a “name” or a son.
8:1. ordinary pen. The term for this tool is
used only one other time in the Old Testament,
Exodus 32:4, where it is used in the
manufacture of the golden calf. It is therefore
assumed to be some sort of drill or chisel. Exodus
32:16 uses the verbal root related to this
noun to describe the inscription of the Ten
Commandments on the tablets. Cylinder seal
artisans used drills, including a “fine drill.”
The word translated “ordinary” here, when
modifying a person, refers to humanity’s fragile
mortality. Perhaps here the use of a fragile
drill is intended to suggest high-quality workmanship.
ISAIAH 8:1-19 8:1-2. document. The presence of witnesses
suggests an official document being drawn
up. While some have suggested a marriage
contract (because of v. 3), given the prominence
of designating a name, something referring
to a birth or naming appears more likely.
8:3. prophetess. The title “prophetess” is never
used simply to designate the wife of a
prophet but consistently for a female prophet.
While we need not doubt that this prophetess
was Isaiah’s wife, she must also be regarded
as a woman who functioned prophetically in
her own right. Prophetesses, though somewhat
rare, are known from Mesopotamia. The
Mari texts from Syria in the early second millennium
B.C. give evidence of both males and
females in this position. Women are also
known to have spoken out as prophetesses
during the reign of Esarhaddon of Assyria.
The females appeared to have served in the
same role as the male prophets.
8:3. portentous names. See comment on 7:14.
8:4. plundering of Damascus and Samaria.
Certainly the wealth of Damascus was carried
off at the fall of the city in 732. It is more difficult
to determine when one might consider
the plundering of Samaria to have taken
place. Second Kings 17:3 reports that Hoshea
paid tribute to Shalmaneser, but this is not reported
as a plundering of Samaria. It is more
likely that the plundering should be associated
with the fall of Samaria in 721.
8:6. waters of Shiloah. Hezekiah’s tunnel had
not yet been constructed at this time. Water
was conducted from the Gihon Spring (in the
Kidron Valley on the east side of the city) toward
the south through an aqueduct that
brought the water to a reservoir at the southwestern
tip of the city. This aqueduct is
known as the Siloam Channel and in biblical
times went by the name Shiloah.
8:6. Rezin. See comment on 7:1.
8:7. flood waters overflowing its channels.
This common metaphor is known as early as
the Cuthean Legend of Naram-Sin (beginning
of second millennium), in which the invading
foe is likened to a flood, a deluge that overflowed
the banks of the canals and destroyed
cities.
8:8. Judah’s treatment by Tiglath-Pileser.
Tiglath-Pileser’s records do not record any action
taken against Judah in the campaigns of
734-732. Either that record is not preserved or
verse eight offers a longer view of the eventual
Assyrian invasion of Judah by Sargon and especially
Sennacherib. The longer view is to be
preferred, since the people of Judah would not
have been “rejoicing over Rezin” (v. 6) until after
the 732 campaign when Damascus was destroyed.
8:9-10. threat against the nations. Though
many interpreters have attributed these
words to Judah, it is more likely the threat of
the Assyrians. It was a common strategy for
the Assyrians to claim that the deities of their
rebellious vassals had abandoned them because
they had broken the oaths that had secured
their loyalty to the Assyrians. Examples
exist as early as Tukulti-Ninurta and
as late as Esarhaddon.
ISAIAH 9:1-5
8:11-22
Response to the Prophetic Message
8:14. imagery. Sanctuary and rock imagery go
together in Psalms as well (such as Ps 18:1-2.
The temple provided sanctuary for people in
trouble, and it was built on a foundation rock.
In spiritual imagery they would also then
speak of God as their foundation rock. The
trap and snare are used for hunting birds and
small animals, though the latter more likely
refers to a throwing stick, perhaps like a boomerang.
8:16. sealed documents in ancient world.
Scrolls could be sealed either by tying a string
around them and sealing the knot with clay or
by placing them in a jar and sealing the cover.
The clay or the seal around the lid would be
impressed with the owner’s seal. Mesopotamia
used cylinder seals, Egypt used scarab
seals, and Syro-Palestine used stamp seals.
Tablets would be sealed inside a clay envelope,
which would be impressed with the
owner’s seal. The seals were intended to ensure
the integrity of the contents. They
warned against tampering and, if intact, attested
to the authenticity of the document. For
more information see Nehemiah 9:38.
8:19. consultation of the dead. Because of the
well-developed ancestor cult pervading much
of the ancient Near East (evident, for instance,
in the emphasis on the role of the male heir to
ISAIAH 9:1-5 596
care for the father’s shrine in Ugaritic documents),
the dead were considered to have
some power to affect the living. It was believed
that if libations were poured out on behalf
of the dead ancestors, their spirits would
then offer protection and help to those still living.
In Babylon the disembodied spirit (utukki)
or the ghost (et[emmu) could become very dangerous
if not cared for and often were the objects
of incantations. Proper care for the dead
would begin with proper burial and would
continue with ongoing gifts and honor of the
memory and name of the deceased. The firstborn
was responsible for maintaining this ancestor
worship and therefore inherited the
family gods (often images of deceased ancestors).
Such care would have been based on a
belief, as seen in Saul’s consultation of the
witch of Endor, that the spirits of the dead
could communicate and had information on
the future that could be of use to the living.
These spirits were consulted through the efforts
of priests, mediums and necromancers.
This could be a dangerous practice, since
some spirits were considered demons and
could cause great harm. While it is difficult to
totally reconstruct Israelite beliefs about deceased
ancestors and the afterlife, it seems
clear that prior to the exile there existed a cult
of the dead or ancestral worship. This is evidenced
by archaeological remains: (1) standing
stones (mas[s[ebot); (2) channels cut into
tombs for the deposit of food and drink offering
for the dead (see Deut 26:14; Ps 106:28;
and (3) the importance placed on family
tombs (see the ancestral tomb for Abraham
and his descendants at Hebron) and mourning
rituals performed at these tombs (see Is
57:7-8; Jer 16:5-7. The local and family ancestral
cults were condemned by the prophets
and the law.
isaiah 9:1-5
9:1-7
Future Hope
9:1. treatment of Zebulun and Naphtali. The
tribes of Zebulun and Naphtali were among
those hardest hit by the Assyrians in the 733
campaign (see 2 Kings 15:29, supported in
the inscriptions of Tiglath-Pileser). Their
tribal territories comprised most of what became
the Assyrian province of Magiddu (see
next entry).
9:1. three regions. When Assyria came west in
733 to punish the northern kingdom of Israel
for its participation in anti-Assyrian activities,
one of the results was the reduction of their
territory. All but the Ephraim hills was annexed
as Assyrian territory. This territory was
set up in three administrative districts referred
to in the Assyrian records as Du’ru,
Magiddu and Gal’aza. These are reflected in
the three regions mentioned by Isaiah. Galilee
of the Gentiles is the Magiddu (Megiddo)
province (from the Valley of Jezreel north to
the Litani River); the way of the sea is the
Du’ru (Dor) province (the coastal plains from
Joppa to Haifa); and along the Jordan is the
Gal’aza (Gilead) province (Transjordan from
the Dead Sea to the Sea of Galilee). Recent excavations
in Dor have demonstrated a significant
Assyrian presence at this time.
9:2. light of hope and deliverance. In Mesopotamian
texts it is logically the sun god, Shamash,
who provides light. He is praised for
setting right the darkness and providing light
for humankind. As a king who reigns justly,
Hammurabi claims that he provides light for
the lands of Sumer and Akkad.
9:4. Midian’s defeat. The Midianite oppression
in the middle of the Judges period had
been some five hundred years earlier, but it
still stood as the most outstanding example of
God’s ability to bring deliverance against
overwhelming odds. It is clear that the reference
is to that particular defeat of Midian because
of the more specific reference in 10:26.
9:4. yoke imagery. Prophetic speech often refers
to the burden of political domination as a
yoke. In the Amarna letters the rulers of the
Canaanite city-states speak to Pharaoh of how
they willingly placed themselves in the yoke
to serve Egypt faithfully. Akkadian wisdom
literature indicates that bearing a god’s yoke
is desirable because of the fringe benefits. In
the Atrahasis Epic the gods find the yoke of Enlil
unbearable and rebel. Assyrian inscriptions
describe their conquest of other lands as imposing
the yoke of the god Ashur on the people,
and rebellion was portrayed as throwing
off the yoke. Needless to say, the prophet is
using an image familiar throughout the ancient
Near East.
9:5. warrior’s boot. The word for boot occurs
only here in the Old Testament but is equivalent
to one of the common Akkadian terms for
sandal or shoe. In the Assyrian army many of
the infantry went barefoot, but the cavalry
was equipped with knee-high soft leather
boots held on by long crisscrossed thongs. Officers
also were equipped with boots. Boots
would be among the most common plunder
stripped from the slain.
9:5. garment rolled in blood. In Assyria it
was common rhetoric to speak of cities and
countrysides dyed red with the blood of enemies
and of the army marching through the
blood of their enemies. In Ugaritic literature
597 ISAIAH 9:6-12
the war goddess Anat is described in battle
as plunging her knees into the blood of the
guards and her skirts in the gore of warriors.
Paintings at Til-Barsip show Assyrians in red
uniforms, and classical sources describe soldiers
of this period as wearing red or purple
tunics. Though there is no parallel to rolling
garments in blood, there is one Assyrian text
that speaks of dipping weapons in blood.
9:6. portent of the birth of an heir to the
throne. In the ancient Near East the birth of an
heir to the throne was a momentous occasion.
An example can be seen in the Egyptian Myth
of the Birth of the Pharaoh. Framed as a prophetic
oracle from the god Amon, Hatshepsut’s
birth is announced with a proclamation
of all that she will accomplish. Her name is
decreed, and she enjoys the protection and
blessing of the god. Even though this text represents
Hatshepsut’s contrived attempt to legitimate
her claim to the throne, it illustrates
the type of proclamation that would not be
out of place in a birth ceremony.
9:6. throne names and titulary in the ancient
Near East. It was common in the ancient
world for the king ascending to the throne to
take a throne name for himself. We should not
imagine that the name Sargon, which means
“The King Is Legitimate,” just happened to be
the given name of an individual who became
king. But beyond that was the matter of titulary,
titles that accredited the king with various
qualities and accomplishments. In Egypt
it was a formal, time-honored practice to bestow
a titulary of five names on a pharaoh ascending
to the throne as part of the accession
ceremony. These were an expression of the
Egyptian beliefs in the deity of the pharaoh.
Perhaps even more intriguing is the titulary of
Niqmepa, king of Ugarit (mid-second millennium)
which includes titles such as Lord of
Justice, Master of the Royal House, King Who
Protects and King Who Builds.
9:6. sentence names in the ancient Near East.
Most names in the ancient world make statements.
That is, they are self-contained sentences.
Many of the statements are about a deity.
One can easily recognize the deity name in
names such as Ashurbanipal, Nebuchadnezzar,
or Rameses. Anyone even casually familiar
with the Bible has noticed how many Israelite
names end in -iah or -el, or start with Jeho- or
El-. All of these represent Israel’s God. This
type of name is called a theophoric name, and
it affirms the nature of the deity, proclaims the
attributes of the deity or requests the blessing
of the deity. One way to interpret the titulary
of this verse is to understand it as reflecting
important theophoric affirmations: The Divine
Warrior Is a Supernatural Planner, The
Sovereign of Time Is a Prince of Peace (note:
the word “is” is not used in such constructions,
as all names demonstrate).
9:6. compound names in the ancient Near
East. The name Maher-Shalal-Hash-Baz in 8:1
is a compound name comprised of two parallel
statements. Since 9:6 proposes this child’s
name (singular) rather than his names (plural;
NIV translates around this), an attractive option
is to consider this also to be just one (long
and complex) compound theophoric name.
Though such compound names are not the
norm in the ancient Near East, Isaiah is not
presenting these as common. Assyrian use of
compound names can be observed in the
names Tiglath-Pileser III gives to the palaces
and the gates he built in Calah. The latter are
named “Gates of Justice Which Give the Correct
Judgment for the Ruler of the Four Quarters,
Which Offer the Yield of the Mountains
and the Seas, Which Admit the Produce of
Mankind Before the King Their Master.”
9:7. concept of coming king with ideal
reign. In a work titled the Marduk Prophecy
(from about 1100 B.C.) a king is “prophesied”
who will rebuild temples and reestablish
prerogatives for Babylon. His reign is characterized
by reform, stability and prosperity.
His favor with deity will open the gate of
heaven permanently. Peace and justice will
result from the deity’s rule through this ideal
king. Though the Marduk Prophecy may
well have been written as propaganda for
the king, who desired it to be understood as
applying to himself, it demonstrates that the
rhetoric used in Isaiah would have been familiar
as a way to describe a future ideal
kingdom.
9:8-21
Judgment Against Israel
9:10. bricks to dressed stone, figs to cedars.
Sun-dried mud brick was a common building
material in Palestine. It was inexpensive,
readily available and reasonably sturdy. Sycamore
(fig) was one of the most common trees
in the region. A rapid growing tree, its shrublike
character and soft wood made it less than
ideal for posts and beams, but it was used
nonetheless. The contrast of carefully dressed
stone and imported hardwood cedar suggests
luxury and permanence.
9:11. enemies of Rezin. The most notable enemies
of Rezin are the Assyrians, and they are
the ones from whom the judgment comes.
ISAIAH 9:6-12 9:12. Arameans and Philistines. Arameans
and Philistines were the other two major tar-
ISAIAH 9:14—10:9 598
gets of the Assyrians in the 734-732 campaigns.
It would be awkward, though not
impossible, to view them as being devoured
along with Israel by the enemies of Rezin.
Since Rezin is the king of the Arameans, it is
difficult to see them as comprising his enemies.
The other possibility is that captured
Philistines and Arameans had been pressed
into service in the ranks of the Assyrian army
as it moved against Israel. There is ample evidence
of this practice during the time of
Tiglath-Pileser.
9:14. palm branch and reed. The text does not
refer to the date palm tree being cut off but to
the frondlike branches that grow out of the
top of the trunk. The head and the tail, being
inseparable, are known to both go the same
direction. The frond and reed are the same as
they will bend in whatever direction the wind
is blowing. They have no ability to act independently.
9:20. cannibalism. It is uncertain whether this
text refers to cannibalism or not. Nevertheless,
cannibalism is a standard element of curses in
Assyrian treaties of the seventh century. It was
the last resort in times of impending starvation.
This level of desperation could occur in
times of severe famine (as illustrated in the
Atrahasis Epic) or could be the result of siege
(as during Ashurbanipal’s siege of Babylon,
about 650 B.C.) when the food supply had become
depleted, as anticipated in the treaty
texts. Siege warfare was common in the ancient
world, so this may not have been as rare
an occasion as might be presumed.
ISAIAH 9:14—10:9
10:1-34
Woes on Judah and Assyria
10:1. oppressive laws in the ancient Near
East. Reference is made here not to creating a
justice system but to issuing decrees or regulations
regarding specific issues. In the political
climate that existed in Isaiah’s time one of the
special issues that had to be addressed was
the raising of funds with which to pay tribute.
This was generally accomplished through
special tax levies, though there were always
exemptions granted to either classes of people
or cities that had been given sacred status.
Other possible issues include the manumission
of debt slaves or the disposition of property
in forfeiture. Usually the claim of unjust
laws was made against a ruler by his successor.
The Reform Text of Uruinimgina identified
oppressive practices of former days that
he put a stop to. Ur-Nammu claims that he
did not “impose orders” but eliminated violence
and cries for justice.
10:2. orphans and widows as victims. Based
on the statements in the prologues of the
Ur-Nammu Code and the Code of Hammurabi,
it is clear that kings considered it part of
their role as “wise rulers” to protect the rights
of the poor, the widow and the orphan. Similarly,
in the Egyptian Tale of the Eloquent Peasant,
the plaintiff began by identifying his
judge as “the father of the orphan, the husband
of the widow.” Individual statutes (seen
in several Middle Assyrian laws) protected a
widow’s right to remarry and provided for
her when her husband was taken prisoner
and presumed dead. In this way the vulnerable
classes were provided for throughout the
ancient Near East.
10:9. list of cities. The first two cities represent
northern Syria, with the southern city (Calno)
treated as the northern one (Carchemish) had
been. The second pair represents middle Syria,
again with the southern one (Hamath) having
been treated like the northern one
(Arpad). The third pair represents southern
Syria and Palestine, with the southern city
(Samaria) having been treated like the northern
one (Damascus). This presents a geographical
rather than a chronological sequence.
This leads to a final north-south sequence,
with Jerusalem juxtaposed to Samaria
in verse 11.
10:9. Calno. Also known as Calneh or, in the
Assyrian texts, Kullani, this city was subjugated
by the Assyrians in 738. The site has not
been positively identified as yet, but it is in the
vicinity of Arpad, in a territory known as
Unqi in Assyrian texts. It was considered a
significant victory by Tiglath-Pileser in that he
included a relief in the Calah annals that depicts
the gods of the city being carried away
captive and the king bowed in submission
with Tiglath-Pileser’s foot on his neck. Kullani
was identified as the principal target of
the 738 campaign.
10:9. Carchemish. Carchemish was likely one
of the allies of Urartu under Sarduri in the 743
coalition against Assyria. Carchemish did not
actively oppose Tiglath-Pileser in the 738 coalition,
rather its ruler, Pisiri, is listed among
those that paid tribute in that year. It was not
annexed until 717. The city was located on the
west bank of the Euphrates, just inside modern
Turkey, and was about fifty miles northeast
of Arpad.
10:9. Hamath. After Arpad and its coalition
collapsed in 740, another coalition was put together,
including many of the cities of southern
Syria. Hamath was among them and paid
tribute when the coalition was broken up by
Tiglath-Pileser in 738. Hamath (modern Ha-
599 ISAIAH 10:9-24
ma, almost 100 miles south of Aleppo and
about 130 miles north of Damascus) is located
on the Orontes River.
10:9. Arpad. Arpad (modern Tel Rifaat), about
twenty miles north of Aleppo in northern Syria,
was one of the first in the west to take a
stand against Tiglath-Pileser and feel the result
of his determination. In 743 Mati’el king
of Arpad formed a coalition with the Urartian
king Sarduri and his allies to try to keep the
Assyrians out of northern Syria. Tiglath-Pileser
broke up the coalition in 743 but took three
more years to finally subdue and annex Arpad
in 740.
10:9. Samaria and Damascus. These were, of
course, subjugated in the campaigns of
733-732 as Tiglath-Pileser extended his control
farther and farther south.
10:10. images that excelled. There is no distinction
made in this speech between the religious
practices of Israel and Judah on the one
hand and the other cities of the west. There is
no adjective expressed in this verse, but only
implied by the syntax. The idols of the nations
are therefore identified as exceeding the idols
of Jerusalem and Samaria. If the NIV is correct,
the comparison may concern how ornately
they were manufactured or clothed. The NASB
prefers “greater,” suggesting perhaps that
they were capable of more impressive shows
of strength. A third possibility could refer to
the greater number of idols in the other cities.
One of the grandest moments in the conquest
of a city was when the idols were led out subdued
and captive.
10:11. images and idols in Israel. Israelite religion
was ideally supposed to be aniconic (no
images). In actual practice, though, this was
not the case. Isaiah as well as most other preexilic
prophets indicted the people for their
use of idols. For Ahaz’s employment of idols
see 2 Chronicles 28:2. This textual portrayal is
not as well supported by the archaeological
record as might be expected. The absence of
idols dating to the monarchy, however, may
be due to the diligence in destruction by reformers
such as Hezekiah and Josiah, and the
thoroughness of plunderers such as the Assyrian
and Babylonian kings.
10:13-14. claims of royal inscriptions. The arrogant
claims put in the mouth of the Assyrian
king by Isaiah is not at all exaggerated.
The royal inscriptions of these kings are extreme
in the claims they arrogate to the king.
Tiglath-Pileser declares himself beloved of
the gods, light of all his people and shepherd
of humankind, who subdued many kings, despoiled
cities and imposed tribute. He
claimed that he considered his enemies mere
ghosts. One of his predecessors, Ashurnasirpal,
shows a great propensity for proliferate
titles, often including more than two dozen.
Among them are included ferocious dragon,
marvelous shepherd, holy creature, martial
sovereign, fearless in battle, trampler of enemies,
merciless hero and mighty floodtide
who has no opponent and who by his lordly
conflict has brought under one authority ferocious
and merciless kings from east to west
(excerpts from Grayson, Assyrian Royal Inscriptions
2).
10:16-19. judgment on Assyria. Though the
Assyrian king fashioned himself as the light of
all his people, Yahweh, the Light of Israel, was
going to outshine him. The Assyrian kings
boasted of their destructions of fields and orchards,
and of their incineration of cities—
now they will suffer a similar fate. The armies
that were the power and pride of these kings
were to be decimated by disease (epidemics
were a constant threat to army camps) if the
army is referred to here (see next comment). A
devastation of the Assyrian army did take
place outside the walls of Jerusalem in 701,
though not through consumption (NIV: “wasting
disease”; see 2 Kings 19:35. The overthrow
of Assyria was not accomplished until
about eighty-five years later as the Medes and
Babylonians conquered Ashur and Nineveh.
10:16. wasting disease. There is little reason to
accept the NIV translation of “sturdy warriors”
in this verse (it nowhere else refers to
soldiers or army). The word refers to that
which is rich or luxuriant and in Daniel 11:24
applies to territory. Preference here would be
for the idea that God would make the lushest
regions of Assyria unproductive.
10:22-23. divine decree of destruction. The divine
decree that a city should be destroyed is a
familiar motif in the ancient Near East. As early
as the Sumerian Laments the divine council
decreed the destruction of the city of Ur.
There, however, it is lamented that there is no
explanation for Enlil’s decree. In the Marduk
Prophecy the god decrees his own removal to
Hatti. The Weidner Chronicle reports that
Marduk decreed the destruction of the city of
Babylon at the hands of the Gutians. In this
piece it was for the offenses of Naram-Sin. Ishtar
became angry and stirred up an enemy
against her city of Uruk in the Myth of Erra and
Ishum. Though there is not always a reason
that could be cited as “righteous,” the concept
presented here is very familiar.
ISAIAH 10:9-24 10:24. Egyptian role. Egypt had little involvement
in the affairs of Syro-Palestine during
the reign of Tiglath-Pileser III, since this was a
time of division and competing claims be-
ISAIAH 10:26—11:10 600
tween Egypt, Nubia to the south and Libya to
the west. A single incident reports that Hanun
king of Gaza fled to Egypt for protection
when Tiglath-Pileser came against his city in
734. It was not until the accession of Shalmaneser
V to the throne of Assyria in 727 that
Hoshea of Israel was emboldened to approach
the Egyptians for help (see comment on
2 Kings 17:4. The reference to Egypt here is to
the time of the exodus.
10:26. rock of Oreb. This is a reference to the
Lord’s deliverance of Israel under Gideon
against all odds. The Midianite ruler Oreb was
killed at the (unlocated) rock of Oreb in Judges
7:25.
10:27. yoke imagery. See comment on 9:4.
10:28-32. itinerary. The twelve cities mentioned
here cut a path from the north directly
toward Jerusalem. This is not the itinerary followed
by Sennacherib when he came against
Jerusalem in 701. In that campaign he cut off
all the cities of the Shephelah southwest of
Jerusalem, Lachish being the last, and so approached
Jerusalem from that side. Aiath is
usually identified with Ai, about ten miles
north of Jerusalem. Migron is thought to be
the Wadi Swenit that forms a deep pass between
Micmash and Geba (see comment on
1 Sam 14:2. As the army camps at Geba, there
is uncertainty which of the three roads out of
Geba will be used. One road goes west to Ramah
(under two miles); one goes southwest to
Gibeah (about three and a half miles); and a
third goes south to Anathoth (about four
miles). The Anathoth road would lead by Gallim
(uncertain location) and then south of
Anathoth would pass through Laishah to
Nob. Nob is believed to have been located on
what is now called Mount Scopus, overlooking
the city of Jerusalem from the northwest.
Mademah and Gebim remain unidentified.
10:34. Lebanon. See comment on 2:13.
ISAIAH 10:26—11:10
11:1-16
The Future Davidic King and His
Kingdom
11:1. oracle of a future ideal ruler. See comment
on 9:7. Texts from both Egypt and Mesopotamia
predict kings coming to power who
will be successful in bringing peace, justice
and prosperity, though these are usually written
after the king is on the throne as a means
of legitimating his rule. Such an oracle in the
time of Ashurbanipal includes the hungry being
fed, the naked being clothed and prisoners
being set free. Tiglath-Pileser III is described
as the shoot or scion of the city of Baltil (=Assur)
who brings justice to his people.
11:2. endowment with divine spirit in the ancient
Near East. In the Judges period the Spirit
of the Lord endowed an individual with
central authority that only the Lord possessed
(see comment on Judg 6:34-35. The role of the
king represented a more permanent central
authority and likewise relied on empowerment
by the Lord. The king was an agent of
deity and a heavenly functionary just as judges
and prophets were. The Spirit is able to give
the positive attributes of courage, charisma,
insight, wisdom and confidence. In Mesopotamia
the king was seen as being endowed with
the melammu of the gods (the visible representation
of the glory of deity). It designated him
as the divine representative and indicated that
his reign was legitimate and approved by the
gods. In Assyrian inscriptions it is pictured
hovering over the king. An additional correlation
may be found in the Akkadian term bashtu.
It refers generally to a sense of dignity and
is often bestowed by the gods, but it also is
personified as a protective spirit. It provides
various attributes, as here, and gives authority
to its recipient.
11:3-4. judge’s challenge. The foremost responsibility
of a king in the ancient world was to establish
justice, and therefore the rhetoric of
kings throughout the inscriptional material
proclaims their success in that endeavor. The
wisdom of a king was assessed by the brilliance
of his insight into complex cases, and his
suitability for the throne was evaluated by his
commitment to provide for the vulnerable
classes of society. The ability to resolve difficult
cases was believed to be divinely endowed
(compare Solomon; see comments on 1 Kings
3:16-28 and 2 Chron 1:12 and therefore was not
dependent solely on the evidence that could be
presented in court (see Prov 16:10.
11:5. belt/sash. The same word is used in both
lines of this verse, but one item is a wrap
around the thighs, while the other winds between
the thighs. These are the most basic articles
of clothing, and without them an
individual would be naked.
11:6-8. animal behavior to convey utopian
conditions. From Sumerian times the myth
called Enki and Ninhursag describes a utopian
situation in which the lion does not kill and
the wolf does not snatch the lamb. Other utopian
works describe an absence of predators
(no snake, scorpion, lion or wolf in the account
in Enmerkar and the Lord of Aratta).
11:10. banner. The banner, or standard, was
used as a means of calling out an army of a particular
territory or indicating the place where a
muster was taking place or a camp was located.
It often featured an insignia of the tribe or
601 ISAIAH 11:11—13:10
division. In the Egyptian army the divisions
were named for various gods (e.g., the division
of Amun, division of Seth) and the banners
would identify the division by means of some
representation of the god.
11:11. places of exile. The places named here
are not necessarily intended to represent locations
of known exile for Israelites. Rather they
are equivalent to the four quarters of the earth
referred to in the next verse. Assyria is mentioned
first as the actual location of exiles but
also as a representative of the northeastern area.
Egypt, to the southwest, is identified in
three segments up the Nile, including the
kingdom of Nubia (NIV: Cush). Elam and
Babylonia represent the southeast extremes,
while Hamath represents the regions to the
north. Finally, the “islands” is a way of representing
the areas furthest west.
11:12. four quarters. It was typical in the ancient
world to refer to four regions of the inhabited
world. Akkadian literature speaks of kings
ruling the four quarters, most likely making
reference to the most distant coasts or extremities
in the four major directions. In this sense it
is referring to not four slices of the geographical
pie but four edges, thereby including everything
in between.
11:14. near neighbors. As the previous verses
had focused on a universal perspective, this
verse addresses the near neighbors on the
east, west and south.
11:15. gulf of the Egyptian Sea. This is the
only occurrence in the Bible of a body of water
called the Egyptian Sea and is therefore difficult
to place with any certainty. Most commentators
identify it with the Gulf of Suez.
11:15. Euphrates in seven streams. In Mesopotamia
the water supply was regulated for
irrigation use by separating and diverting
sluice channels from canals that drew water
off from the river system. As water was diverted,
the various channels slowed the flow
of the water.
12:1-6
Song of Victory
12:1-6. victory songs. The concept of an angry
God who has now concluded the just punishment
of the nation will be repeated later in
Isaiah (40:1-2). The call to praise God’s name
is found in many Psalms, including 22:22-25
and 116:12-13. This theodicy of divine wrath
followed by restoration of fortunes is also
found in the Moabite inscription of Mesha.
There the king notes how their god Chemosh
allowed them to be conquered for a time but
had eventually chosen to give them victories
over their enemies. Similarly, the Assyrian
annals of Esarhaddon, Shalmaneser I and
Tukulti-Ninurta I praise their triumphant god
Ashur, who has “universal sovereignty” and
has given them authority to subjugate all nations.
ISAIAH 11:11—13:10
13:1-22
Oracle Against Babylon
13:1. oracles against foreign nations. See
comment on Jeremiah 46:1.
13:1. Babylon in Isaiah’s time. At the time
that Isaiah functioned as a prophet (second
half of the eighth century B.C.), the Neo-Assyrian
empire, under the Sargonid rulers, Sargon
II and Sennacherib, was the most powerful
political network the world had ever seen. It
stretched across the Near East and would
eventually even include Egypt for a short
time. During this period Babylonia and its
Chaldean rulers were subjugated, just like all
other nation states by the Assyrians. However,
they, like the Medes in western Iran, periodically
tested the Assyrian hegemony with revolts
or by attempting to subvert Assyria’s
allies and vassal states. Particularly troublesome
was Merodach-Baladan, who ousted the
Assyrian rulers of Babylon on at least two occasions.
Finally, in 689 B.C. Sennacherib sacked
the city and assumed the title of king of Babylon.
Shortly after 660, as the Assyrian empire
began to crumble, Babylonia and Media combined
to put even greater pressure on the last
of the great Assyrian kings, Ashurbanipal. His
death in 627 marked the end of Assyrian
world power and the emergence of Nebuchadnezzar
and the Neo-Babylonian empire.
13:10. constellations. The constellations, according
to the Mesopotamian creation epic
Enuma Elish, were the divine assembly of the
great god Marduk, placed there to oversee the
forces of nature and help him manage creation.
Since it was assumed that movements
of heavenly bodies were omens for events that
would occur on earth, astronomic observations
were constantly made and recorded
(such as the collection in Enuma Anu Enlil).
Eventually this was also applied to the preparing
of individual horoscopes in Mesopotamia,
Egypt and Greece. In this way lucky and
unlucky days could be determined by consulting
the guild of magicians and astrologers.
Mesopotamian constellations included animal
figures such as a goat (Lyra) and snake (Hydra);
objects such as an arrow (Sirius) and a
wagon (Big Dipper); and characters such as
Anu (Orion). The most popular of the constellations
was Pleiades, often portrayed on seals
ISAIAH 13:10—14:8 602
even in Palestine and Syria. Neo-Assyrian
texts preserve sketches of stars in constellations.
13:10. darkened stars, sun and moon. By declaring
that on the “day of Yahweh” the heavens
and all of its celestial bodies would be
damped out, Isaiah claims that the glory of
Yahweh will outshine and mask the brilliance
of all other supposed gods (compare the language
of Ps 104:19-22, in which Yahweh is
said to control the moon and sun). Since Assyria
and Egypt both worshiped the sun god
(Shamash and Amun respectively) as their
primary deity and the moon god Sin was of
great importance in Babylonia, the prophet
targets these gods and these arrogant enemy
nations. Such portents of darkness, as in the
Deir ’Alla inscription of Balaam, generally
forecast a time of great disaster, but Isaiah’s
message is one of triumph in which “lesser
lights” are extinguished to better illumine
Yahweh.
Isaiah 13:10—14:8 13:12. gold of Ophir. The particular purity of
the gold of Ophir is the measure for the
cleansing of humanity by Yahweh’s intervention.
The actual location of Ophir is still unknown,
although Arabian and East African
(Zimbabwe or Somalia) sites are favored (1
Kings 9:28). An eighth-century B.C. inscription
from Tell Qasile mentions the gold of Ophir,
and it further supports the idea that the name
Ophir had become synonymous with purity.
13:13. heavens and earth trembling. Isaiah
uses language similar to that which is used in
the “storm god” theophany common in the
Ugaritic Baal Epic cycle. The divine warrior
manifests himself by convulsions of nature,
strong winds and a booming within the heavens
that nearly tear the very fabric of earth
apart. A similar example is found in David’s
song of praise in 2 Samuel 22:8-16 (see comment
there).
13:17. Medes. Median tribes and kings begin
to appear in Assyrian texts in the late ninth
century B.C., especially in connection with the
acquisition of horses and in gaining control of
trade routes through the Zagros Mountains.
Tiglath-Pileser III and Sargon II each invaded
the area several times, exacting tribute and deporting
portions of the population (2 Kings
17:6). The Medes inhabited the region of central
western Iran with their capital at Ecbatana.
The Iranian kingdom of Elam ruled the
area to the south. They do not appear to be a
unified people until the seventh century,
when their king Cyaxares combined forces
with Nebuchadnezzar and the Chaldeans of
Babylon to attack and destroy Nineveh (612
B.C.). Subsequently the Medes were conquered
or absorbed into the Achaemenid empire
by Cyrus II in 550 B.C. Esther 1:3.
ISAIAH 13:10-14:8 13:17. no interest in silver or gold. As the Assyrian
annals of Sennacherib attest, it was possible
for a city to ransom itself during a siege
for a high price 2 Kings 18:13-16. However,
the reputation of the Medes is that they were
such fierce warriors that they could not be
bribed or bought off once they had begun a
campaign (see Zeph 1:18.
13:19. overthrow of Babylon. Despite the fact
that Assyria is the source of Israel’s destruction
in Isaiah’s time, that empire is seen as
“the rod of God’s anger” Is 10:5, although assurance
is given that its time of judgment will
eventually come (14:25). Thus the elimination
of the short-lived Chaldean monarchy of
Merodach-Baladan provides an initial example
within the larger picture of “the day of
Yahweh” that will ultimately usher in a new
age. The Bit Yakin tribe of the Chaldeans, who
had previously inhabited the area south of
Babylonia, established their rule over Babylon
in 722 B.C. First Sargon II and then Sennacherib
moved against them, but a final resolution
of what came to be a series of revolts and
counterrevolts did not occur until 689, when
Sennacherib razed the city and many of its
monumental buildings. The ruins of the city
broke the Chaldeans for a century, and the
memory as well as the sight of the destruction
might well have been compared to the fate of
Sodom and Gomorrah. Yet the involvement of
the Medes suggests that the final destiny of
Babylon provided the ultimate fulfillment of
this prophecy as the Medes and Persians overran
the city in 539.
13:20. fate of Babylon. The description of utter
devastation and its perpetual emptiness
follows a pattern of city lament found in the
Sumerian Laments for Ur (c. 2000 B.C.). In a
similar example of a woe oracle the Egyptian
Visions of Neferti describes the end of the Old
Kingdom, leaving the people without direction,
the canals dry and Egypt open to invasion
by Asiatics and desert herders. Babylon’s
ultimate demise came not at the hands of a destructive
enemy but through gradual deterioration
as the course of the Euphrates shifted
and left the fabled city an isolated and abandoned
wilderness.
14:3-23
Taunt Against the King of Babylon
14:4. taunt song. This song uses the metric
pattern of a dirge but parodies the genre by
mocking rather than eulogizing the dead.
14:8. woodsman. The forests of Lebanon were
603 ISAIAH 14:9-13
considered a treasury by kings of the ancient
world. The timber from the cedar trees was essential
for temples and palaces. Kings boasted
of having extended their conquests to these
forests and of cutting trees from it. Nebuchadnezzar
calls it the forest of Marduk, and the
Gilgamesh Epic portrays the cedar forests as
divine property guarded by the fearsome Huwawa.
Invading them and taking their resources
was the greatest adventure of all.
Isaiah 37:24 and Ezekiel 31 portray a similar
concept.
14:9-11. dead kings. In the ancient world it
was believed that spirits of the dead were
quite capable of returning to haunt the living.
The status or power one enjoyed in life was
often transferred into the netherworld existence,
perhaps with the thought that the spirit
would be content to remain. In the description
here in Isaiah, however, it is not the return of
the spirit that is the concern. The king of Babylon
is portrayed stripped of all of his power
and grandeur. In Canaanite mythology the
god Mot is the ruler of the netherworld and is
portrayed with royal characteristics. But it is
Baal who descends into the netherworld to become
the leader of all the fallen heroes and
honored ancestors. In Ugaritic literature these
are called the Rapiuma, the same word that the
NIV translates as “spirits of the departed” in
verse 9.
14:12. morning star. The Hebrew word behind
this translation, helel, is not used anywhere
else in the Old Testament. Many interpreters,
ancient and modern, see it as a designation of
Venus, the morning star. It is this interpretation
that was behind the early Greek translation
of the term, as well as the Latin Vulgate’s
luciferos (shining one, i.e., Venus). Most modern
interpreters believe that Isaiah is using a
well-known mythological tale as an analogy
to the failure and consequences of the king of
Babylon’s rebellion and arrogance, but no
known literature matches the details of
Helel’s rebellion.
ISAIAH 14:9-13 14:12. son of dawn. Dawn (shah[ar) was often
personified in the Old Testament and was a
known deity in Phoenician and Ugaritic inscriptions.
14:13. rebellion in heaven in the ancient
Near East. Some have seen some similarity
between the story of Helel and a Ugaritic tale
concerning the god Athtar. In Baal’s absence,
Athtar attempted to sit on his throne (rule in
his place) but found he was not up to the task
and subsequently took his place in the netherworld.
Though Athtar’s name may have a
similar meaning to Helel, he is not the son of
Shah[ar (as Helel is described), nor is he
thrown down from his attempt to sit on Baal’s
throne. Neither is the attempt itself an act of
rebellion. The theme of revolt against the gods
is, nevertheless, a familiar one. One of the best
examples from ancient literature is the Myth of
Anzu, where a lion/bird creature attempts to
steal the Tablet of Destinies by which the gods
governed the world. Anzu decides to take supremacy
of the world and the gods by stealing
the tablet from the chief god, Enlil. He
utters a series of “I will” statements just as the
king does here: “I myself will take the gods’
Tablet of Destinies. The responsibilities of the
AFTERLIFE BELIEFS IN ISRAEL AND THE ANCIENT NEAR EAST
Sheol is the Hebrew word for the netherworld. Though it might have been considered an act of judgment
for a person to be consigned to Sheol from life, it was not in itself a place of judgment to be contrasted to
the reward of a heavenly destiny. The word was sometimes used as a synonym for “grave” because the
grave was the portal through which one entered the netherworld. The Israelites believed that the spirits
of the dead continued to exist in this shadowy world. They were not thought to have a pleasant existence,
but Sheol is never associated with the torment of hellfire in the Old Testament (the imagery seen in Is
66:24 is not associated with Sheol). It is not clear that there were any alternatives to Sheol. People who
were spared from Sheol were spared from it by being kept alive rather than by going somewhere else.
There was at least a vague idea of somewhere else to go seen in the examples of Enoch and Elijah, who
avoided the grave and presumably did not go to Sheol. But those texts are very unclear about what the
other alternative was. In the absence of specific revelation to the contrary, Israelite beliefs conformed generally
to those current among their Canaanite and Mesopotamian neighbors.
In Mesopotamian beliefs the dead needed to cross a desert, mountains and a river, and then descend
through the seven gates of the netherworld. Though described in Mesopotamian literature as a place
where there is darkness and the inhabitants are clothed in bird feathers and eat dust, kinder accounts
were also current. The denizens of this shadow world were believed to be sustained by the offerings presented
by those who were still alive. They enjoyed some light as the sun god passed through the netherworld
when it was night in the land of the living so he could rise in the east again the next morning. The
rulers of the netherworld, Nergal and Ereshkigal, were assisted by a group called the Anunnaki. Despite
these depressing descriptions, no one wanted to be turned away from the gates because the alternative
was to be a wandering spirit with no access to funerary offerings.
ISAIAH 14:13-27 604
gods I will seize for myself. I will establish
myself on the throne and wield the decrees. I
will take command over all the Igigi-gods.”
Boastful arrogance was typical of the antagonist
in this type of account.
14:13. stars of God. The word used for God
here is El. While this is sometimes used to refer
to Israel’s God in the Bible, it is also known
as the name of the chief god in the Canaanite
pantheon. In the Old Testament the word
“stars” occasionally refers to angels of the
heavenly court Job 38:7, while in Ugaritic
and Mesopotamian texts it would describe astral
deities.
14:13. mount of assembly. Since the gods of
Canaanite mythology were believed to live on
the mountain heights (see next entry), it is understandable
that their place of assembly was
also located on an elevated place. In fact, El is
portrayed as convening the divine assembly
of the pantheon on the heights of Zaphon.
Though the term “mount of assembly” has
not been found, the council of the assembly is
said to meet on the mount of El.
14:13. sacred mountain. Ancient Near Eastern
thought, not unlike that familiar from Greek
mythology, visualized a mountain height as
the dwelling place of deity. There would have
been little difference in their minds between
the tops of mountains and the heavens. Baal’s
home was purported in Ugaritic literature to
be Mount Zaphon (commonly identified with
Mount Casius, Jebel al’Aqra, in Syria, elev.
5807 feet). The Hebrew word zaphon means
“north” and is translated here by the NIV “sacred
mountain” (see Ps 48:2.
14:14. Most High (Elyon). In the Old Testament
the term Elyon is normally a title for Yahweh.
However, since it also occurs as a divine
title (and perhaps even as a divine name) in
other literature from the ancient Near East
(Ugaritic, Aramaic and Phoenician), its use in
a context such as this can be ambiguous. It is
best known outside the Bible as a title for Baal
in the Ugaritic texts.
14:15. brought to the pit. In a Sumerian myth
that shares some material with the Anzu Myth
(see comment on 14:13), the god Ninurta overcomes
the creature Anzu but ambitiously
wants to gain power himself. When Enki discovers
his scheme, Ninurta is thrown into a
pit, and Enki chides him as a bragging upstart
who recklessly tried to seize power that did
not belong to him.
14:19. cast out of tomb. The mythological metaphor
in verses 12-15 separates the response
in the netherworld (vv. 9-11) from the response
on earth in verses 16-17. Since the mutilated
corpse of the enemy leader was often
exposed by being displayed in a public place
(see comment on 1 Sam 31:10, people would
pass by and stare. The phrase used here, better
rendered “cast out, without a tomb,” indicates
that the king will be deprived of proper burial.
This represented a final humiliation and a
desecration, for most ancient peoples believed
that proper, timely burial affected the quality
of the afterlife. See comment on 1 Kings 16:4.
In the Gilgamesh Epic, Enkidu, back from the
netherworld, reported to Gilgamesh that the
one who died unburied had no rest and that
the one who had no living relatives to take
care of him could only eat what was thrown
into the street. A Babylonian curse relates
burial to the uniting of the spirit of the dead
with loved ones. We know that even Israelites
believed that proper burial affected one’s afterlife,
because they, like their neighbors, buried
their loved ones with the provisions that
would serve them in the afterlife; most often
pottery vessels (filled with food) and jewelry
(to ward off evil), with tools and personal
items sometimes added.
14:19. fate of the slain. Alternatives to the
corpse being put on public display would include
the ignominious end of being piled in a
heap of the slain or of being trampled and unrecognizable.
The reference to “stones of the
pit” is obscure.
14:20. never be mentioned. The mentioning of
the name of the dead was one way of giving
honor to them (examples in Gen 48:16; Ruth
4:14). Alternatively this phrase could refer to
the name being either invoked or renowned.
In any case, the idea is clearly that this king
will not enjoy a prominent place in history.
ISAIAH 14:13-27
14:24-27
isaiah 14:13-27 Oracle Against Assyria
14:25. Assyria. The judgment pronounced
against Assyria again appears to refer to the
destruction of Sennacherib’s army outside
Jerusalem in 701 (see comment on 10:16-19).
14:26-27. plans of deity. Though there were
fixed decrees that the gods superintended, the
idea that a deity had a plan that stretched
across time and space was not easily maintained
in the polytheism of the ancient world.
The gods were not immune to the changes of
time, nor was any deity’s jurisdiction universal.
These would greatly limit the ability of a
god, even of a powerful head of pantheon
such as Ashur or Marduk, to sustain a plan
such as that claimed by Yahweh here and elsewhere
in Isaiah. Nevertheless, Assyrian kings
do claim that it was in the plan of the gods
that their throne was established, their con-
605 ISAIAH 14:28—15:6
quests made and their empires expanded. But
often these divine plans were seen to be made
on a short-term schedule. The gods were believed
to meet each New Year’s to make their
plans for the year. Their decrees would be recorded
on the tablets of fate to be enacted
throughout the year. Divination was typically
used when people wanted to find out more
about those plans.
14:28-32
Oracle Against Philistia
14:28. chronology. The chronology of this period
is very complicated and it is not easy to
determine the year of Ahaz’s death. Some
chronological systems overlap Ahaz and his
son Hezekiah in a coregency, with Hezekiah
being the lead ruler (due perhaps to the
strength of the anti-Assyrian contingent in the
administration). His death may have come as
early as 726 or as late as 715. The earlier one is
supported by the synchronism of 2 Kings 17:1.
14:29. Philistines in eighth century. Philistia
had been under the control of Judah during
the reign of Uzziah, which took up the whole
first half of the eighth century. It regained its
independence during the reign of Ahaz and
became the aggressor. With the rise of the
Neo-Assyrian empire, Philistia came under attack
just as the rest of the nations did. Tiglath-
Pileser targeted Gaza in his campaign of 734,
and the cities of Philistia thus became tribute-
paying vassals. When Sargon came to the
throne, the Philistines attempted to break free
of Assyria, but in 720 Philistia again came under
attack and Gaza renewed its loyalty. In
712 Sargon again had to come west to subdue
the revolt led by Ashdod. Ekron and Gath
were also targeted at this time. Sennacherib’s
701 campaign brought changes on the thrones
of several of the Philistine cities, but only Ekron
needed to be besieged. Through most of
the eighth and seventh centuries the Philistines
shared the fate of their neighbors in
Judah.
14:31-32. fate of Philistia. Eventually the Philistines
were defeated and deported by Nebuchadnezzar
just as the Judeans were. The
five cities retained some degree of prominence,
but by the Persian period the people
had been gradually assimilated into the general
mix of the empire population.
ISAIAH 14:28—15:6
15:1—16:14
Oracle Against Moab
15:1. Moab in eighth century. Like many of
the small Syro-Palestinian states during the
eighth century B.C., Moab was dominated by
Assyrian hegemony over the region. Several
Assyrian texts list Moabite kings paying tribute
or being implicated in the periodic revolts
by coalitions of these small nations (Ashdod
revolt of 713 recorded in a prism from Sargon
II’s reign). Since Isaiah is probably speaking
during the early reign of Hezekiah, the destruction
of Moabite cities is probably due to
incursions by desert tribes rather than the Assyrians.
It seems clear from Sennacherib’s annals
that Moab attempted to ingratiate herself
during the 701 campaign that saw much of
Judah devastated and Jerusalem besieged. As
a result Israelite prophets Amos 2:1-5 and Jer
48) generally list Moab as an enemy nation.
15:1-4. cities. Those cities listed as destroyed
or damaged are all in the northern sector of
Moab: Kir (Kir Hareseth in 16:7) is on the upper
portion of the Wadi el-Kerak and serves as
the capital of the district of Ar; Nebo and
Medeba both are located just east of the northern
end of the Dead Sea and about twenty
miles north of Dibon. Also attacked were
Heshbon and Elealeh, located northeast of Nebo.
The more southern cities of Dibon (twenty
miles north of Kir) and Jahaz were apparently
not directly affected by the raiders but were in
fear of future incursions.
15:2-3. mourning practices. Communal and
individual laments throughout the ancient
Near East included weeping, the shaving of
heads and beards, wearing sackcloth and lying
on the ground or rolling about. These are
all illustrative of grief as well as a temporary
(usually seven-day) identification with the
dead. See the comments on Micah 1:8 and 1:16
for discussion of these practices and extrabiblical
evidence from Ugaritic and Assyrian
texts.
15:5. flight itinerary. The key to the line of
flight for the Moabite fugitives is Zoar since
none of the other sites mentioned can be identified
(only mentioned elsewhere in the parallel
text in Jer 48:3, 5, 34. According to Genesis
14:2-3 Zoar is one of the cities of the plain.
Speculation on its exact location, however,
places it near Mount Nebo Deut 32:1-3, near
the northern tip of the Dead Sea, as well as in
the area at the southern end of the Dead Sea.
Considering the apparent focus of the attack
in Isaiah 15:1-4 around Kir and Nebo, it seems
that a southern site for Zoar and these other
cities would be more appropriate for a flight
to safety towards Edom.
15:6. waters of Nimrim. Following the same
reasoning regarding a flight south by the Moabite
fugitives, it seems best to identify Nimrim
Jer 48:34 with the Wadi en-Numeirah,
ISAIAH 15:7—17:2 606
which flows west into the southern end of the
Dead Sea. There is also a nearby site, Numeirah,
which may have been associated with the
water source and served as a Moabite outpost.
15:7. ravine of the poplars. Assuming a southern
route for the fugitives, this poplar-lined
ravine would be the Wadi el-Hesa (Zered River),
which marks the border between Moab
and Edom. This wide valley (up to four miles
across) runs for thirty-five miles and concludes
at the southeast end of the Dead Sea
Num 21:12.
15:8. Eglaim. Isaiah’s oracle would indicate a
southern location for this site, but no exact
identification has been made. Among the possibilities
are Eusebius’s listing of Agallim, just
south of Rabbah, and Aharoni’s suggestion of
Mazra’, a site east of the Lisan Peninsula.
15:8. Beer Elim. This site has not been positively
identified. Some scholars speculate that
it is to be equated with Beer of Numbers 21:16,
but the large number of place names which
begin with Beer, “well,” makes such an identification
problematic. Following the line of
thought used on other sites in this oracle, one
would expect it to be a southern site near the
Dead Sea, possibly in the vicinity of el-Kerak.
15:9. Dimon’s waters. Because of its proximity
to the Wadi Ibn Hammad on the Moabite plateau,
Dimon has been identified with Khirbet
Dimneh, about two and a half miles northwest
of Rabbah. Surface survey has not revealed
Iron Age pottery, but no excavations
have been undertaken at the site.
16:1. lambs as tributes. Much of the Moabite
plateau is suitable for grazing herds of sheep
and goats Num 32:4. Since this would have
been a major part of their economy, it would
make a suitable form of tribute 2 Kings 3:4.
Assyrian annals often list huge quantities of
precious metals, slaves and luxury goods as
tribute payments (more likely war booty).
However, in the normal course of taxing subject
people, sheep would better serve the daily
needs of officials (Ashurnasirpal II lists a
thousand cattle and ten thousand sheep paid
by the frightened ruler of Hattina).
16:1. Sela. This word, meaning “rock,” appears
only a few times as a place name. The
best known usage is in 2 Kings 14:7, referring
to an Edomite fortress that was conquered by
Amaziah of Judah and is identified with either
Petra or modern Sela’, two miles northwest of
Buseira. The site mentioned in Isaiah’s oracle
has not been identified. It is unlikely to be the
same as the Edomite site because all of the
other places mentioned in this text stop short
of entering Edom.
ISAIAH 15:7—17:2 16:2. fords of the Arnon. The Valley of the Arnon
is in places three miles across and is a major
barrier to traffic north and south. The fords
refer to the point where the north-south highway
crosses the wadi at Dibon (as in Mesha’s
mention of this in the Moabite Stone). This
would a natural crossing point for the Moabite
fugitives as well as an extremely strategic
site (compare the military importance of
fords in Judg 12:5; Jer 51:32.
16:7-9. cities. Recapping the area of devastation,
the oracle describes the physical and economic
ruin of the northern section of Moab.
This includes the tableland cities of Heshbon
and Kir Hareseth (Kir; see 15:1-4), and Jazer
(Khirbet Gazzir, at the northern end of the
Dead Sea). Both Sibmah and Elealeh are listed
as part of the Heshbon district and were at
one time part of Reuben’s allotment (Num
32:3, 37; Josh 13:19. Sibmah’s location is uncertain,
while Elealeh is generally identified
with Khirbet el-’Al, just over a mile northeast
of Tell Hesban.
16:14. Moab’s fate. While no exact historical
event can be suggested for the prophet’s oracle
against Moab, it is conceivable that raids
by desert tribes or perhaps the backlash of an
Assyrian army as it passed through the region
is the basis for this destruction.
17:1-14
Oracle Against Damascus
17:1. Damascus. The Syro-Ephraimitic War
(see comments on 7:1), which raged during
the middle 730s, ended with the Assyrian
king Tiglath-Pileser III invading Syria and Israel
and devastating both of these rebellious
states (734-732). The Syrian kingdom, ruled
from Damascus by Rezin (see 7:1-9), had been
Israel’s principal political and economic rival.
He had meddled in Israel and Judah’s internal
affairs and had encroached on their territories
for over a decade. It seems apparent, however,
that Rezin overstepped his bounds in leading
an anti-Assyrian coalition. Assyria did not
welcome a rival “Greater Syria,” and the destruction
of Damascus in 732, as recorded in
the Assyrian Annals, was massive, leaving
hundreds of sites looking “like hills over
which the flood had swept.” This widespread
destruction also included both the reduction
of much of the city of Damascus to rubble as
well as the redistribution of its territories in
Syria as well as in Transjordan and the Galilee.
17:2. Aroer. The Assyrian campaign through
Transjordan would have naturally included
the capture of the strategic fortress site of Aroer
on the Arnon (’Ara’ir, three miles southeast
607 ISAIAH 17:3—18:2
of Dibon and two and a half miles east of the
King’s Highway). It guarded the passage
through the valley of the Arnon and controlled
the border between Moab and Ammon.
It is possible that an earlier site for the
city was located at Tel Esdar (one and a half
miles north) and the name was moved to
’Ara’ir after its destruction in the eighth century.
ISAIAH 17:3—18:2 17:3. fate of Damascus. Tiglath-Pileser III’s
Annals describe how he completely destroyed
the sixteen districts and most of the cities of
Aram in 732, deported portions of the population
and gave charge of most of the cities and
territories of Syria to other, more loyal vassals
(the list includes 591 towns destroyed). Damascus
was badly damaged but survived the
experience to become the capital of a newly
constituted Assyrian province. Subsequently
Damascus joined yet another anti-Assyrian
coalition, led by the Syrian state of Hamath, in
720. This rebellion was crushed by Sargon II in
720, and thereafter Damascus is ruled by Assyrian
governors until 609. The city only regained
its independence temporarily until the
Neo-Babylonian empire absorbed it in 604.
17:5. imagery of reaper. The process of reaping,
as depicted in Egyptian tomb paintings, involved
the reaper grabbing the stalks of grain
in his left hand while cutting them with a sickle
in his right hand Ps 129:7. In this way he was
already prepared to tie together the stalks into
a bundle that could be transported to a threshing
floor. What little remained from this cutting
would be gathered by gleaners Ruth 2:3, 7.
17:5. Valley of Rephaim. This valley and its
farms extend southwest of Jerusalem. It provided
much of the food for the inhabitants of
the city and must have also been heavily
gleaned by the poor. A drought or a siege of
the city would have put a major strain on the
food supply, creating the image found in Isaiah’s
oracle. The Ein Yael Project has extensively
surveyed the archaeological remains of the
agricultural activity in this valley. It has
shown the widespread use of terracing, an indication
of the need to utilize as much of the
land as possible to feed the growing population
of Jerusalem and its vicinity.
ISAIAH 18:2—19:1 17:6. olive gleaning. Like the grain harvesters,
the workers who beat the branches of the
olive trees to gather the fruit were told to
leave a portion for “the alien, the fatherless
and the widow” Deut 24:20. Their long
sticks brought most of the fruit to the ground,
but that in the uppermost branches was to be
left Is 24:13. This provides an excellent image
of a remnant who will survive to restore
the covenantal relationship with Yahweh.
17:8. Asherah poles. See the comments on
Deuteronomy 7:1-26 and Judges 2:13 for discussion
of these cultic symbols of the fertility
goddess of the Canaanites.
17:8. incense altars. Archaeological excavations
have demonstrated a wide variety of incense
altars throughout the ancient Near East.
They range from large, elaborate stands containing
intricate decoration (see the Taanach
stand) to simple pedestals used in domestic
worship as well as to fumigate houses, covering
odors and repelling insects. While there is
a long history of burning incense in Israelite
worship Ex 30:7-8; Num 16:46-48, it also has
close associations with the gods of other peoples
as well as magic Is 65:3; Jer 19:13.
18:1-7
Oracle Against Cush
18:1. land of whirring wings. It is possible
that this is a reference to the multitude of insects
that infest the Nile Valley Deut 28:42
contains a similar use of the Hebrew word).
However, given the context of “envoys” on
the waterways, this more likely refers to the
many swift boats made of bundled papyrus
that sped their way up and down the Nile.
18:1. rivers of Cush. Cush can refer to several
different places in the Old Testament, though
it most frequently is the designation for the
area translations usually render “Ethiopia.”
This is misleading, for the area Cush refers to
is not modern Ethiopia (Abyssinia), but the
area along the Nile just south of Egypt, ancient
Nubia (in modern Sudan). The boundary
between Egypt and Nubia in ancient times
was usually either at the first or second cataract
of the Nile. It is unlikely that Nubia ever
extended much beyond the sixth cataract at
Khartoum. The period from 730 to 715 was
one of flux in this area. During the Third Intermediate
Period the Twenty-Fifth Dynasty was
beginning to emerge, headed by Ethiopian
monarchs Pianchia and his successor Shabaka.
They remained for a time in the kingdom of
Cush but were moving to gain control over all
of Egypt and unite the country under their
rule. This required battling the native Egyptian
kings who held the Delta region, holding
off threats from Libya to the west and negotiating
mutual defense treaties with the expanding
Assyrian empire to the east.
18:2. envoys by papyrus boats. Certainly there
would have been a great deal of diplomatic activity
during this period. There is some question,
however, who is sending these envoys and
to whom they are being sent. Given the desire
of the Ethiopian dynasts to gain full control
ISAIAH 18:2—19:1 608
over Lower Egypt and the Delta, they may well
be sending messengers to Assyria seeking assistance
or at least a recognition of their legitimacy
to rule in Egypt (see the vision of good relations
between Egypt and Assyria in 19:23-25). The
use of papyrus boats on the Nile rather than the
larger barque associated with nobles and troop
carriers suggests some stealth was necessary.
The light rafts made of papyrus could easily
navigate the rapids along the Nile or could be
carried past dangerous or highly populated sections.
18:2. tall and smooth-skinned. Although it
seems clear that Ethiopia is sending diplomatic
overtures to Assyria, they would not be
making the entire trip in papyrus boats. These
light crafts would only be suitable for the
Nile. Since the Assyrians were neither tall nor
smooth-skinned (we have many representations
of short, bearded men in Assyrian reliefs),
then the envoys may also be spreading
the word to the Ethiopian people to join in the
effort to unite Egypt. Herodotus’s picture of
the Ethiopians as the tallest of the Africans
would fit this reconstruction.
ISAIAH 19:3—19:11 18:2. strange speech. Despite the translation
found here, the Hebrew form is a duplicated
adjective (qaw-qaw), which means “mighty.”
The onomatopoeic sound could characterize
the rhythmic cadence of a marching army, and
the resultant fear might arise from the blended
or garbled voices of this host.
18:2. land divided by rivers. This is an apt description
of Mesopotamia, the “Land of Two
Rivers,” the Tigris and Euphrates. However,
since the envoys of the Ethiopian pharaoh
Shabaka, at least initially, are being sent
throughout Egypt, the “rivers” in this case
may well be the tributaries and canals linked
to the Nile River.
18:5. imagery from grape harvest. It is the
wise farmer who knows the correct times of
the year to cultivate and prune his vines to insure
maximum yield. The grapevines first
bloom in May, and the fruit will begin to ripen
by August. There are two calculated prunings:
(1) as noted in the Gezer Calendar, in the fall
before the vines become dormant, the unproductive
bunches from the previous year are
removed, and (2) once the grapes appear, excess
leaves and tendrils are cut away to encourage
greater yield and even ripening.
Yahweh will thus bide his time until the appropriate
moment to make his pruning of nations
on earth.
18:6. judgment by animals. The cuttings from
the grape vines were often used for fuel (Ezek
15:2-4), but in this example they are left as
food and nesting for birds and other animals.
The pruned cuttings, like the shattered nations,
become little more than scattered sticks,
incidentally useful through the coming seasons,
but no threat to Yahweh or to Judah.
19:1-25
Oracle Against Egypt
19:1. Egypt in eighth century. Egypt is a divided
nation during much of the eighth century.
The nominal rule of Sheshonq’s successors
at Tanis was virtually ignored by the dynasts
at Thebes and the patchwork of kings and
chiefs in the Delta. The rising threat to Egypt
represented by the expansion of Assyria under
Tiglath-Pileser III after 745 may have fueled
the emergence of the Cushite kings
Piankhy and Shabaka. Their efforts to unite all
Egypt were stalled for about twenty years by
the rulers of Sais, who had managed to merge
all of the northern nomes under their leadership.
The Saite success was aided by increased
trade with the Philistines and the rest of the
Levant. It was probably to the Saite king
Tefnakhte that many of the Assyrian border
states (Philistia, Israel, Transjordan) looked for
aid in their attempts to rebel. Finally, in 712
the Sudanese king Shabaka conquered all of
Lower Egypt and once again united the country
under the single rule of the Twenty-Fifth
Dynasty.
19:1. cloud as chariot. The image of a rampant
God storming through the heavens in a cloud
chariot is a common one Ps 68:4; 104:3; Jer
4:13). Such descriptions of storm theophany
may be found in the texts that speak of the
Ugaritic god Baal. In both the Aqhat Epic and
the Baal and Anat cycle of stories, Baal is referred
to as the “Rider of the Clouds.” Baal’s
attributes, commanding the storms, unleashing
the lightning and rushing to war as a Divine
Warrior, even appear in the Egyptian El
Amarna texts. The characteristics of Yahweh
as Creator, Fertility God and Divine Warrior
share a great deal in common with the characteristics
of the gods in these earlier epics. One
of the ways that Yahweh presents himself as
the sole divine power for the Israelites is by
assuming the titles and powers of the other
ancient Near Eastern gods.
ISAIAH 19:3-11 19:1. idols trembling. The gods/idols and the
people of Egypt are paralleled here in their
awe of Yahweh’s command over all of nature
and every creature and nation. The anthropomorphic
image of “trembling” idols is comparable
to the fear of the Mesopotamian gods
who through their collective efforts created
the flood (Gilgamesh Epic and the Atrahasis
Epic). They were overwhelmed by the ferocity
609 ISAIAH 19:3-11
of the forces they had unleashed and are described
as cowering like whipped curs behind
a wall. Yahweh’s magisterial entrance into
Egypt may be compared to the derision of
idols in Psalm 96:4-5 and Isaiah’s general attitude
toward nations that are “full of idols” but
lack real divine power Is 2:8; 10:10-11; 31:7).
ISAIAH 19:13—20:2 19:3. consultation of idols and the dead. Following
his similar description of Egyptian
divination in 8:19, Isaiah derides that nation
for its useless dependence on idols and mediums
(see, however, the comments on 1 Sam
28:7-11). There is a great deal of information
on the use of magic in ancient Egypt by priests
and professional practitioners. They used
herbs, chants, ritual performances and bloodletting
to cure illnesses, exorcise demons,
curse enemy nations and their leaders, and influence
the gods. A portion of these magic
texts was designed to speed the journey of the
spirits of the dead through the process of
judgment and on to a blessed afterlife. It was
assumed that these spirits could also be consulted
on a variety of matters. A number of
“letters to the dead” soliciting information
have been recovered.
19:4. fate of Egypt. An immediate threat to the
native Egyptian rulers was the Ethiopian king
Shabaka. His Nubian kingdom eventually
conquered the Egyptian Delta states in 716
B.C., and that would fit the time period. It is
also possible that Isaiah is referring to Assyria.
The Delta kings had joined the Philistine revolt
lead by Gaza against Assyria and Sargon
II in 720. It could easily be surmised that Assyria
would eventually wish to conquer Egypt
and add it to the empire. Both Tiglath-Pileser
III and Sargon II made treaties with Arab
tribes along the Sinai and Philistine borders to
keep a check on Egypt. Tensions continued to
grow between the nations until in 663 Ashurbanipal
successfully marched south through
the Nile Valley and sacked Thebes.
19:5-7. Egypt’s dependence on the Nile. Like
the riverine system in Mesopotamia, Egyptian
agriculture and commerce was completely dependent
on the Nile River system. They were
fortunate in that the Nile was a fairly predictable
and manageable river. Its inundations occurred
on a regular schedule (carefully
recorded by scribes and kept in official repositories).
Failure of the Nile’s flood would mean
poor harvests and the destruction of its industries
(especially flax). The Nile’s banks could
be cut with canals and irrigation channels to
expand the size of fields and the movement of
light shipping. In addition, the controlled
flooding of the Nile brought a rich silt to
Egyptian fields, insuring abundant crops and
lessening the need for fertilizing or crop rotation.
Travel was also based on movement up
and down the Nile. There was constant, heavy
barge traffic carrying grain and other raw materials,
manufactured goods and building
stones. Royal messengers, bureaucrats and
priests from the many temple communities
sailed the Nile, visiting and supervising fields
and the collection of taxes. In fact the very size
of Egypt’s domain was made possible because
troops could quickly move from one end of
the kingdom to the other.
19:9. flax and linen industry. The warm and
humid climate in Egypt necessitated light
clothing styles. Flax, cultivated since Neolithic
times, was one answer to this need. It provided
both food (seeds and linseed oil) as well as
a fiber that could be woven into linen cloth. In
Egypt flax was tightly planted (to increase
height and prevent branching) in late October
and harvested at a height of three feet in April
or May. Such a field would be quite susceptible
to hail storms Ex 9:23-25. Younger plants
were pulled up by the roots to produce fine
linen, while older plants were used for ropes
and belts. The stems were first soaked in tanks
of stagnant water (retting) and then dried before
the fibers were separated Josh 2:6. The
dried stems were beaten and the fibers
combed out for spinning, with the longer
threads being used for clothing and the shorter
(tow) set aside as lamp wicks (1:31). There
were several grades of linen produced. The
best set was aside for the pharaoh, the nobility
and the priests. Any interruption in production
would have had a ripple effect, destroying
the livelihood of countless workers in the
fields and factories.
19:11. officials of Zoan. The highest ranking
members of the pharaoh’s court and of the
priesthood were representatives of the noble
families of Egypt. Those associated with Zoan,
located in the upper Delta just twenty-nine
miles south of the Mediterranean coast, considered
themselves the direct descendants of
the most ancient noble clans in the country.
Their impotence to deal with this crisis underscores
the lack of importance such lineage actually
possessed. Zoan had become the capital
of Egypt at the beginning of the Twenty-First
Dynasty (1176-931 B.C.), the same period as
the development of the Israelite monarchy.
Memories of official court dealings between
Jerusalem and Zoan may form the basis for
this reference, since the Egyptian capital was
moved to Sais and Napata after 873 B.C.
19:11. disciple of the ancient kings. Because it
had such a long, virtually uninterrupted history,
Egyptian officials faced with a crisis or an
ISAIAH 19:13—20:2 610
unexplained omen would chant ancient
prayers and magical incantations (such as
those found in the execration texts). Or they
would consult the records of previous administrations
and the instructions of model officials.
The cultural memories, recorded on
papyrus for generations, had great authority,
and the descendants of these earlier officials
took great pride in being the inheritors of such
wisdom (including the twenty-fifth-century
B.C. Teaching of Ptah-Hotep and the twenty-second
century B.C. Instruction of Merikare). However,
this attitude also could prevent creative
or innovative decision-making. Isaiah ridicules
these men who pride themselves in wisdom
but fail to understand how to deal with
present crises (compare 43:8-9).
19:13. leaders of Memphis. Prior to 715 B.C.
the Delta region of Egypt was ruled by at
least four rival pharaohs. The area was divided
into the Tanis region (eastern delta), the
region of Leontopolis (central delta) and the
Saite region (western delta). There were also
many petty kingdoms claiming independence
and a portion of Egypt’s ancient legacy.
Mention here of Memphis (Hebrew reads
Noph) simply ties Egypt’s administrative
chaos to the ancient capital city. This contrasts
the irony of current anarchy with past
greatness. Only after the Nubian Twenty-
Fifth Dynasty arises under Shabaka will
Egypt once again be united under a single
ruler.
19:15. palm branch or reed. See the comment
on 9:14 for this contrasting metaphor. The
leaders of Egypt are so confused that they cannot
tell the difference between heads or tails
or the powerful (for whom palm branches are
waved) or the weak, who bow like reeds before
the great (58:5).
19:18. five cities. It is impossible to identify
these cities based on any historical event. Jeremiah
44:1 does mention four (Migdol, Tahpanhes,
Noph and Pathros) in which Israelites
are dwelling, but that may have no relation to
this verse. Certainly there is evidence from the
time of Solomon onward (Elephantine colony,
Leontopolis) of an Israelite presence in Egypt
(diplomatic and commercial). What seems
most important to the statement is the very
idea of Yahweh worship in Egypt and perhaps
even in a major city associated with an Egyptian
god.
19:18. language of Canaan. Normally when a
foreign community is established in a nation,
it is expected that they will speak the language
of that country, except among themselves.
It would be difficult to do business or
engage in diplomatic activity otherwise. Thus
for the Israelite languages of Hebrew or Aramaic
to be spoken in Egypt would be unusual.
Most likely this refers to the study of the sacred
writings of the Yahwists and prayer
raised to Yahweh. This suggests, as do verses
19-21, a conversion of Egyptians to Yahwism.
19:18. city of destruction. The meaning of this
phrase is uncertain. The various sources do
not agree on whether the original text read
heres, “destruction,” or h[eres, “sun.” The Septuagint
adds another reading, ’ir has[s[edeq,
“city of righteousness.” If “city of the sun” is
meant, that could refer to Heliopolis, the city
of the sun god Re. If this is one of the cities
where Hebrew will be spoken, then a major
religious revolution would be at hand.
ISAIAH 20:3—21:7
20:1-6
Ashdod, Egypt and Cush
20:1. Sargon’s campaign against Ashdod.
This is one of those rare instances where the
biblical account of the Ashdod revolt of
713-711 B.C., the Assyrian records, and the archaeological
remains all corroborate one another.
The Philistine city revolted at the
instigation of King Azuri, perhaps with the
expectation of Egyptian support. The Assyrian
Annals charge him with refusing to pay
tribute and fomenting rebellion among his
neighbors. The Assyrian emperor Sargon II responded
with a swift campaign that quickly
suppressed any hopes for independence. He
placed Azuri’s younger brother, Ahimeti, on
the throne, who in turn was almost immediately
deposed by a usurper named Yamani.
Sargon sent another expedition in 712, and Yamani
fled to Egypt. An Assyrian commissioner
was then appointed to manage Ashdod for
the empire. Excavations in stratum 8 of the
city have revealed a number of mass graves
under the floors. Several fragments of an Assyrian
monumental stele were also found.
They come from a copy of the one erected in
Khorsabad, listing Sargon’s conquests, including
Ashdod.
20:2. Isaiah’s role play. The enacted prophecy
employed by Isaiah was startling. This older
man (who had been called to be a prophet
thirty years before, in 742 B.C.) is commanded
by God to strip himself naked and parade before
the people in that shameful state. His purpose
is to graphically demonstrate to them
their ultimate fate if they choose to join the
Ashdod revolt. They too will be stripped naked
and taken away as slaves (compare Mic
1:8; Nahum 3:5. Since style and quality of
clothing was a status marker in the ancient
world, criminals were also displayed naked as
611 ISAIAH 20:3—21:7
a sign of their loss of social status (Middle Assyrian
Laws).
20:3. role of Egypt and Cush in Ashdod campaign.
The Assyrian records (Sargon’s Nimrud
Prism) mention the establishment of a
Mediterranean harbor jointly held by Egypt
and Assyria. Such cooperation may have been
forced on Egypt because of Assyrian control
of Cyprus and their pacification of Arab tribes
along the Sinai border. The Delta kings, fearing
further incursions, attempted to take some
of this pressure off by supporting first the revolt
of Hanno of Gaza and then that of Aziru
of Ashdod. Because of this clandestine support,
the usurper Yamani fled to the Delta at
the approach of Sargon II’s army in 712. However,
the people there refused to harbor him or
give him any further military aid. Yamani
then attempted to gain help from the Nubian
dynast Shabaka. This was to no avail; Shabaka
was more interested in conquering the Delta
kingdoms and did not want to raise Assyrian
ire. Thus Yamani was delivered to the Assyrians
in chains as a peace offering. Sargon’s annals
record this as a sign of how far word of
his “awe-inspiring glamour” had spread.
20:4. treatment of captives. Prisoners of war
were considered spoils to be divided among
the conquerors. They would become slaves,
and it was necessary to immediately break
their spirit and at the same time use them as a
means of shaming their home countries or cities.
Assyrian annals include lists of captives
among the other items taken by to Ashur or in
some cases impaled as an example to other
rebels. Egyptian royal tomb paintings often
depict lines of prisoners, bound together by
the neck, marching into captivity. While these
figures are not completely naked, they have
been stripped of all valuables and insignias of
rank (see comment on 2 Sam 10:3.
ISAIAH 21:7-13
21:1-10
Oracle Against Sealand
21:1. Desert by the Sea. The Hebrew here might
better be translated “wilderness by the sea” or
“swampland.” Either would fit the southern
portion of Mesopotamia, an area of marshes
and quagmire as one gets closer to the Persian
Gulf. At issue is concern for the capture of
Babylon by the Assyrians in 703 B.C. and the expulsion
of the Babylonian leader Merodach-
Baladan. The anti-Assyrian party within
Hezekiah’s court had hoped that Babylon
would be able to successfully challenge Assyria
and thus give the outlying provinces like Judah
an opportunity to gain their independence.
These hopes were dashed with the resurgence
of Assyrian power under Sennacherib. Thus the
oracle of woe reflects that disappointment.
21:2. role of Elam and Media. While verse 9
makes it clear that Babylon is the city to be attacked,
it is less clear what role Elam and Media
would play in these events. Both of these
Iranian peoples from east of Tigris had been
helpful to Merodach-Baladan when he had established
himself in Babylon in 720, and after
Sargon II ousted him, he fled to Elam in 710. It
is possible that the prophet is urging Elam
and Media to once again help Merodach-Baladan
against their common enemy, Assyria.
However, the chaotic conditions of the time,
with attendant looting and betrayal, could see
a shifting of earlier alliances. In any case Elam
ceased to be a factor in Near Eastern politics
after 680, and that may be the result of the
growth of Median power as well as pressure
from Assyria.
21:5. set tables, spread rugs. The apparent
banquet scene portrayed here might suggest
that Babylon was unprepared for the attack
that would capture the city. It may also refer
to preparations for battle (as Anat in the
Ugaritic Epic set up bleachers and tables so
her warriors could watch as she slaughtered
her enemies) or possibly a sketching out of
Babylon’s defenses or her various districts prior
to a siege.
21:5. oil shields. The practice of oiling shields
in preparation for battle may be based on the
desire to make the leather more flexible and
less brittle 2 Sam 1:21. Classical sources
(Aristophanes’ Acharnians and Virgil’s Aeneid)
suggest an oiled shield was more flexible and
could shed a blow. The shine from a freshly
oiled leather shield might also be helpful in
blinding an opponent.
21:7. chariotry in eighth century. The Assyrians
used chariot corps, divided into squadrons
of fifty, as the heart of their army’s
campaign forces. They held two, three or
four men crews, with one man serving as
driver and the others as archers or shield
bearers. In earlier periods (Ashurnasirpal) a
third horse was attached to the side of the
chariot, to be detached if one of the others
was injured or the charioteer needed to escape
a crippled vehicle. Depictions of chariots
in Assyrian reliefs demonstrate that they
initially had medium-sized wheels with six
spokes, and a single pole extended from the
front to hitch a team of two horses. Later,
during the reign of Shalmaneser III, the chariots
were heavier, with huge eight-spoke
wheels. Sennacherib also added an additional
team of horses to help pull these heavier
chariots.
ISAIAH 21:7-13 612
21:7. cavalry in eighth century. Most of what
we know about the use of cavalry in the
eighth century comes from depictions on
Assyrian reliefs. They show that in areas
such as hilly or wooded country where
chariots were ineffective, the armies in the
ancient Near East employed cavalry. Some
of these men were equipped with bows,
while other served as lancers, carrying a
long spear. These latter forces would be
used as shock troops, charging along with
chariots against a massed enemy, driving
wedges in their ranks so the Assyrian infantry
could follow into the breaches (see
1 Kings 20:21. Cavalry archers often fought
in pairs, with one using his bow while the
other carried a shield to protect his companion
(see 2 Kings 9:25. Riders were also used
to carry messages on the battlefield and to
report events to nearby fortresses and cities
(see Ben-Hadad’s escape with covering cavalry
in 1 Kings 20:20.
21:9. fall of Babylon. At the death of Sargon II
in 705, Merodach-Baladan once again set himself
up as the ruler of Babylon. This signaled
yet another series of revolts throughout the Assyrian
empire (among them the Anatolian
provinces of Que, Tabal and Hilakku). Sennacherib’s
annals describe how he systematically
subjugated each rebellious region.
Babylonia and Elam were dealt with first because
of their proximity to the heart of the Assyrian
empire. Fighting took place at Kish and
then within the marshlands of southern Mesopotamia
when Merodach-Baladan fled Babylon.
Still the Babylonian leader was able to
maintain control over a portion of the south
and cause Sennacherib continual problems, despite
Assyrian attempts to conciliate the
Chaldean people. Babylon was finally besieged
in 689, and when the walls were breached the
Assyrians slaughtered the population and destroyed
the wall systems, the temples and every
house within the city. They even dug canals
to channel water from the Euphrates through
the city to wash away foundations and brickwork.
21:9. shattered images. Sennacherib’s annals
contain graphic accounts of the capture of
Babylon in 689. In their frenzy of destruction
the Assyrian soldiers had no respect for the
gods of their enemy, smashing Babylon’s sacred
images and crushing many of them into
tiny fragments. In the midst of this destruction,
however, the soldiers managed to rescue
two statues of their own national gods, Adad
and Shala, which had been captured 480 years
earlier by the Babylonian king Marduk-Nadin-
Ahe.
ISAIAH 21:13—22:8 21:11-12
Oracle Against Edom
21:11. Dumah. This is an oasis town in north
central Saudi Arabia near the southern end of
the Wadi Sirhan. Its association with the Kedarite
confederacy of Bedouin tribes of that
region Gen 25:13 may explain the place
name’s tie to Edom. There may also be a pun
expressed here in the Hebrew of this word
(duma), which means “silence,” and Edom.
21:11. Seir. This portion of the territory of
Edom included the wooded area which
stretched from the Transjordanian plateau
south to the Wadi al-’Arabah, perhaps including
Petra (see Judg 5:4. The term appears in
fourteenth-century Egyptian texts listing the
names of peoples and cities as the “country of
Seir-nomads.”
21:11. Edom in eighth century. During the
eighth century Edom was struggling to
maintain its independence. The country was
weakened by Judah’s interest in expanding
into the region: Amaziah (801-787 B.C.)
staged a raid at the turn of the century (see
2 Kings 14:7, and his successor, Uzziah, rebuilt
the port of Elath on the Gulf of Aqaba (2
Kings 14:22). A further sign of their weakness
was Edom’s payment of tribute to the Assyrian
king Adad-Nirari III (809-782 B.C.). When
the Syro-Ephraimitic war caused turmoil in
Judah in the 730s, the Edomites regained
Elath 2 Kings 16:6. However, they were
forced into vassalage by Tiglath-Pileser III after
732 B.C. and became a link in the Assyrian
empire’s trade route south from Damascus to
the Aqaba, the King’s Highway. Assyrian
tribute lists also demonstrate that for the rest
of the century Edom remained loyal to the
empire, giving little or no support to the other
rebellious Palestinian vassals.
21:13-17
Oracle Against Arabia
21:13. Arabia. Comprising territories claimed
by various Bedouin tribal groups, Arabia was
an area that Assyrian kings listed as a part of
their empire but never truly controlled. The
Arab tribes occupied the region between the
southern Negev and the north central portion
of the Arabian Peninsula. This could suggest a
translation in this passage of “wasteland”
rather than Arabia, paralleling it with
“swampland” in 21:1. Some Arab groups engaged
in caravan trade, transporting frankincense
and myrrh, slaves and dyes to both
Egypt and Mesopotamia. The number of raids
mentioned in various ancient texts also attest
613 ISAIAH 21:13—22:8
to their occasional occupation as predators on
the caravan routes. Arabs appear in the
records of Shalmaneser III dealing with the alliance
formed against him at the Battle of Qarqar
in 853 B.C. They continue to appear in
Assyrian records down to the reign of Ashurbanipal
at the end of the seventh century. It is
also noted in the annals of Sargon II that some
Arabs were forced to resettle in Palestine after
the fall of Samaria in 722 B.C.
21:13. Dedanites. The Dedanite tribes used
Khuraybah (modern al-’Ula) in northwest
Arabia as their base of operations. Excavations
had uncovered an extensive group of
small satellite villages in the nearby valley of
Wadi al-Qura. They operated as caravaneers
with contacts in Syria, Phoenicia and Palestine.
During the seventh century they may
have been part of Edom’s sphere of influence
and subject to Assyria’s control.
21:14. Tema. Based on its mention in Assyrian
and Aramaic inscriptions, Tema has long been
identified with the oasis city of Tayma, located
on the western border of the North Arabian
Desert. It lies at the crossroads of three major
trade routes of the “incense road” from South
Arabia to Syria, Mesopotamia and eastern
Arabia. The riches of Tema were tapped by the
emerging Mesopotamian empires of the first
millennium B.C. The Assyrian king Tiglath-
Pileser III lists the city as one of those paying
tribute in 734 B.C. Along with Dedan, Tema
served as a major urban center for its region
during the seventh and sixth centuries. The
Chaldean monarch Nabonidus made it his
headquarters for ten years (553-543) as he attempted
to gain control over the incense
trade.
21:16. Kedar. Assyrian and Neo-Babylonian
texts refer to these North Arabian tribes as
Qidr or Qadr. Tied to the Ishmaelites in Genesis
25:13, the Kedarites functioned as sheep
breeders and caravaneers at least as late as the
Hellenistic period. Their mention in this verse
along with Tema may refer to Nabonidus’s expedition
to conquer the area in 553 B.C. There
is clear evidence of ties between Kedar and
Tema in Babylonian economic texts.
22:1-25
Oracle Against Jerusalem
22:1. Valley of Vision. Based on 22:5, this is
probably a reference to Jerusalem and perhaps
to the Hinnom Valley (see its use in Jer 7:31-34
for divination rituals). Isaiah rebukes a people
who have sought guidance from other gods
and thus, despite their physical location on
Mount Zion, have no true vision of events.
22:1. going up on roofs. This may also be a
reference to divination or false worship. There
is ample evidence in the prophetic books of Israelites
burning incense on the roofs of their
houses Jer 19:13; Zeph 1:5. This may also refer
to the symbolic “roofs” of incense stands
like the one excavated at Megiddo. It is
shaped like a house, with cornices around the
top and contained charred remains on top.
The first alternative would be supported by
the ancient Near Eastern evidence. Offerings
on a rooftop occur in narrative both in Mesopotamia
(Gilgamesh) and in Ugarit (Keret).
22:2-3. historical context. These events occur
during the 701 B.C. campaign of Sennacherib
(see comments on 2 Kings 18:1—20:21). The
Assyrian king led a huge army of mercenaries
and conscripts from throughout his empire.
During the course of the invasion of
Palestine, they will, according to Sennacherib’s
annals, “lay siege to forty-six fortified
cities, walled forts, and countless villages.”
King Hezekiah was bottled up in Jerusalem
“like a bird in a cage.” Any of his officials
who attempted to escape were captured, and
many were executed. The strategic western
border citadel at Lachish was captured and
burned. Archaeological evidence of a mass
grave indicates that its garrison was massacred,
and Assyrian reliefs from the palace in
Nineveh depict prisoners being taken into
exile. Sennacherib claims to have taken
200,150 prisoners of war—an inflated figure
so large that there would have been virtually
no one left in Judah. Both the biblical account
and the Assyrian records agree there was
widespread destruction, but the invaders
eventually withdrew after Hezekiah paid a
huge sum as tribute and ransom for the city
of Jerusalem 2 Kings 18:13-16.
22:6. Elam. See the comment on 21:2. Sennacherib
regularly conscripted levees of soldiers
from subject and allied peoples. Although
Elam has previously supported the Babylonians
and opposed Assyria, in this 701 campaign
it seems clear that they have supplied a
contingent of bowmen for Sennacherib’s host.
22:6. Kir. There is no consensus on the exact
location of the country of Kir. Because of its
association with the Arameans in Amos 9:7,
several attempts have been made to place it either
in northern Syria or in the western desert
(west of the Euphrates). Its mention here with
Elam also suggests proximity to that country
east of the Tigris River.
ISAIIASHAI 2A1H:1 32—2:12-21:58 22:8. palace of the forest. See the comment on
1 Kings 7:1-12 for this storehouse within the
palace complex. The people hope to draw on
the arsenal it contained to defend themselves
ISAIAH 22:9-25 614
against the Assyrian invaders.
ISAIAH 22:9-25 22:9. storing water in lower pool. Based on
the comment in 2 Kings 20:20 and the discovery
of the Siloam Tunnel inscription, it seems
clear that Hezekiah constructed a water tunnel
over eighteen hundred feet long from inside
the walls of Jerusalem to the Gihon
Spring in the Kidron Valley. In this way he
was able to insure a safe and continuous water
supply for Jerusalem during the Assyrian
siege. The “lower pool” was one of two reservoirs
used to hold and channel water (see 7:3).
It was designed to provide irrigation flow to
the terraced areas along the slope of the
Kidron Valley, and it eventually drained into
the Pool of Shelah, modern Birket el-Hamra.
22:9-11. building in Jerusalem in preparation
for siege. The defenses of Jerusalem had to be
repaired and strengthened in anticipation of
Assyrian efforts to take the city. There was
also a need to balance the demands for more
housing by the people of Judah who had fled
to Jerusalem for protection and the all-important
defense of the city. As a result the area between
the city’s dual wall system was cleared
of all temporary shelters to provide a “killing
ground” should the Assyrians penetrate the
outer defenses. This area was also partially
flooded to make it more difficult to transverse
and to add to the city’s water supply.
22:15. royal steward. The position of “royal
steward” may have evolved from a relatively
insignificant post into that of a chamberlain,
who was in charge of all of the affairs of the
palace in Uzziah’s time. There is precedent for
this title in Ugaritic and Phoenician texts, and
it would be comparable to the position of vizier
in the Egyptian court. It has been argued
that the steward in question here is Shebna,
mentioned as a scribe or secretary in 2 Kings
18:18. The possibility exists that Shebna was
addressed by various titles during his career,
depending on his current assignment. One
would expect, however, that as royal steward
he would have been the preeminent adviser
and facilitator for the king. If he was referred
to by a lesser title in Hezekiah’s reign, then it
may be surmised that he had been demoted.
22:16. rock-hewn tomb. The valleys and
slopes around Jerusalem contain a large number
of tombs hewn from the native limestone
cliffs. Among them on the slope of Silwan is a
tomb containing a partial inscription and the
title ’asher ’al habbayit, the same phrase used in
verse 15 to describe the position once held by
Shebna. The lack of a name in this inscription
makes it impossible to tie it conclusively to
Shebna. Isaiah’s rebuke of this official is based
on the extravagance of constructing an individual
tomb rather than utilizing a communal
cave or hewn mortuary chamber within the
confines of his family holdings. These more
traditional tombs included shelves for internment
of the bodies and lamp niches, as well as
a recessed pit for disposal of bones when the
shelves were needed for fresh burials. Only
the very wealthy could afford to carve an individual
chamber, perhaps incorporating Phoenician
or Egyptian design (pyramids or
elaborate facades).
22:20. Eliakim on seal. The name of this official,
which means “May El establish,” has
been found on seal impressions from Tell Beit
Mirsim, Beth Shemesh, and Ramat Rahel. He
served as ’asher ’al habbayit, royal steward, under
King Hezekiah (see 2 Kings 18:18; 19:2; Is
36:3), and therefore would have been expected
to affix his official seal to many documents.
The seal impression containing the name
Eliakim appears on a large collection of jar
handles dating to Hezekiah’s reign. The Iron
Age Lachish stratum 3, dated to 701 B.C., is the
most important of the sites where these handles
have been found. It is likely that
Eliakim’s seal appears on these jars as a part
of his regular duties, managing palace stores
and distributing oil and wine to royal fortress
sites like Lachish.
22:22. key to house of David. The relatively
tiny locks used to secure our doors today require
a very small key. However, in the biblical
period locks were quite large and required
a correspondingly large and heavy bronze or
iron key (see Judg 3:25; 1 Chron 9:27. When
Eliakim is given this key, its size and probably
its elaborate decoration would serve as a visible
symbol of his authority to lock and unlock
the rooms and gates of the palace in Jerusalem.
This is also known as one of the functions
of the Egyptian vizier.
22:23-25. imagery. The apparently domestic
images portrayed here, a tent peg in firm
ground or pegs driven into mud-brick walls
to hold up shelves or to hang kitchen ware,
function as part of a ritual of installation for
Eliakim. The origins of such images probably
go back to the village culture of ancient Israel,
and their basic familiarity gave them the
authority that compares to Jeremiah’s commissioning:
“to uproot and tear down, to destroy
and overthrow, to build and to plant”
Jer 1:10. One of the most well-known installation
ceremonies in ancient literature is Marduk’s
installation as the chief Babylonian
deity in Enuma Elish. There it is proclaimed
that his command cannot be changed and
that the limits he sets (for the gods) will be
inviolable.
615 ISAIAH 23:1-3
23:1-18
Oracle Against Tyre
23:1. Tyre in eighth century. The eighth century
B.C. was a time of commercial and political
expansion for the Phoenicians. A colonial empire
was established, with Carthage as the
principal city in the western Mediterranean
(founded by Dido about 814 B.C.). The degree
to which the Phoenicians of the island city of
Tyre and of Sidon operated freely depended
in this period on the extent of Assyrian influence
over them. Adadnirari III (810-783) received
tribute from them, but no significant
Assyrian pressure was applied until the reign
of Tiglath-Pileser III (744-727). The Assyrian
king skillfully played on the fear of Tyre’s expanding
commercial empire to gain alliances
with the city-states on Cyprus. He also forced
Tyre to pay a huge amount annually (evidence
of which is found in Assyrian tribute lists) to
save themselves from military invasion. The
wealth of Tyre was legendary (see Ezek 28:4-5;
Zech 9:3, and in order to defend it Tyre’s king
Lulli forced the Cypriot states to submit to
him. This brought on a five-year siege of Tyre
by Shalmaneser V (726-722) and his successor
Sargon II (721-705). Some attempts were made
by Lulli to negotiate an end of the hostilities
since the Assyrians occupied all of the Tyrian
mainland. However, when he again revolted
at the time of Sennacherib’s accession, the Assyrians
forced Lulli to flee to Cyprus and installed
Ittobaal over the Sidonian kingdom.
ISAIAH 23:1-3 23:1. Tyre in the seventh century. Tyre and Sidon
continued to vacillate in their allegiance
to Assyria throughout the seventh century. In
response to the Phoenician alliance with the
Ethiopian Tirhakah of the Egyptian Twenty-
Fifth Dynasty, Assyrian armies repeatedly invaded
the coastal region around Tyre and Sidon,
devastating towns and villages and
placing increasing pressure on the port cities
to submit to Assyrian rule. Finally in 677 B.C.
Esarhaddon utterly destroyed Sidon, parading
the head of its ruler, Abdimilkutte, in Nineveh.
Severe diplomatic restrictions were
placed on Baal I of Tyre in an effort to prevent
him from aiding the Egyptians. Ashurbanipal
(667-627) also records dealing with anti-Assyrian
rulers in Syro-Palestine. After crushing the
Egyptians and destroying their capital at
Thebes in 663 B.C., Ashurbanipal installed a
native Egyptian, Psammeticus I, as ruler of
Lower Egypt. He then brought his army back
up the coast to punish Baal I and the Phoenicians.
He completely stripped Tyre of its autonomy,
transforming all of Phoenicia into an
Assyrian province and taking full control of
the shipping trade that had been the basis of
Phoenician wealth and independence. However,
after Ashurbanipal’s death Tyre regained
its supremacy in Mediterranean trade.
23:1. ships of Tarshish. The tonnage required
for a merchant ship to make a profit and be
seaworthy enough to ply the waters of either
the Mediterranean or the Red Sea required
skillful building practices. Since the “ships of
Tarshish” are often mentioned in relation to
trade mission (see 1 Kings 22:48; 2 Chron
9:21), there must have been a particular type
of ship involved. It is possible that they were
constructed in Tarshish, but it may be that
they were named for their ability to sail as far
as Tarshish in the western Mediterranean. Assyrian
reliefs and the bronze gate covers of
Shalmaneser III from Balawat depict these
ships being used for military transport as well
as carrying cargoes of tribute taken from their
many vassals. A relief found in the palace at
Nineveh depicts Lulli of Sidon’s flight to Cyprus.
Among the ships in his fleet are tubby-
looking merchantmen with a row of
shields along the hull and two levels of oarsmen
on either side to aid the ship’s movement
when the sails were becalmed. Ships like this
with two rows of oarsmen were called biremes.
23:2. merchants of Sidon. The silence of the
usually boisterous and wealthy Sidonian merchants
may be based on the extension of Assyrian
hegemony over the area starting in the
mid-eighth century, cutting off some of their
profits. Or it refers to the growing pressure
placed on that area by Sennacherib (after 701)
and ending in 677 with the destruction of the
city of Sidon by Esarhaddon. A new Assyrian
city was built over its ruins by levies from
throughout the Assyrian sphere of influence
and named Kar-Esarhaddon.
23:3. grain of Shihor. Phoenician merchants
transported items from throughout the Mediterranean.
Grain from Shihor, possibly Egyptian
p3 sh-hr, where Shihor would be translated
“pool of Horus.” It represents the fertile harvests
of Egypt, shipped up the Nile and on to
the coast by way of either the Wadi el-Arish
(Brook of Egypt in 1 Kings 8:65 or the Pelusiac
arm of the Nile. The stream may also parallel
a portion of the “Way of Horus” that
connected Palestine and Egypt.
ISAIAH 23:1-3 23:3. economic role of Tyre. Standing out
from the coast approximately six hundred
yards from the mainland, the island city of
Tyre and its harbor were secure from anything
but a sustained siege. The waters were also
deep enough to allow for heavily laden ships
to approach and offload their cargoes. Dedi-
ISAIAH 23:4-13 616
cated to commercial activity, Tyre was supplied
with food and other essentials by its
sister city of Ushu. Tyrian fleets established
colonies, including some on Cyprus and the
North African city of Carthage, around the
Mediterranean to draw on the resources of
these areas, especially metals, and to funnel
goods back and forth between the eastern and
western Mediterranean. Archaeological evidence
from throughout this region of Phoenician
metalwork and pottery indicates the
extent and longevity of trade relations. Their
principal exports were cedar wood, fabrics
and dyes, and glasswork. The economic partnership
between Solomon and Hiram I
(969-936) that extended Phoenician and Israelite
interests south to Somalia may have been
only one such venture. The expansion of Assyrian
hegemony over the Levantine coast
forced Tyre and Sidon into cooperating with
the Mesopotamian power. Efforts to revolt or
withhold tribute payments resulted in invasion
and curtailment of economic activity.
However, the Assyrians also needed Tyrian
expertise and access to the sea, so it is likely
business continued virtually uninterrupted
despite occasional hostilities.
ISAIAH 23:4-13 23:4. fortress of the sea. Tyre was originally
founded around 2750 B.C. on a sandstone reef
about six hundred yards off the coast of southern
Lebanon. Its occupied area was enlarged
in the tenth century when Hiram I used fill to
connect the older city with a nearby reef. To
approaching sailors it must have looked like a
city floating on the sea. No army was successful
in capturing the city until the time of Alexander
of Macedon, who built a causeway from
the mainland in 332 B.C. However, Tyre was
not totally self-sufficient. Its vulnerability was
shown when its sister city of Ushu was captured
by the Assyrians. As a result a vassal
treaty was signed in the time of Esarhaddon
that reflected Tyre’s capitulation to the extent
of even having an Assyrian official present
whenever the king read diplomatic correspondence.
23:5. report from Tyre. The exact time period
or event described here is unclear. It could be
referring to any number of events that would
have dismayed the Egyptians, representing
the cessation of trade and the elimination of
an important political ally. Possible occasions
include the Assyrian incursion into Phoenicia
by Sennacherib in 701 and the destruction of
Sidon in 677 by Esarhaddon. Some commentators
also suggest the much later period when
Sidon was conquered by the Persian king Artaxerxes
III (343 B.C.) or even Alexander’s capture
of Tyre in 332. Such a late date, however,
requires either a prophetic vision of an event
long after Isaiah’s time or the removal of this
passage completely from its Isaianic context,
making it a later editor’s gloss.
23:6. Tarshish. The ambiguity in biblical and
extrabiblical sources only indicates that Tarshish
is to be found to the west of Israel. This
would allow for identification with Carthage
in North Africa and sites on the southeastern
coast of Spain, including Tartessos. There is
even some support for identifying it with Ezion-
Geber in the Gulf of Aqaba. After his defeat
of the Egyptians in 677, Esarhaddon
claims in his annals to have sovereignty over
Cyprus, Greece and Tarshish, in other words
the entire Phoenician commercial empire.
23:10. Tyre’s harbor. Tyre’s original site was
built on two large reefs approximately six
hundred yards offshore. Since the island had
limited living space, multistoried houses were
closely packed together (based on scenes in
the Assyrian reliefs). A port existed on each
side of the island to accommodate the large
number of ships that were constantly arriving
and departing. The natural harbor existed on
the north end and was protected by a sea wall
and roadstead, sheltered by a chain of smaller
islands. An artificial harbor was also constructed
at the southern end of the island. This
southeastern area was eventually transformed
after Alexander of Macedon constructed a
ramp to connect the city with the mainland
and further silting created a broader peninsula.
Excavations are difficult since a modern
city still occupies much of the site of ancient
Tyre.
23:11. Phoenicia. The Hebrew text here actually
reads “Canaan.” The choice to translate
“Phoenicia” helps the reader stay focused on
Tyre’s destruction. However, that destruction
is (1) based on the Canaanite culture of the
Phoenicians that is condemned by Yahweh
and (2) exemplified here by Yahweh stretching
out his hand over the sea to demonstrate that
this friendly resource of the Phoenician traders
will not save them. This terminology is
reminiscent of the motif of the contest between
Baal and Yamm in the Ugaritic epics
where the sea god is defeated.
23:12. Cyprus. Cyprus lies just seventy-six
miles off the Syrian coast. It served as a place
of refuge for Phoenician kings (Lulli of Tyre
escapes to Cyprus under pressure from Sargon
II’s Assyrian armies). This oracle discounts
it as a safe haven. If the Phoenicians
lose control of Tyre and Sidon, their merchant
fleet will become orphans. Their cargoes may
either rot or be turned over to the Assyrians.
23:13. Babylon punished by Assyrians. See the
617 ISAIAH 23:13—25:8
comments on 13:1 and 13:19 for the historical
background of Sennacherib’s capture of Babylon
in 689 B.C. and the exile of the Babylonian leader
Merodach-Baladan. In this passage the destruction
of southern Mesopotamia’s major city is cited
as an example of Tyre’s ultimate fate at the
hands of the Assyrians.
23:13. siege towers. Assyrian reliefs from the
palace at Nineveh and the annals of several
kings depict a number of different types of
siege engines. One of the most common was
the siege tower, which was rolled up as close
as possible to a city’s walls. From its heights
archers could target enemy soldiers, and assault
bridges could be extended onto the ramparts.
At the base of the tower, protected from
the rain of stones, hot oil and arrows, engineers
and sappers could work to undermine
the walls or employ battering rams (see 29:3;
Ezek 21:22.
23:15. Tyre’s seventy years. There are several
instances in the prophets where seventy
years became a term of exile or punishment
Jer 25:12; Dan 9:2; Zech 1:12. There is also a
sense of completion in this number, suggesting
that Tyre and the Phoenicians are in
God’s hands and will not be allowed to
prosper again until divine judgment is fulfilled.
In fact, for much of the seventh century
Tyre was dormant as a succession of
strong Assyrian rulers controlled both the
city and its commercial activities. There was
a brief resurgence after the destruction of
Nineveh in 612, but the city was then besieged
for thirteen years by the Babylonian
ruler Nebuchadnezzar, severely limiting its
contacts with the mainland. The Persians
exercised control over the Phoenician ports
as well, with Artaxerxes III burning Sidon in
345 after it had joined an Egyptian-inspired
revolt. Tyre’s destruction by Alexander of
Macedon in 332 followed a seven-month
siege and effectively ended the independence
of the city.
23:15-16. song of the prostitute. The pitiful
condition of Tyre after Yahweh’s judgment of
the city is compared to an aged prostitute who
must now walk the streets singing to advertise
her profession and attract customers who are
no longer willing to come to her door. The
tune and coupleted lyrics were probably part
of the raucous culture of Mediterranean seaports
that catered to sailors on leave.
ISAIAH 23:13—25:8
24:1-23
Judgment of the Day of the Lord
24:1-13. description of city’s desolation. The
litany of destruction found in this city lament
parallels the style contained in the Sumerian
Lament over the Destruction of Ur as well as in
other ancient Near Eastern expressions of
grief over fallen cities. Comparisons include
the descriptions of utter desolation, the fact
that no person of any rank has been spared,
and the failure of nature to provide what had
previously nurtured the people. The Sumerian
lament speaks of devastating winds, drought,
famine and bodies piled in the streets unburied.
The twentieth-century B.C. Egyptian Visions
of Neferti also depicts a land laid bare and
cursed by the disappearance of the sun and
the drying up the life-sustaining canals. The
prophecies of Balaam (found at Deir ’Alla and
dating to 700 B.C.) describe angry gods who
“lock up the heavens,” turning every creature
into a scavenger and forcing even princes to
wear rags and priests to “smell of sweat.”
24:18. floodgates. See the comment on Genesis
7:11 for this metaphorical expression describing
the cataclysmic effects of flood waters
raining down from heaven and bursting from
the waters of the underworld. The scene is
one of utter destruction.
24:22. prisoners in a dungeon. The apocalyptic
character of this passage makes it more
likely that the author is describing the imprisonment
of other powers (angels) who have attempted
to rival God’s power, rather than
earthly kings. Certainly the pattern in much of
the Old Testament is for kings to be executed
(see Judg 8:21; 1 Sam 15:33 or forced to negotiate
terms of surrender 2 Sam 10:19. Mesopotamian
texts from Mari describe the
“imprisoning” of sacred images as does the
Cyrus Cylinder from Persians records. The
idea of holding prisoners for long periods beneath
the earth is eventually developed in the
apocalyptic visions of Revelation 19:20—20:15
and in Enoch 18:16.
25:1-12
Victory Banquet
25:6. banquet hosted by the gods. Banquets
hosted by the gods were most common in coronation
settings—when a deity was ceremonially
ascending the seat of his domain of
power. This is the case when El calls the
Rephaim (see comment on 14:9-11) to a banquet
to honor Baal. Marduk’s enthronement
also includes a banquet. Though these banquets
were for the gods, the people would join
in the feasting when the enthronement was
celebrated annually.
25:7-8. destruction of the shroud and swallowing
of death. In the Old Testament, death
is occasionally personified Hos 13:14, but
ISAIAH 26:19—27:9 618
in Ugaritic mythology, Mot (“death”) is a deity
of the netherworld who is an enemy of Baal.
Since Baal is a fertility god, his defeat of Mot is
a cyclic symbol of life returning to the world
each spring. Mot is often pictured as one who
swallows his prey. Rituals that target Mot are
intended to put an end to his destructive activities.
Here it is Yahweh who swallows death
(Mot) and the setting is political (nations) not
agricultural. It is the ruthless, devouring empire
that threatens death to the nations who are
being destroyed, so that the death masks are removed
from those who have been so close to
extinction.
26:1-21
Judah’s Song
26:19. resurrection in the ancient Near East.
Concepts of afterlife are most clearly defined in
Egyptian texts. The Book of the Dead provides
a guide for dealing with the questions asked of
each soul on entering the nether regions. Mummification,
the construction of tombs, the rich
grave goods and the priestly and family cult
that supplied food and drink for the dead
through eternity all testify to elaborate preparations
for a life beyond this one. Even in this rich
afterlife doctrine, however, resurrection is reflected
in the belief that the righteous dead can
be resuscitated in the afterlife. Mesopotamian
concepts are more pessimistic. Gilgamesh, the
hero who crosses the “sea of death” and seeks
out the flood hero Utnapishtim, is told by the
barmaid/goddess Siduri that humans are fated
to die from their conception. She advises a life
filled with personal enjoyment and accomplishment,
since there is no joy in death. Job
echoes this opinion when he says (7:9) that “he
who goes down to the grave does not return.”
Only in Daniel 12:2 does the Old Testament
clearly refer to bodily resurrection. Thus this
passage, like Ezekiel 37:4-14, may speak only of
God’s ability to reawaken a dead nation, to revive
a covenantal community. There may be
some Egyptian influence here, however, in the
use of “dew” as the expression of God’s power.
Egyptian texts describe the dew as the “tears of
Horus and Thoth,” containing the power of
resurrection. Dew is the only moisture available
to keep plants alive during the long, dry
months of summer and thus is an appropriate
symbol of resurrection (for further discussion
see comment on Dan 12:2.
ISAIAH 26:19—27:9
27:1-13
Israel Gathered
27:1. gliding serpent, coiling serpent. This
same description occurs in the Ugaritic Baal
Cycle as one of the supernatural opponents of
Baal: “When you killed Litan [Leviathan], the
fleeing serpent, annihilated the twisty serpent,
the potentate with seven heads” (“fleeing” is
the same word as NIV’s “gliding”; “twisty” is
the same word as NIV’s “coiling”). For seven
heads see comment on Psalm 74:14.’s
27.1. Leviathan. Ugaritic and Canaanite
myths contain detailed descriptions of a chaos
beast representing the seas or watery anarchy
in the form of a many-headed, twisting sea
serpent. There is a close affinity between the
description of Leviathan in Isaiah as a “coiling
serpent” and the Ugaritic Baal Epic, which
speaks of how the storm god “smote Litan the
twisting serpent.” In both cases there is a
sense of the God of order and fertility vanquishing
a chaos monster. Several other passages
in the Old Testament mention Leviathan,
but most of them, like Psalm 74:14 and
Job 41:1-34, speak in terms of God’s creative
act that established control over watery chaos
(personified by the sea serpent). In 27:1, however,
that struggle between order and chaos
occurs at the end of time. It may be that the
fall of Satan, portrayed as a seven-headed
dragon in Revelation 12:3-9, also echoes the
Ugaritic image of Litan as “the tyrant with
seven heads.”
27:1. monster of the sea. The obvious physical
struggle between the sea and the land as well
as the fierce, seemingly unstoppable energy
displayed by the savage sea gave rise to cosmic
myths in the ancient Near East. The Enuma
Elish creation epic from Babylon describes
how Marduk vanquished Tiamat when this
goddess of watery chaos was in the form of a
dragon. Much of the cycle of stories about
Baal in Ugaritic legend involve Baal’s struggle
against his rival Yamm, the god of the sea.
Similarly, the Ugaritic Epic has both Anat and
Baal claim to have conquered Litan, the seven-
headed dragon, and thus gained mastery
over the seas. In Psalm 104:26 Yahweh is said
to play with Leviathan, and in Job 41:1-11 God
challenges Job to show his control over Leviathan
as God does. Although the text is not explicit
here about whether the monster
represented a nation or city, it could be a reference
to Egypt or Tyre, both of which had connections
with the sea.
27:9. chalk stones. Limestone is crushed to
produce a chalky substance that can be used
for mortar, as a liming agent in cesspits and to
seal stone walls with a type of “whitewash.”
For altars to be crushed in this manner is to
completely extinguish their sacred nature. Isaiah
in this passage describes the reform mea-
619 ISAIAH 27:9—28:15
sures of Hezekiah in 2 Kings 18:4 and
prophesies the religious reforms of Josiah in
2 Kings 23:12.
27:9. Asherah poles. See the comment on
Deuteronomy 7:5 for a description of these sacred
objects associated with the Canaanite
goddess and her cult.
27:9. incense altars. The term in Hebrew may
refer to the small incense altars, usually
shaped like houses, that continually burnt
frankincense or some similar spice to honor
the gods of Canaan. It has also been suggested
that the word used here, h[ammamim, is a term
for “standing stones,” another monumental
cult object of the Canaanites (see comment on
Deut 7:5.
27:12. threshing imagery. There is an artful
double meaning to the word in this passage
for a “flowing stream [shibbolet].” Isaiah is
speaking of Yahweh gathering all of the people
from the area between the “stream of
Egypt” (the Wadi el-Arish) and the Euphrates.
However, this is coupled with the other meaning
for shibbolet, “ears of grain.” Thus the image
of grain gathered to the threshing floor
where the stalks and kernels of grain are separated
becomes clear.
27:12. territory from Euphrates to wadi of
Egypt. One traditional way of speaking of
the full extent of the scattering of the exiles
is to say from the Euphrates River in Mesopotamia
to the Wadi el-Arish, which forms
the boundary with Egypt (see Gen 15:18;
2 Kings 24:7. See the comment on 1 Kings
4:21 in which this geographic range is used
for the limits of Solomon’s kingdom. Mention
of the wadi of Egypt is found in the Assyrian
annals of Tiglath-Pileser III (744-727
B.C.). This is the limit of Assyrian expansion
until Ashurbanipal finally conquers Thebes
in 663 B.C.
27:13. great trumpet. Perhaps because of their
use for signaling in battle (as in the reliefs
from eighth-century Carchemish depicting
military musicians), the blast of a trumpet became
a common image used in eschatological
and apocalyptic literature as a signal for the
end time (see Zech 9:14 and Rev 8:6-12. Here
it awakens the exiles to the moment when
they will return from Assyrian exile and from
the places in Egypt where they have fled for
refuge.
ISAIAH 27:9—28:15
28:1-29
Woe Oracle Against Ephraim
28:1. wreath. The garland worn by revelers is
usually a sign of joy and happiness (see Prov
4:9; Is 61:10. In this instance, however, the
wreath will quickly fade as the party turns
sour and drunkenness presages the destruction
of the city of Samaria by the Assyrians in
722 B.C.
28:2. characteristics of theophany. A theophany
is an appearance by a divine being to a human.
To indicate the power of the deity, this
encounter generally includes such things as
smoke and fire, mighty winds and storms,
and earthquakes (see comments on Josh 10:11
and 1 Kings 19:11-13. The manifestation of
God’s presence, of course, is done for a purpose,
usually to call a leader or prophet to service
or to carry out judgment on an enemy
nation Hab 3:13 or the wicked Ps 94:1-3.
Theophanies also are common in the Ugaritic
epic (Anat and Keret both receive divine visits),
and in Mesopotamian texts they often occur
in dreams, either to priests or to kings.
28:7. drunkenness in ancient world. The brewing
of various types of beer and the fermenting
of wine from dates and grapes is known in Mesopotamia
and Egypt from protoliterate times
(c. 4000 B.C.). Banqueting scenes are common in
Assyrian art; they depict parties of men and
women eating from tables stacked high with
food and drinking from cups and through
straws. The Babylonian creation epic Enuma Elish
describes how the gods banqueted, making
“the sweet liquor flow through their drinking
tubes” (a necessity since the lees of the beverage
were so thick). A Sumerian hymn to the
goddess Ninkasi celebrates the brewing process
and gives thanks for the beverage that
slakes the thirst and gushes forth in abundance
like the Tigris and Euphrates. The ills of drunkenness
are found in Psalm 69:12, Proverbs 20:1,
and in the drunken parties portrayed in Esther
1:3-8 and Daniel 5:1-4, and were also well recognized
across the ancient Near East. Egyptian
wisdom literature warns against intoxication
with its accompanying lack of control and the
resulting social rejection. There is evidence
from the Mari texts of intoxication being
viewed as a favorable condition for receiving
divine oracles.
28:15. covenant with death. It is tempting to
see in this passage a treaty or act of submission
to the Canaanite god Mot (“death”) or to
the Egyptian god of the dead Osiris (see
30:1-2). Both would then represent political alliances
made with various Syro-Palestinian
nations or with Egypt against the Assyrians.
The prophet warns the Israelites, however,
that this is folly and a sign of their wicked nature
(see Job 8:5-21. As the Mesopotamian
hero Gilgamesh learned, no human, except in
rare individual cases (Enoch, Elijah, Utnapishtim)
escapes death Job 30:23.
ISAIAH 28:16—29:11 620
28:16. architectural function of cornerstone.
Israelite Iron Age architectural design made
increasing use of cut-stone masonry over the
rough boulders and rubble construction of
earlier periods. In order to provide stability
and to bind two adjoining walls together, a
finely shaped block of stone was inserted that
became the cornerstone. It would have been a
larger stone than those normally used, and its
insertion often required special effort or rituals.
Its large, smooth surface was a natural
place for inscribing religious slogans, the
name of the architect or king responsible and
the date of construction. It is possible that the
cornerstone could also serve as the foundation
stone. For information on the latter see comments
on Ezra 3:3 and 3:10.
28:21. Mount Perazim. Known as Baal Perazim
in 2 Samuel 5:18-20, it commands the
heights above the Valley of Rephaim (Josh
15:8). Although its exact location is unknown,
the text suggests that it is just northwest of
Bethlehem, near Jerusalem.
28:21. Valley of Gibeon. The site of Gibeon
(el-Jib) is located six miles northwest of Jerusalem.
It is best known for its association with
Joshua’s treaty with the Gibeonites (Josh
9:3-10:15) and for his driving a Canaanite
army from Gibeon to the Beth Horon Valley
Josh 10:9-11. In this case, however, Yahweh
will reverse his role of Divine Warrior and allow
the Israelites to be defeated in this place
of former victory.
28:25. sowing strategy. Two sowing strategies
are employed here. Black cumin, a condiment,
and cumin, a spice and a source of oil, were
broadcast by hand. This was done in the freshly
plowed furrows after the first rains. Wheat,
barley and spelt had to be handled more carefully
to avoid mixing the seed. It seems likely
that the Israelites used a seed drill to push
holes into the furrows as oxen pulled the plow
through the fields. A man following kept the
hollow shaft of the drill filled with seed,
which dropped into the ready-made spots.
The action of the plow then covered the seed.
Representations of the seed drill in action are
found in Kassite and Assyrian art.
ISAIAH 28:16—29:11 28:27. threshing caraway and cumin. The
seeds of these two grains were too fragile to
use the larger threshing instruments. Using a
rod would accomplish the threshing process
without damaging the seeds.
28:28. sequence of grain production. No
bread can be made if the farmer performs only
one of his tasks. Therefore it is necessary to
bring the harvested grain to the threshing
floor, where it can be crushed under the feet of
the oxen Deut 25:4 and further processed by
running a threshing sledge over it. The
wheel-thresher mentioned here was a common
wooden device with two or more rows of
wheels affixed. Once the grain had been separated
from the stalks, it had to be winnowed,
sieved and then given to the women to be
crushed on grinding stones to make the fine
flour used for baking.
ISAIAH 29:17—30:10
29:1-24
Woe Oracle Against Jerusalem
29:1. Ariel. This is a descriptive term for the
city of Jerusalem. The name itself refers to the
“altar hearth of El” (translated this way at the
end of v. 2; see also Ezek 43:15. The present
oracle tells of a city that will be destroyed like
the sacrifices brought to the altar.
29:1. cycle of festivals. See the comments on
Exodus 23:15-16 and Deuteronomy 16:9-17 for
descriptions of the Feast of Unleavened Bread,
Feast of Harvest and the Feast of Ingathering
that served as the major agricultural festivals
of the Israelite calendar. The Gezer calendar, a
tenth-century B.C. schoolboy exercise on a
small limestone tablet, also provides the
breakdown of the year according to planting,
harvesting and feasting.
29:2. altar hearth. The hearth was the uppermost
block of the altar, on which the sacrifice
would be burnt Lev 6:9 and from which the
horns projected on each corner 1 Kings 2:28.
In Ezekiel 43:15 the hearth of the altar in the
vision of the reconstructed Jerusalem temple
is described as being eighteen feet square.
29:3. siege works and towers. See the comment
on 23:13 for a description of siege towers
erected by an army attacking a walled city. Assyrian
reliefs depict these moving towers as
well as engineers tunneling to undermine
walls, battering rams being employed on
walls and city gates, and siege ramps built to
facilitate the movement of towers Jer 32:24.
Siege camps also would have been established
to house the army and to prevent the city
dwellers from escaping (see 2 Kings 25:1; Jer
52:4). One of the most striking examples still
in existence is the remains of the first-century
A.D. Roman camps and enveloping wall
around the Jewish fortress of Masada.
29:6. characteristics of theophany. See the
comment on 28:2.
29:10. covering heads of seers. Closing the
eyes and covering the head are most likely images
of death here, as they are parallel to the
deep sleep of the first line. Both phrases, however,
are used only here and are therefore difficult
to decipher.
29:11. sealed in scroll. Official documents
621 ISAIAH 29:17—30:10
were written on scrolls of papyrus or vellum
and then, when stored or dispatched by messenger,
were rolled up and sealed with string
and an affixed seal (see 1 Kings 21:8; Jer
32:10-11). The seal, either a ring or signet, was
impressed into either wax or a lump of clay
known as a bulla Job 38:14. Archaeologists
have found many of these clay bullae with the
names of Israelite officials.
29:17. Lebanon. Using the same image of nature
reversed that is found in 32:15, the prophet
describes how the mountains of Lebanon,
known from the Gilgamesh Epic and the
Egyptian Tale of Wenamon for their stands of
cedar forest, will become a fertile field. The
fields of Carmel will become forest land. The
sense is of the fulfillment of the covenant and
a magnification of fertility that will restore Israel’s
fortunes.
30:1-33
Woe Oracle Against Stubborn
Disobedience
30:1. alliance. See the comment on 28:15 and
its warning against making a “covenant with
death,” referring to political dealings with the
Egyptians.
30:2. Egypt’s role. During Hezekiah’s reign the
Nubian-based Egyptian Twenty-Fifth Dynasty
and Pharaoh Shabaka continuously attempted
to foment revolt among the Syro-Palestinian
peoples against Assyria. Sennacherib’s account
of his 701 B.C. campaign against an Egyptian
army takes him as far as Eltekeh, just about one
hundred miles from Egypt’s border. In Josiah’s
time it was Pharaoh Psammeticus I who took
advantage of the growing weakness of Assyria
at the end of the reign of Ashurbanipal (d. 627
B.C.). He too hoped to expand Egyptian influence
but was stymied by the rising power in
Babylon.
30:4. Zoan, Hanes. Isaiah emphasizes the futility
of Hezekiah’s diplomatic overtures to
Egypt. He says that despite having ambassadors
travel to the Egyptian capital at Zoan
(Tanis in the upper Delta, just twenty-nine
miles south of the Mediterranean) and to
Hanes (Heracleopolis Magna, forty-five miles
south of Cairo on the west bank of the Nile),
their mission will be in vain. Hanes was an important
regional capital under both the Twenty-
Fifth Dynasty ruler Shabaka as well as
during the Twenty-Sixth Dynasty reign of
Psammaticus I (663-609). It would have been
necessary for Hezekiah to send representatives
to meet with the Egyptian leaders in both of
these important cities in order to initiate treaty
alliances or plan strategies against Assyria.
30:6. animals of the Negev. The dangers of
travel through the difficult terrain of the arid
Negev are magnified by reference to wild
beasts that assault the unwary. The remains of
carnivores such as lions and leopards appear
in excavations from the Chalcolithic to the
Iron Age. Poisonous snakes, including the
adder and the cobra, are also known in the area.
The Assyrian king Esarhaddon’s annals
describe a “flying serpent” that plagued his
campaign (see Num 21:8; Is 14:29.
30:6. caravan from the Negev. The caravan
described here is most likely that of Hezekiah’s
ambassadors. The route they took avoided
the normal coastal highway that was
blocked by Assyria during Sennacherib’s
reign. Instead they traveled south to Aqaba
and across the Sinai to Egypt. What they carried
with them may have included the sort of
goods that would have been expected to induce
Egypt to become involved: frankincense,
resins for cosmetics and embalming, ingots of
copper or iron, indigo, ivory and lapis lazuli.
30:7. Rahab. Although not mentioned in any
known text outside the Bible, Rahab is comparable
to the chaos monster Leviathan, which
also takes the form of a twisting serpent (Job
26:12-13; see the comment on Is 27:1. Rahab is
also used synonymously for Egypt. For instance,
in Psalm 87:4 the major nations are listed
as subject to the power of Yahweh. Rahab,
Egypt’s metaphorical name, is paired here
with Babylon in terms of importance. The further
sign of Rahab’s dual character may be
found in 51:9-11, a passage that refers to Yahweh’s
destruction of the monster (see Ps
89:10) as well as how God “dried up the sea,”
a clear reference to the exodus tradition and
the defeat of Egypt. In 30:7 the prophet taunts
an impotent Egypt/Rahab’s ability to help Israel
or stop Assyria.
ISAIAH 30:13—32:5 30:8. tablet, scroll. While the mention of both
tablet and scroll may simply be parallelism,
writing down a prophecy on both a clay tablet
(or possibly an ostracon) and a scroll may be a
sign of the coming destruction. For instance,
in the first-century pseudepigraphal Life of
Adam and Eve, Eve instructs her son Seth to
write down her “testament of the fall” on both
stone and clay tablets to insure some record
would survive either flood or fire. This charge
to write is also found in 8:1, Jeremiah 30:2 and
Habakkuk 2:2. Like the spoken word, the process
of writing enacts the prophecy, and it also
holds it secure for later generations to see.
30:10. manipulated prophets. It is a common
charge by Yahweh that the Israelites have either
ignored the prophets or told them to prophesy
only pleasant words and visions (see Jer 7:25-26;
ISAIAH 30:13—32:5 622
Amos 2:12. Throughout the ancient world it
was believed that prophets not only proclaimed
the message of deity but in the process unleashed
the divine action. It is no wonder then
that there would be some attempt to control a
negatively disposed prophet. In Assyrian king
Esarhaddon’s instructions to his vassals he requires
that they report any improper or negative
statements that may be made by anyone, specifically
naming prophets, ecstatics and dream interpreters.
One can perhaps understand why
people would be inclined to discourage a prophet
whose very words might impose doom.
30:13-14. basis of imagery. Given the extensive
use of mud-brick architecture throughout the
ancient Near East, this must have been a common
occurrence. Egyptian tomb paintings as
models depict the process from gathering clay,
water and straw to shaping the bricks in molds
(see Ex 5:7-8. As the bricks weathered, they
eroded and lost stability. If the bricks were only
sun-dried and not fire-hardened in a kiln, then
they were subject to crumbling under the
weight of a high wall. This would often first be
manifested in cracks and bulges, and eventually
the entire structure would come down in an
avalanche of masonry (see 9:10). To guard
against faulty construction and increase the life
of the brick walls, Hammurabi’s Code provided
strict punishments for careless contractors.
30:22. defiling idols. There could be no more
defiling substance than menstrual blood (Lev
15:19-23) and, for the people, no more defiling
object than an idol Deut 4:15-19. Here then,
the idols, usually among the most precious
objects in the culture, will be treated as the
most disgusting piece of trash.
30:24. fodder and mash spread with fork and
shovel. Because of the people’s return to covenant
obedience, even their draft animals will
share in the abundance provided by God. Fodder
for animals normally consisted of the remains
of the chaff left by the threshing process.
A common term for fodder means “small pieces
of straw,” which might be mixed with barley.
Here, however, the stock are fed chickpeas that
had been specially prepared for them using a
wooden shovel and winnowing fork. Both of
these implements helped separate the grain
from the chaff and were used to create heaps.
30:28. sieve of destruction. The two types of
sieves used by Israelite farmers gave them different
results. The kebara Amos 9:9 had large
holes that caught stones and other large objects
as the worker shifted it back and forth.
The sieve in this passage, the napa, had smaller
holes and was meant to separate out the
smaller items from the grain through a swift
up-and-down motion. This makes an excellent
metaphor for God’s act of judgment.
30:30. characteristics of theophany. See the
comment on 28:2.
30:33. Topheth. This instance is the only case
in the Hebrew Bible where this word is used
as a noun, meaning “crematory” or “pyre.”
God’s wrath is to literally burn up the Assyrian
king in much the same way that sacrifices
were made in the cult site in the Valley of Hinnom
near Jerusalem to the god Molech (2
Kings 23:10). In fact, the Assyrian king
Sin-Shar-Ishkun died in the flames of his palace
when the city of Nineveh was destroyed
in 612 B.C.
30:33. burning sulfur. Finely ground sulfur
can increase the intensity and brightness of a
fire. It may be this property that has made it a
symbol of God’s wrath, as in the case of Sodom.
In this image of Assyria’s funeral pyre it
magnifies the power of God to punish the enemy
nation. Mixed with salt, sulfur could also
rob the soil of fertility, again a sign of God’s
extreme displeasure.
31:1-9
Woe Oracle Against Political
Alliances
31:1. role of Egypt. See the comment on 30:2.
31:8. fate of Assyria. The ultimate fate of Assyria
is its annihilation as a nation by a coalition
of states headed by the Chaldeans of
Babylon and the Medes. The Babylonian
Chronicle describes how Nineveh falls to an
allied army led by Nabopolassar of Babylon
and the Median ruler Cyaxares in 612. The final
battle at Carchemish in 605 demonstrated
the ability of the Babylonian leader Nebuchadnezzar
to totally demoralize the formerly
invincible Assyrian shock troops and their
Egyptian allies. Thus the hand of Yahweh and
the loss of strong Assyrian leadership after the
death of Ashurbanipal in 627 spelled elimination
of that people’s influence from the ancient
Near East.
ISAIAH 32:11—34:4
32:1-8
The Coming King
32:1-5. visions of better times. These verses
form a reversal of the conditions faced by Isaiah
in his call narrative in 6:9-10. What changes
Israel’s fortunes is the rise of a righteous king
who enforces the law and maintains order.
Statements such as these are part of the wisdom
tradition of the ancient Near East that includes
works from Egypt and Mesopotamia
on the “just king.” Among them is the Egyptian
Tale of the Eloquent Peasant, who describes
623 ISAIAH 32:9—34:4
a righteous king as one who is “father to the
orphan” and “mother to the motherless.” Similarly,
the eighth-century Egyptian sage Ankhsheshonqy
states that “blessed is a city with a
just ruler.”
32:9-20
Oracle Against the Women of
Jerusalem
32:11. sackcloth around waist. One of the rituals
associated with mourning and supplication
is to wear sackcloth Gen 37:34; 1 Kings
20:31-32). Pictorial representation of this practice
is found on the sarcophagus of the Phoenician
king Ahiram (c. 1000 B.C.), which
depicts two mourning women as well as other
figures performing symbolic acts associated
with the passage of the deceased.
32:14. citadel and watchtower. The Lachish
Letters, which date to the early sixth century
and the invasion of Judah by Nebuchadnezzar,
describe signal fires that are lit in towers
in each of the important border towns. The
writer of this passage may be referring to
these signal/defensive towers, or it is possible
that the word for citadel (’ophel) refers to a
portion of Jerusalem where a specific watchtower
stood (see comment on Neh 3:26.
33:1-24
Woe Oracle Against Those on
Whom the King Will Take
Vengeance
33:4. locusts. The image of locusts as a ravaging
horde stripping the land of its harvest and
wealth is more fully developed in Joel 1:4-12
and Amos 7:1-2. See also the comment on
Deuteronomy 28:42. The irony in the Isaiah
passage is that the former destroyer, Assyria,
is now to be picked over even more thoroughly
than were its victims.
33:9. Lebanon, Sharon, Bashan, Carmel. The
shattering of nature’s normal function, coupled
with a gloomy recital of areas known for
their fertility, once again reflects God’s displeasure
at work (see 24:4-7; comment on
24:1-13). The itinerary runs generally north to
south: from the lush forests of Lebanon and
the wine country of the Beqa’ Valley Ps 72:16;
Hos 14:7, south to the fertile plain of Sharon
on the coastal plain Song 2:1, east of the Galilee
to the Bashan plateau and its excellent
grazing areas Ps 22:12, and then south again
to the Carmel range also known for its herding
1 Sam 25:2; Jer 50:19.
33:18. officials. Every government requires
bureaucrats to conduct its business. In this vision
of the future when God’s king will reign
once again, the people think back to the “bad
old days” when their lives and fortunes were
strained by the activities of men who recorded
tax assessments, counted out the tribute payments
and determined (“counted towers”)
how many soldiers would be needed to man
the Assyrian garrisons (for which they had to
provide troops). The Mari texts contain a
number of letters sent to local officials from
provincial governors and the king, instructing
them to perform these tasks. The harshness of
punishments threatened against the officials
for failure to collect taxes or draft workers and
soldiers assured that they would in turn be a
“terror” to the people they oppressed.
33:19. foreign language. The Assyrian tax collectors,
some of whom may have come from
various parts of the empire, spoke Aramaic,
while the majority of Israelites spoke only Hebrew
(see 36:11). They may also have had
strange-sounding accents, which added to the
sense of foreign control and oppression for the
people of Judah (see Jer 5:15 for the same reaction
under Babylonian rule).
33:22. role of lawgiver. One of the attributes
that all kings claim is “lawgiver.” For instance,
as early as the end of the third millennium
Sumerian king Urukagina of Lagash and the
Neo-Sumerian king Ur-Nammu pledge in
their royal inscriptions “not to hand over the
widow and orphan to the powerful.” In the
same vein the eighteenth-century B.C. prologue
to Hammurabi’s law code contains a
statement that the gods appointed him “to
cause justice to prevail in the land” so that
“the strong might not oppress the weak.” The
similarity of wording in these texts, plus the
language in 2 Samuel 8:15 in which David is
described as “doing what was just and right
for all his people,” suggests a common ancient
Near Eastern tradition of the “just king.”
However, when the monarch fails to perform
this essential task, God steps in to restore order
and justice (see Ezek 34:7-16.
33:23. boat metaphor. A similar metaphor is
known from an Assyrian elegy about a woman
who died in childbirth. She is described as a
boat that is adrift with its mooring rope cut and
the seat where the oarsman would sit broken.
ISAIAH 32:9—34:4
34:1-17
Oracle of Judgment Against the
Nations
34:4. imagery of disappearing stars. Always
in command of all creation, Yahweh shows
mastery over the heavens and celestial bodies,
causing their brightness to be snuffed out in a
ISAIAH 34:4—38:8 624
reversal of creation. Prominent astral motifs
in the Mesopotamian religion included the
idea that the gods were given stations within
the heavens and “their astral likenesses”
marked the zones of the calendrical year
(for instance, in the Babylonian Enuma Elish
creation epic). In the celestial omens the disappearing
of a star or planet always suggested
that the related deity had suffered
defeat in battle. Astral deities were considered
among the most prominent and powerful
of the gods. The dissolving of the stars
and the fall of the starry host are therefore
related. Both the natural manifestation as
well as the deity connected to it are overcome
in this act of judgment. Additionally,
dream omens in Mesopotamia hold that the
observation of stars falling is a bad omen. In
the destruction described in Erra and Ishum,
Erra says that he will make planets shed
their splendor and will wrench stars from
the sky.
34:4. sky rolled like a scroll. More often the
heavens are compared to a canopy (40:22) or a
tent Ps 104:2 spread over the earth. This image
in Isaiah of the whole panorama of the sky being
rolled up like a parchment scroll is unique in the
Hebrew Bible (see the New Testament parallel
in Rev 6:14. Additionally, the three major Babylonian
gods are not represented by stars but by
the sky itself. Anu is the sky god, and the horizon
is divided into three paths (connected to
Anu, Enlil and Ea). Therefore, rolling up the sky
is an act of judgment against the three main deities
of the ancient world.
34:5. role of Edom. Since the larger passage here
(see vv. 1-4) is concerned with God’s punishment
of the nations, it may be that the description of
Edom as a sacrificial victim is simply a example
of what will happen to them all (compare 63:1-6).
Certainly Edom serves in many cases as Israel’s
prototype “enemy” (see Obad 5-9; Mal 1:2-4.
The lack of a specific act by Edom in the late
eighth-early seventh century against Jerusalem
(although see 2 Chron 21:8-10 has convinced
many scholars that this passage is a reference to
Edom’s role as Babylon’s ally in 587 B.C. (see
Ezek 35:2-15.
34:6. Bozrah. This is the capital of ancient
Edom and is to be identified with Buseirah in
the northern region of the country. It guards a
portion of the King’s Highway and is fairly
close to the copper mines found five miles to
the southwest at Wadi Dana. Excavations
demonstrate seventh to sixth century levels
from the most heavily fortified and largest settlement
in the area.
34:9. pitch and sulfur. Although often mentioned
as a sealant material for boats (see Gen
9:14; Ex 2:3, boiling pitch appears in Old
Babylonian texts as a form of punishment.
Coupled with the foul smell of burning sulfur,
both materials being available in the region of
the Dead Sea, they could easily be associated
with God’s wrath (see Gen 19:24.
34:11. owls and ravens. The symbol for utter destruction
here is that birds best known as inhabiting
and scavenging desolate places Job 38:41;
Ps 102:6 have settled in the ruins of towns (see
Is 13:22. One parallel to this picture is found in
the Egyptian Visions of Neferti (c. 2000 B.C.),
which describes an Egypt so weak that a
“strange bird will make its nest near the people”
and “desert herds will drink from the Nile.”
34:13-15. jackals, hyenas, falcons. Isaiah’s vision
of Edom’s desolation concludes with a land left
to scavengers and phantoms (see Jer 9:11. It is
easy to imagine the cry of jackals and hyenas
would sound demonic in origin to people who
are already in fear of their lives Mic 1:8. Some
commentators read Lilith, the Mesopotamian female
night demon (v. 14), as one of the creatures
inhabiting this nightmare world.
ISAIAH 38:9—40:8
35:1-10
Restoration
35:2. Carmel and Sharon. With the elimination
of Edom, regions north of that land are
freed from oppression and are restored to fertility
and prosperity. These include Carmel
and Sharon (see the comment on 33:6, where
this is reversed), the area along the northern
coastal plain of Israel. Even the desertlike portions
of the Arabah (within the Jordan Rift
Valley; Jer 17:6 will become rich and abundant
with life, like these normally fertile areas.
35:7. jackals/papyrus contrast. Jackals are
creatures of the steppe and desert regions,
ranging over a barren landscape Mal 1:3. In
Isaiah’s vision of a garden replacing what once
had been wilderness, these haunts for wild
predators will be transformed into wetlands
like those in the Huleh Valley (see 43:20). The
marshy area will remain moist year round, allowing
for the growth of grasses and papyrus
plants (see Job 8:11-13 and Is 19:5-6.
isaiah 34:4—38:8
36:1—37:38
Sennacherib’s Siege of Jerusalem
See comments on 2 Kings 18—19 and 2 Chronicles
32.
38:1-8
Hezekiah’s Illness
See comments on 2 Kings 20.
625 ISAIAH 38:9—40:8
38:9-20
Hezekiah’s Prayer
38:9. Hezekiah’s letter. A thanksgiving psalm
such as this pertaining to a situation that
threatened the life of the king would typically
be inscribed on a stone stele. An example of
this is found in the inscription of Sin-Iddinam,
who was king over the town of Larsa in the
nineteenth century B.C. In a letter to the god
Nin-Isina (known as a healer) the king presents
his piety, benevolence and effectiveness
as reasons why the god should extend healing
mercy, which is granted.
38:11. seeing the Lord. Hezekiah does not
view “seeing the Lord” as an afterlife experience.
Seeing the Lord involved worshiping in
the temple and enjoying the Lord’s favor.
Verses 18-19 continue to make it clear that the
king anticipated no positive afterlife experience.
See comment on 14:9 for more information
about Israelite beliefs concerning afterlife.
38:12. metaphors. The shepherd moved frequently
from place to place and therefore
could break camp quickly. The weaver
working on a horizontal loom had the
threads and material stretched on bars between
stakes. When it had to be moved, the
bars could simply be pulled off the stakes
and rolled up (see comment on Judg
16:13-14). When the weaver finished a piece
of cloth, the threads connecting the material
to the loom had to be cut. The weaving of
Hezekiah’s life had been completed, and he
was now to be cut loose from the land of the
living. Life or history as a fabric being woven
is known from Greek mythology but
has not been identified in ancient Near Eastern
literature.
38:20. play my songs. The king’s involvement
in psalm composition is particularly well
known in connection with David but neither
began nor ended with him. As early as the end
of the third millennium, Shulgi king of Ur was
famous for his hymns offering prayers for the
health and welfare of the king. As late as the
Roman period, Nero was a patron of the arts
and considered himself a first-rate composer.
The ideal king was a wise king, and music
was one of the realms of wisdom.
ISAIAH 40:39—40:22
40:1-31
Comfort in God’s Sovereignty and
Transcendence
40:3-4. building roads in the ancient Near
East. The roads of the ancient Near East were
for the most part unpaved (except for a few
roads in the Late Assyrian Period). Although
unpaved, those intended for wheeled transport
(called “wagon roads” in the Nuzi texts)
had to be staked out, leveled and consistently
maintained. However, very few texts describe
the construction and maintenance of these
roads. Roads for heavy transport were somewhat
rare and were primarily along the trade
routes. Thus, a vassal king complained to the
king of Mari that he had to arrive at the Syrian
capital by a roundabout route along a major
highway. Assyrian kings rarely boasted of
their road constructions as it appeared to be
the duty of the local populations. In a treaty
text Esarhaddon commands that when his son
succeeds him the vassal must submit to him
and “smooth his way in every respect.”
40:3-9. voice in the wilderness, bringer of tidings.
Messengers were well known in the ancient
Near Eastern world. They played an
essential role as the bearers of political and
civic news to the inhabitants of a city. Virtually
every town had a “crier” who announced
important news to the inhabitants. Foreign invaders
often sent a herald to a town to discuss
terms with those remaining in the city. An example
similar to the Rabshakeh’s visit to
Jerusalem is when the Assyrians sent a herald
to Babylon to discuss terms during a seventhcentury
attack in southern Mesopotamia.
40:6-7. human mortality. The awareness of
fleeting human mortality is not exclusive to
ancient Israel. According to the Mesopotamian
Epic of Gilgamesh, the gods decreed mortality
for humans, while immortality was left
only to the gods themselves. Nonetheless, the
Sumerian king Gilgamesh went on many adventures
to gain immortality. He first attempted
to gain a type of immortality through
procreation, by making a name for himself
through the vanquishing of nonhuman foes,
and then by searching for Utnapishtim, the
hero of the flood, who had been granted immortality
by the gods. Though Gilgamesh was
successful in finding the flood hero and even
located the “plant of life,” he unselfishly
wanted to bring the plant back home with him
to his city (Uruk), so that all of the citizens
could partake of the plant. Alas, it was stolen
by a snake, and Gilgamesh returned home
empty-handed. However, the reader was reminded
that Gilgamesh had built the walls of
Uruk, which still stood, and thus had gained a
form of immortality. Thus the epic was in part
an explanation for something that every Mesopotamian
person knew: life was short and in
death one was confined to a dreary existence
in the netherworld.
40:8. what stands forever in ancient Near
East. The concept of “forever” in the ancient
ISAIAH 40:10-22 626
Near East connotated continuous and permanent
time rather than endless time. Mesopotamian
kings hoped that their names would be
established “forever.” Kings gave property to
individuals and their families “forever” (i.e.,
in perpetuity). According to the Epic of Gilgamesh,
only the gods’ days were “forever”
(continuous), while human days were “numbered.”
The concept of a word standing forever
is paralleled in the fixing of destinies. In the
Gilgamesh Epic Enkidu uses a curse to “fix
the destiny” of Shamhat forever. Assyrian inscriptions
also refer to gods whose orders cannot
be changed and whose words are valid
forever. In Enuma Elish the rebel leader Kingu
and Marduk each have their destiny fixed so
that their command will not be changed and
their word will be eternal.
40:10. reward on return of king from battle. The
terms for reward and payment were probably
technical words for tribute and booty brought
home by victorious warriors and kings from
battle. The Assyrian kings made specific reference
to the large booty received from conquered
peoples. For instance, Sennacherib constructed a
Lachish Room in his palace at Nineveh to house
all of the booty collected from the destruction of
this Judahite fortress city in 701 B.C. The return
home from successful battle was an opportunity
for the distribution of rewards to those who
were favorites of the king.
40:11. king as shepherd. The ideology of the
king as a shepherd to his people is found with
Lugalzagessi of Sumer as early as c. 2450 B.C.
The contemporary king Urukagina of Lagash
claimed that the god Ningirsu owned his state
and that the king had been chosen as a “shepherd”
to administer the city on behalf of the
gods and the people. For the most part this
ideology continued in the ancient Near East
into the period of the Israelite monarchy.
40:12. ordering of cosmos. It was the job of
the chief deity to bring order to the cosmos. In
Enuma Elish (the Babylonian creation epic) the
deity Marduk, after having defeated the goddess
Tiamat, “crossed the heavens and surveyed
the regions; he squared Apsu’s quarter,
the abode of Nudimmud, and measured the
dimensions of Apsu.” He continued to organize
the constellations, the divine astral images
and other heavenly bodies.
ISAIAH 40:10-22 40:13-14. council of the gods in the ancient
Near East. In the ancient Near East the major
decisions were all made in the divine council.
There the gods would consult with one another
and share their information and opinions.
In the Babylonian creation epic Apsu and
Tiamat, the gods from whom spawned all living
creatures, had as their trusted advisor
Mummu, who often rebuked them. When the
high council of gods assembled to determine
how to attack Tiamat, they drank themselves
into a stupor and subsequently chose Marduk
as their king, accepting his harsh demands of
absolute rule. Isaiah insists that Yahweh has
no advisors nor does he work within an assembly
of gods (though a divine council of
sorts was believed to be operative; see comments
on Ex 20:3 and 2 Chron 18:18.
40:15. dust on the scales. The dust of the earth
was used to express abasement, smallness and
insignificance in the Old Testament. In this
passage the dust of the nations makes no significant
difference in the scales. The Babylonians
took no notice of a little dust on the
scales when meat or fruit were being weighed.
40:16. wood and wildlife of Lebanon. The Israelites
considered that the land with the
greatest forests and most varied animal life
was Lebanon. In addition to supplying lumber
for the temple of Solomon, the cedars of
Lebanon provided sacred barges for Egypt
and ships for Tyre. Moreover, the Assyrians
exacted a tribute of timber from Lebanon for
temple building.
40:19. manufacture of idols. Images in the ancient
Near East were either cast or carved.
Wooden idols were manufactured by a sculptor
who stretched a line over the wood to measure
the length and width of the image. He then
drew an outline of the idol with his stylus, chiseled
out the rough spots and put all of the body
parts in the right proportion. Here, however,
the reference is clearly to cast images. These
would have been anywhere from four to ten
inches high. The mold would be created by
coating wax figurines with clay, then melting
out the wax and baking the clay. The bronze
would then be poured into the mold through a
spout on the bottom of the feet, which would
later serve as a peg to attach the idol to a wooden
base. The cast would then be overlaid with
gold or silver foil using a small hammer to affix
it to the edges provided for that purpose.
Grooves were also designed on the cast so that
gold or silver wires (NIV: “chains”) could be
squeezed into them. Then a solid wood was
chosen for a base. Recent suggestions have
identified the wood as sissoo, a wood similar to
teak, native to India. Literally thousands of
idols throughout the Near East have been uncovered
by archaeologists.
40:22. circle of the earth. The picture of the
universe described here is the common cosmological
view of the ancient Near East. The
sky was a dome that arched over the disk of
the earth, which sat on top of a primeval
ocean. Under the ocean was the netherworld,
627 ISAIAH 40:26—41:25
virtually a mirror image of the space above
the earth. Thus, the entire universe was an
enormous sphere, cut in the center by the
earth. Nevertheless, here it is the earth itself
that is described as circular. In Babylonian literature
Shamash is praised as the one who
suspends from the heavens the circle of the
lands. Likewise, in a prayer to Shamash and
Adad Adad causes it to rain on the circle of
the earth. The circle simply reflects the curvature
of the horizon (thus, disk-shaped) rather
than a sphere (for which Hebrew uses another
word). In the ancient world the earth was consistently
regarded as being circular.
40:26. creator gods. There are many creation
traditions throughout the ancient Near East.
Not many of them, however, speak of the creation
of the heavens or the stars. In the prologue
to a Sumerian astrological treatise the
three great gods An, Enlil and Enki, are credited
with setting up the heavens and the astral
gods and decreeing their courses. Marduk in
the Babylonian creation epic is given the power
of creation by the assembly of the gods, and
he tests it by destroying and recreating a constellation.
After defeating Tiamat, he sets up
the positions of the great gods and establishes
the constellations.
40:26. names of the starry host. In the Babylonian
creation epic Marduk constructed stations
for the gods in the heavens and fixed
their astral likenesses (i.e., heavenly bodies) as
images for them. Thus, although he did not
actually name the stars, he appointed a deity
for a respective star.
ISAIAH 40:26—41:25 40:27-28. gods being unaware or tired. In the
ancient world the gods were viewed as having
human weaknesses and often were inattentive
or simply unaware of events that were
taking place. One result of this was that the
pantheon of gods were constantly outwitting
or tricking each other. For example, when Enlil
brought on the flood to destroy humankind,
Enki outwitted him by saving a remnant
of humans. However, Enki may have been
tricked when he advised the human Adapa to
reject the “bread of death” while in the presence
of Anu, the high god. Anu subsequently
gave Adapa the “bread of life,” which was apparently
unexpected by Enki. The gods were
not indefatigable. They were in constant need
of food, drink and shelter. In fact, humans
were created to do the hard labor the gods
preferred not to do.
41:1-29
God’s Help for His Servant Israel
41:1. islands. The islands or coastlands are a
reference to the far-off reaches of the Mediterranean.
The word describes any place that
was reached by sea travel.
41:7. smith’s craft. See comment on 40:19. In
this verse the craftsman is the one who prepares
the mold and creates the cast figurine.
The goldsmith attaches the plating and inlay.
Then the hammer is used to planish (smooth
out) and burnish (shine) the overlay. The last
step is difficult to translate because it is full of
technical terms, but it appears to refer to the
fitting of the tenon (peg) into the hole in the
wooden base.
41:11-12. similarity to ancient Near Eastern
prophetic oracles. Prophetic oracles were
not unique to Israel. They were a common
theme in certain periods in Mesopotamia.
The largest corpus of prophetic oracles is
found at the city of Mari on the Middle Euphrates
(c. 1800 B.C.). For the most part these
oracles are on a mundane plain, placing divine
demands (usually of a very material
nature) before the king and his advisors.
They are also often concerned with the wellbeing
of the king. Closer to the time of Isaiah,
the Assyrian kings Esarhaddon and
Ashurbanipal received oracles concerning
the king’s responsibility to shepherd his
people and to act justly. Like the verses here
in Isaiah, they often promise victory over
enemies. In one prophecy to Esarhaddon,
Ishtar states that his enemies will roll before
his feet “like ripe apples.”
41:15. threshing sledge. The threshing sledge
was a heavy wooden sledge with stone or iron
teeth. It was used to separate the grain from
the chaff before the winnowing process.
41:16. winnowing. The process of winnowing
was usually carried out on hilltops,
where the wind carried away the chaff and
allowed the grain to fall to the ground. The
grain was tossed into the air with wooden
shovels or fans. There are numerous depictions
of winnowing on funerary wall reliefs
from Egypt.
41:19. reforestation. The reforestation of depleted
areas was done only on a minor scale in
the ancient world. The Assyrian kings planted
many “gardens” in their chief cities, including
hundreds of trees, but this cannot be considered
full-fledged reforestation.
41:25. parallel between north and rising sun.
There is no contradiction here, as both statements
here concern Cyrus of Persia, who was
from the east but descended on “the rulers”
(Babylon) from the north, conquering Armenia
and northern Mesopotamia first. The same
Cyrus is said to have come from the east
(41:2).
ISAIAH 42:1—44:5 628
ISAIAH 42:1—44:5 42:1-25
The Servant of the Lord Who Will
Bring Judgment
42:5. creator of heavens, earth and people.
The creator gods of the ancient Near East were
more limited in their range of creation. Often
the cosmic elements are generated by procreation
of the gods, though a creator deity may
have oversight in some versions. Especially in
Mesopotamian traditions, people are created
by a separate deity. Egyptian traditions have
more of a tendency to consolidate creative activity
in one deity.
42:9. proclaiming past and future. The gods
of the ancient Near East were not necessarily
able to predict the future. The future was in
the hands of Fate, an impersonal force that
controlled the destiny of things. Enki, the god
of wisdom, wore a sorcerer’s hat, showing
that he attempted to control and predict fate,
much like a human sorcerer. Fate was written
on tablets, and those who controlled the tablets
controlled the destiny of the universe. If
they were in the wrong hands, there was chaos
in the world. In one myth a bird deity (Anzu)
stole the tablets of fate, which caused
quite a stir within the divine community until
he was killed. At any rate it was not in the
god’s nature to predict the future, but rather it
was a concept they desired to control.
42:11. Kedar and Sela. Kedar was a nomadic
Arab tribe living in northern Arabia between
Edom and Babylonia, while Sela was
an Edomite capital, possibly located at the
later site of Petra. They both represent remote
areas of the desert and mountains who
are invited to worship Yahweh.
42:13. divine warrior. In the divine warrior
motif the deity is fighting the battles and defeating
the deities of the enemy. In Assyria
Nergal is the king of battle, and Ishtar is
viewed as a war goddess. The Canaanite Baal
and the Babylonian Marduk are divine warriors.
This is not to be viewed as “holy war”
because in the ancient Near East there was no
other kind of war. In most situations prayers
would be made and omens asked to assure
the god’s presence. Standards or statues of the
deity were usually carried to symbolize their
presence. Assyrian kings of the ninth and
eighth centuries regularly refer to the divine
standard that goes before them. The Assyrians
believed that the gods empowered the weapons
of the king and fought before him or at his
side.
42:22. parallel between pits and prisons.
When prisons were far off or not available,
pits were often used to hold prisoners for a
temporary period of time. In fact, prisons
were primarily for detention of individuals
awaiting trial or for political reasons, both in
Israel and Babylonia.
43:1-28
God’s Mercy on Israel
43:3. Egypt, Cush, Seba. The Persians successfully
invaded Egypt and gained control of
Cush (Nubia) during the reign of Cyrus’s successor,
Cambyses. Seba’s location is disputed.
43:14. Babylonians as fugitives in ships. This
passage is describing the defeat and capture
of Babylon (i.e., Chaldeans) by Cyrus. Though
not found in other sources, apparently the
Chaldeans unsuccessfully attempted to escape
the conquest by traveling in their own
ships by sailing on the Euphrates to the Persian
Gulf.
43:15. deity as king. Many of the polities in the
ancient Near East considered the god as the true
king of the land; the earthly ruler was merely a
viceroy to the god. For example, the Assyrian
kings were regents for the god Ashur. Marduk
was king at Babylon, as was Baal in many
Canaanite states. Even in ancient Sumer, Enlil
was king of the gods. In fact, kingship itself was
described in Sumerian as “Enlilship” (Enlilutu).
43:24. calamus. Calamus (botanically known
as acorus calamus) was used in the manufacture
of incense. It is a strongly aromatic cane
that grew in the swamps of Syria and was imported
from India to the west.
43:24. fat. The fat parts of the animal were also
to be included in the sacrifice. Neither fat nor
blood was to be eaten. Blood was drained and
then sprinkled on the altar. The fat was always
burned on the altar as part of the essentials of
sacrifice. For more information see comment
on Leviticus 3:4.
44:1-5
Servant Israel
44:2. Jeshurun. Jeshurun was an endearing
name for Israel (see Deut 32:15; 33:5, 26). The
meaning of the name is somewhat obscure,
but some think it is derived from a Hebrew
root meaning “upright.”
44:5. writing on hand. The writing on the
hand probably refers to the mark of a master
on the hand of a slave (see 49:16). Slave
markings were common throughout the Near
East. For example, in many periods in Mesopotamia
the slave was required to be
“marked” by shaving half of the hair on his
head. The marking on the hand by tattoo or
brand also signifies ownership. Generally it
629 ISAIAH 44:6—45:1
was the owner’s name that was incised on
the right hand. Hundreds of jar handles have
been found in Israel from the Iron Age that
are inscribed l’mlk, “belonging to the king.”
ISAIAH 44:6—45:1
44:6-20
Worthless Idols
44:10-14. blacksmith and carpenter in manufacture
of images. See the notes on Isaiah
40:19 and 41:7. In the eighth-century copies of
the Epic of Erra and Ishum, Marduk speaks of
the manufacture of his image. It starts with
the wood of a sacred tree with its top brushing
heaven and its roots in the netherworld. The
roles of the skilled carpenter and the metalworker
using millstones are featured, and the
craftsmen are praised for their skills.
44:17-18. how images are “brought to life.”
The ancients did not believe that the idol
was the deity itself but a representation of
the deity. However, they did believe that the
god’s spirit came to inhabit the image, and
thus they prayed to the image as if it were
the god itself. The gods of ancient Egypt
were consecrated with a ritual called the
Opening of the Mouth. Life was symbolically
imparted to them in much the same way
that the Opening of the Mouth gave life to a
mummy. There was an Opening of the
Mouth ritual in Mesopotamia as well. This
was a rite that was performed to purify and
introduce into the temple the divine image.
The same ritual was repeated when the image
came into contact with impurity or impure
individuals.
44:21-28
Redemption of Israel
44:24. alone created. The fact that the Bible
portrays Yahweh as having no pantheon
means that all divine activity is carried out by
him. This is in contrast to many of the traditions
of the ancient Near East, where various
deities were involved with different aspects of
creation. Another common belief in the ancient
Near Eastern creation traditions is that
cosmic elements came into being through the
birth of the gods associated with those elements,
rather than by a creative act of a deity.
This concept of creation through procreation
maintains that cosmogony (the origins of the
cosmos) is related to theogony (the origins of
the gods). Such a concept is rejected in this
text. Yahweh has no consort, and therefore
neither he nor the cosmos is the result of procreation,
nor does he carry out his creative activity
by means of procreation. (There have
been some inscriptions found in Palestine that
imply that some Israelites believed that Yahweh
had Asherah, a Canaanite goddess, as his
consort. These texts are in direct contradiction
to the writings of the Old Testament.)
44:25. diviners made fools. This verse connects
to the previous one in that the omens
consulted by the Assyrian and Babylonian
diviners were drawn from heaven and
earth. In fact, major prognostications had to
be confirmed by omens from both realms.
Yahweh’s creation of those realms indicates
his control of any signs being given. Prophets
were supposed to be giving messages
from deity, and diviners were presumably
using their arts to determine what the gods
were up to by reading the omens in heaven
and earth. These professionals therefore offered
a constant flow of theoretically divine
insight concerning the course of political
events. When Yahweh’s plans brought about
completely unanticipated events, those who
were respected as wise men were shown to
be farces.
44:28. Cyrus’s background. Cyrus was born
about 590 B.C. in the modern Iranian province of
Fars. Virtually nothing is known of him until he
came to the throne of Persia in 559 B.C., except
for a few legends concerning his childhood written
down by Herodotus, the Greek historian.
44:28. foundation of temple. All ancient Near
Eastern temples were built with foundations.
The building of temples in Mesopotamia was
accompanied by certain ceremonies that are
not fully understood. A series of items was deposited
in the foundations of the buildings.
This is known from building inscriptions and
ritual texts, as well as actual foundation deposits
found by archaeologists. Deposits included
peg- or nail-shaped objects, animal
sacrifices, cones, cylinders and tablets. One of
the primary purposes of the foundation deposit
was to memorialize the building of the
edifice (for more information see comments
on Ezra 3:3 and 3:10).
45:1-25
God’s Restoration of Israel
45:1. Cyrus’s accomplishments. Cyrus of Persia
was one of the greatest conquerors in
world history. He inherited the throne of Persia
from his father, Cambyses I, in 559. In 556
the Babylonian king Nabonidus, motivated by
a dream, abandoned the treaty that his country
had maintained with the Medes for over
half a century and made a treaty with Cyrus.
This gave Cyrus the freedom to move against
the Medes (ruled by his grandfather Astyges)
ISAIAH 45:2—46:6 630
whom he conquered in 550. The new Medo-
Persian Empire was thus formed, with
control over the entirety of Iran. By 546 he defeated
the Anatolian kingdom of Lydia and
Ionia. For the next five years he consolidated
his control over the tribes in northeastern Iran.
All of this success paved the way for his
crowning achievement, the conquest of Babylon
in 539 B.C. The whole of the Near East (excluding
Egypt) was under the control of the
Persians when Cyrus was killed in battle in
530.
isaiah 45:2—46:6 45:2. gates of bronze, bars of iron. The Greek
historian Herodotus described Babylon as
having “one hundred gates in the circuit of
the wall, all of bronze with bronze uprights
and lintels.” Large bronze gates have been excavated
at the Assyrian period site of Balawat,
giving a glimpse of what the Babylonian walls
may have been like. Gates were locked by
means of a bar slid across the gateway, and
iron would obviously be the most difficult to
break (see comment on Deut 33:25.
45:4. religion of Cyrus. Cyrus most certainly
was not a worshiper of Yahweh. In his inscriptions
his polytheism is evident. In one case he
requests that all the gods pray for him to
Nabu and to Marduk his lord, whom he
claims to worship. Other indications suggest
that Cyrus was a Zoroastrian (a religion based
on the teachings of Zarathustra, an Iranian
holy man who lived sometime in the early
first millennium B.C.). Zoroastrianism flourished
during the Achaemenid empire in Iran
(for more information see comment on Ezra
1:2). Though there is no concrete evidence for
Zoroastrianism until the reigns of Darius I
and his successor Xerxes I, the names of
Cyrus’s children show Zoroastrian influence,
and he is known to have set up a fire stand
(important in Zoroastrian worship) for the
king’s daily ritual.
45:13. Cyrus’s policy of return and rebuilding.
Judah was not the only land that benefited
from Cyrus’s policy of returning exiles to
their place of origin and rebuilding the major
cities of a ruined area. For example, he
claimed to have restored Marduk to his rightful
position as the god of Babylon. He claimed
to have restored many other people groups to
their homelands (including displaced Babylonians)
and restored their temples and other
public buildings (for more information see
comment on Ezra 1:2-4. Many Babylonian
structures were rebuilt during Cyrus’s reign.
45:14. Egypt, Cush, Sabeans. A major canal
was built in the Red Sea by the Persians during
the reign of Darius I that linked the Nile
cultures of Egypt and Cush with Arabia (Sabeans).
This facilitated the flow of shipping
between the two continents. Also see the note
on 43:3.
46:1-13
Yahweh’s Superiority to the Gods
of Babylon
46:1. Bel. Bel was not a proper name in Babylonia
but was the Akkadian equivalent of
“lord” (Hebrew, Ba’al). The Sumerian deity
Enlil of Nippur was called “lord,” a title also
given to Marduk the god of Babylon in later
periods. Bel in this context is most certainly a
name for Marduk. Marduk was the chief god
of Babylon, its patron deity and the head of
the pantheon. The Babylonian creation epic,
Enuma Elish, is actually a myth recounting his
elevation to that position, believed to have
taken place at the end of the second millennium.
He was considered to be the son of one of
the members of the most august ancient triad,
Enki, the patron of Eridu. Though we often
see Baal in the Bible as the principal rival of
Yahweh, no deity in the first millennium had
the political clout that was connected to Marduk.
His principal shrine was the temple Esagila
(“temple with the exalted head”) in
Babylon, which was connected to the famous
ziggurat, Etemenanki (“foundation of heaven
and earth”).
46:1. Nebo. Nebo (Akkadian, Nabu) was the
god of Borsippa, a city near Babylon. He was
the god of wisdom and the patron deity of
scribes and the son of Marduk. His prominence
in the Neo-Babylonian period is demonstrated
by the fact that most of the kings’
names make statements about Nabu (e.g.,
Nebuchadnezzar, Nabonidus). He was already
prominent in Isaiah’s time, as is demonstrated
by the fact that Sargon made his shrine
the most prominent one in his new capital, the
citadel called Dur-Sharruken (=Khorsabad).
An eighth-century inscription urges worshipers
to trust in Nabu and not in any other god.
46:1-2. idols taken captive. Babylonian festivals
were frequently occasions for the idols of
the gods to be brought out in grand processions.
But this passage does not refer to a victory
parade. There are many examples of
images of Mesopotamian deities taken captive
during battle. Marduk the god of Babylon was
taken captive and removed from Babylon on a
number of occasions. The Hittites in 1595 B.C.,
Tukulti-Ninurta I of Assyria (r. 1244-1208 B.C.)
and Sennacherib (r. 705-681 B.C.) all plundered
Babylon and took the Marduk statue, which
was eventually returned in all three cases.
46:6. use of silver and gold in image manu-
631 ISAIAH 46:7—47:13
facture. See the notes on 40:19 and 41:7.
46:7. treatment and use of idols. The images
of deities in Mesopotamia were fed, dressed
and even washed daily. Food sacrifices were
brought to the deity on a daily basis (and no
doubt eaten by the temple technicians). Other
attendants were required to dress and undress
the statue, and still others were employed to
wash the statue and transport it in times of
celebration.
46:10. deity with purpose. The gods of the ancient
Near East were not capable of controlling
the destiny of the world without help. In
Mesopotamia there existed the “tablets of destiny,”
texts which contained the destinies of all
things (including the gods) in the universe.
Whoever controlled these tablets controlled
fate. Occasionally these tablets came into the
“wrong hands,” and chaos ensued. Some
gods, including Enki, wore sorcerer’s hats,
showing that they had the ability to control
and predict the future, but only by way of
spells and incantations. Conversely, Yahweh
controlled all things without resort to superficial
means of tablets or spells (see comment
on 14:26-27).
ISAIAH 46:7—47:13
47:1-15
Babylon’s Disaster
47:1. virgin daughter of Babylon. The biblical
writers, like their cuneiform counterparts, often
depicted cities as feminine in nature. The
term “virgin daughter” was addressed to a
community that faced disaster. In the ancient
Near East no one was considered a more helpless
victim of war than the unmarried girl. Defeat
often meant the loss of an intended
husband as well as the loss of virginity at the
hands of the marauding victors. The Lamentation
over the Destruction of Ur, an early-secondmillennium
B.C. Sumerian literary text, describes
the fall of the city Ur in such a manner.
47:2. grinding as lowly occupation. Grinding
grain at the flour mill was one of the most menial
of tasks, often done by slave girls in both
Egypt and Mesopotamia (see comments on Ex
11:4 and Judg 16:21.
47:2. veil. In most ancient Near Eastern cultures
a married woman was partially veiled in
public, and this was the mark of her marital
status. This is found in the Middle Assyrian
Laws. Slaves or concubines could not afford
veiling, and in any case they did not have the
legal right to be veiled.
47:2. wading through streams. Bridges were
virtually nonexistent in the ancient world, so
streams and rivers were waded across at
fords. A slave had to cross a stream on foot, in
contrast to a rich person who was carried over
in a carriage or in a chair carried by servants.
47:5. daughter of the Babylonians. This terminology
is used in Akkadian literature to refer
to female inhabitants of a region, city or
people. Here it is a reference to the personified
city of Babylon, a usage not observed in extant
Babylonian literature.
47:8. “I am, and there is none beside me.”
The use of “I am” would have immediately
struck a chord for this Israelite audience (see
Ex 3:14. There was no claim too arrogant for
these kings to make for themselves. An Assyrian
king of the ninth century, Ashurnasirpal,
had a list of eleven “I am” titles for himself.
47:9. sorceries and spells. Babylonia was famous
in the ancient world for its magic and divinatory
practices. Literally thousands of texts
have been uncovered, dealing with a multitude
of subjects, including incantations that help alleviate
the pain of a toothache, help a baby that is
stuck in the womb and help a mother who is
barren. It appears that the common person hired
an incantation priest for even the most mundane
problem. The priest then came and recited a
spell to exorcise a problematic demon or other
divine irritant. How much more did they resort
to incantation priests to practice their art for the
avoidance of disasters that were either portended
or threatened. Incantations were intended to
magically bind the supernatural powers that
posed a threat.
47:11. ways of avoiding portended calamities.
There are thousands of omen texts in
which the Babylonians attempted to predict
and control future events. The common person
hired an omen priest before he or she
made any important decision. The priest
then recited the proper omen, which told the
individual what to expect in the event of a
certain action. The omens were related to historical
events the way that symptoms are related
to the onset of disease. Thus the
individual who was fearful of a portended
calamity avoided it by not participating in a
particular activity that was harmful. For example,
there were certain days in which a
husband and wife were not to engage in sexual
relations, since these days portended disaster
(including death). In other instances,
the individual would hire an incantation
priest to utter a spell or incantation that
would neutralize the dreaded event. Best
known are the namburbu avoidance rituals in
which ritual acts were used in conjunction
with formalized prayers to the gods. Such
procedures could not be sought if there had
been no indication of impending danger.
47:13. astrologers and stargazers. A form of
ISAIAH 48:1—51:6 632
fortunetelling in Mesopotamia that rivaled
divination was astrology. In the Late Assyrian
Period (c. 900-612 B.C.) reports were regularly
made to the king about the appearance of the
moon and planets, with comments about
what these things foretold. The Babylonians
appeared to have invented the twelve signs of
the zodiac about 500 B.C., roughly the same
time as Cyrus of Persia. For more information
see comments on Isaiah 2:6; Deuteronomy 18;
Joshua 10:12-13; 2 Kings 23:4.
ISAIAH 48:1—51:6
48:1-22
Announcement of the End of
Captivity
48:10. silver refining. Silver in the ancient
world was refined by a process in which it was
melted in order to rid it of base components. Silversmiths,
as well as goldsmiths, used blowpipes
to ventilate their furnaces and cast their
products with the aid of steatite or clay molds.
For more information see comment on 1:22.
48:13. heavens and earth. See comments on
40:12 and 42:5.
48:14. Cyrus’s campaign against Babylon.
Cyrus began a propaganda campaign against
Nabonidus king of Babylon, an action attested
in later Babylonian sources. The Persian king
advanced against Babylon in 539 B.C. and
fought a victorious battle at Opis, about fifty
miles north-northeast of Babylon on the Tigris
in early October. On the eleventh of October,
Sippar (thirty-five miles north of Babylon) fell.
On October 13 the Persian army marched into
Babylon peacefully, welcomed by the local
populace. Cyrus himself entered the city on
October 30 and was proclaimed its liberator.
49:1-26
The Servant Brings Deliverance
and Restoration
49:1-7. kings with divinely ordained tasks of
deliverance. Although kings in the ancient
Near East were given responsibilities by the
gods, they generally perceived themselves as
having been ordained to conquer rather than
to deliver. Cyrus of Persia was seen by the
priests of Marduk and the city of Babylon as a
savior from an oppressive regime. In the prologue
to his laws Hammurabi claims himself
to be the one who gathers the scattered people
of the city of Isin and gives shelter to the people
of the city of Malgium.
49:2. mouth as sword imagery. The sword imagery
is also used for the prophet’s word (see
Jer 23:29 and God’s word in the New Testament
(e.g., Gal 6:17. Since the sword was an
offensive weapon, the implication is that the
word is in some sense aggressive. One of the
Hebrew words for mouth (peh) also signified
the term edge, as in “edge of the sword.” Thus
there may be a play on words in this verse.
49:9-10. characteristics of restoration. In Assyrian
literature the just reign of a king is
characterized by prosperity, diligent worship,
rejoicing, freeing prisoners, healing of sickness,
anointing with oil, and providing food
and clothing for the needy. Similar elements
are projected for Yahweh’s restoration of his
people and become part of the messianic profile.
49:11. building of highways. See the comment
on 40:3.
49:12. Aswan (Sinim). Sinim was the city on
the First Cataract of the Nile, the ancient
boundary of Egypt and Nubia to the south.
The site was later known in Greek sources as
Elephantine and is the modern city of Aswan.
49:16. engraved on palms. The meaning of
this imagery is that Jerusalem will be cut into
(or tattooed, although this was forbidden; see
Lev 19:28 the flesh of God and thus will be on
his mind permanently. See comment on 44:5.
49:18. ornaments of a bride. The Israelite
bride sometimes wore embroidered garments,
jewels, a special girdle and a veil. In
this passage the bride wears an ornamental
waistband. There are scores of texts from
Mesopotamia that describe the exchange of
gifts between two families for the purpose
of marriage, but little is said of the attire of
the bride or of the ceremony itself.
49:26. imagery. “Eat on their own flesh” and
“be drunk on their own blood” are most likely
metaphors meaning they are reduced to the
last extremity (see comment on 9:20).
50:1-11
Sin and Punishment
50:1. children sold to creditors. When one took
out a loan or mortgage in the ancient Near
East, the security took the form of a pledge of a
personal item. Where there was no security to
forfeit, debtors or their family members could
be sold into slavery. For example, the Middle
Assyrian Laws regulate the pledge of children
to pay off debts. Of course, the extended family
took great pains to make sure that family members
stayed within the family structure. See
comment on Exodus 21:2-6.
51:1-23
God’s Deliverance of His People
51:6. end of heavens and earth. This is not an
633 ISAIAH 51:9—53:4
apocalyptic verse concerning the end of the
earth. The writer intends on emphasizing the
permanence of God’s salvation, which is even
more permanent than the creation itself. In the
ancient Near East the universe (or rather, matter)
was an uncreated entity. In the Babylonian
creation epic matter had apparently always
existed and was later formed by Marduk into
the heavens, the earth and the netherworld.
There is no discussion concerning the end of
the material world.
51:9. Rahab. Although not mentioned in any
known text outside the Bible, Rahab is comparable
to the chaos monster Leviathan, which
also takes the form of a twisting serpent (Job
26:12-13; see the comment on 27:1). Rahab is
also used synonymously for Egypt. For instance,
in Psalm 87:4 the major nations are listed
as subject to the power of Yahweh. Rahab,
Egypt’s metaphorical name, is paired here
with Babylon in terms of importance. See
comment on 30:7.
51:14. prisoners set free from dungeons.
While most of those who had been deported
to Babylon would not have been imprisoned,
there would have been some political prisoners.
Pits were used as prisons in most of the
ancient Near East. The modern idea of a prison
as a place where prisoners are to be reformed
into good citizens would have been
foreign to the ancient world. Those in debt,
criminals awaiting trial and political prisoners
were held in confinement of one sort or another.
51:18. imagery of sons caring for elderly parents.
In Mesopotamia as well as Israel the eldest
son received a larger inheritance than the
rest of the children for the purpose of caring
for the parents in their old age. The imagery
here shows Jerusalem as a mother without
any children to take care of her in her old age.
51:20. head of the street. Some cities in the ancient
Near East show evidence of intense city
planning. The norm, however, especially in
the smaller towns, was a very haphazard approach
in which there were few real streets
but only passageways or open areas on which
no homes were built. The “head of the street”
refers to a corner or intersection. Most cities
and towns featured blocks of housing tracts
filled with random alleyways and dead ends
with no intersecting routes. The intersections
would occur when one emerged into an open
square.
51:23. walking over captives. Egyptian kings
in the early third millennium B.C. are depicted
as trampling over the corpses of defeated enemies.
For instance, Narmer, possibly the one
who unified Egypt, is seen with a mace
smashing enemies and stepping over them.
Likewise, the Sumerian kings from Lagash are
depicted as marching over the dead bodies of
their enemies. The tradition of trampling over
one’s enemies continued on into the first millennium
in Assyria and Babylonia.
ISAIAH 51:9—53:4
51:1-12
Captive Zion Set Free
52:11. vessels of the Lord. The vessels of the
Lord were temple vessels that were transported
to Babylon during the conquests of Jerusalem
(for specific vessels see comments on 2
Chron 4). They were returned to Jerusalem
during the Persian period. In the palace of
Sennacherib at Nineveh there were numerous
artifacts from the Judean fortress city of Lachish.
52:13—53:12
The Suffering Servant
52:14. battered king. During the Babylonian
Akitu festival (at the New Year), the king was
required to “take the hand of Bel” (Marduk)
and proclaim his innocence as a righteous
monarch. On the fifth day of the eleven-day
festival the king was taken before the high
priest, who stripped the monarch of his royal
insignias (mace, loop and scepter) and struck
him on the cheeks. The priest then dragged
the king by his ears and forced him to bow to
the ground before Marduk, again proclaiming
his innocence.
53:4-10. substitutionary rites in the ancient
Near East. The rite of the substitute king was
used in Assyria when evil omens (especially
an eclipse) suggested the life of the king was
in danger. It is attested primarily in the reign
of Esarhaddon in the early seventh century
but had been practiced for over a thousand
years. It worked on the principle that evil
could be transferred from one individual to
another. When the dangerous period was to
occur, the king was replaced by a substitute
on whom the evil fate could fall. In some cases
this substitute was someone considered of no
significance and was perhaps even mentally
or physically impaired. He was then exalted
to high status and office for as long as one
hundred days, though often a shorter period.
During this time the real king was kept in relative
isolation (a virtual exile) and participated
in numerous purification rituals. Meanwhile
the substitute was going through the
motions of being king and sitting on the
throne. He was portrayed as the shepherd (a
common title for Mesopotamian kings), but
ISAIAH 53:4—54:17 634
one could understand that he was simply a
sheep about to be slaughtered. At the end of
the period the substitute was put to death so
that the evident design of the gods would be
accomplished. The omens had suggested that
it was the will of the gods to crush him. As
one text puts it, he died to save the king and
the crown prince. He was given a rich state funeral
and an offering was made and exorcism
rituals performed (including washings and
sprinklings) so that the omens would be cancelled
and the days of the king could be prolonged.
53.4. healing of diseases. The Ugaritic myth
of the struggle of Baal and Mot contains the
story of the Rapiuma (saviors or healers), led
by Baal, who had risen from the dead. These
venerated ancestors were believed to intervene
on behalf of the living. They healed mortals’
diseases, helped in matters of fertility and
protected them against the evils of society.
The Rapiuma, however, did not take the infirmities
of the mortals on themselves.
53:7. sheep silent before shearers. Ancient
Near Eastern texts often describe the shearing
of sheep, who underwent their lot in silence.
Shearing was done annually in the spring, using
shears, which were invented about 1000
B.C. An individual could shear twenty to thirty
sheep a day.
53:10. guilt offering. The reparation offering
was traditionally termed the guilt offering.
Though the term that is used is often appropriately
translated as guilt, the term serves a
more technical function within the sacrificial
system. This offering is designed to address a
particular category of offense—a breach of
faith or an act of sacrilege. Breach of faith
would appropriately describe the violation of
a covenant, while sacrilege refers generally to
desecration of sacred areas or objects. See
comment on Leviticus 5:14-16. In this context,
Israel’s violation of the covenant would be the
most likely cause for a guilt offering to be required.
ISAIAH 53:4—54:17
54:1-17
The End of God’s Anger
54:2. enlarging tents. Zion is seen here with
the patriarchal image of the tent. As a mother
who has been blessed with many children,
Zion will need a spacious tent. The tents were
made of hand-woven, three-feet-wide strips
of dark goats’ hair. When more family members
needed to be accommodated, additional
strips could be sown on. The cords that
stretched from center poles to corner poles
would have to be longer and the stakes made
of stronger, thicker wood in order to hold the
weight.
54:4. shame of youth, reproach of widowhood.
The metaphor here is clarified in verse
6. A woman who was unable to bear children
in the ancient world was believed to be under
the punishment of deity, incapable of serving
the function for which she was married and
therefore liable to be rejected and abandoned
by her husband. The word translated “youth”
here refers to one who has not borne a child.
Her shame is her barrenness. She is a widow
because her husband has abandoned her (as
most marriage contracts allowed) and therefore
is the object of reproach with little hope of
remarrying. She is thus stripped of short-term
support by a husband and the support in her
old age that could be expected from children.
54:11. stones of turquoise, foundations of
sapphires. An alternate translation of the
word rendered “turquoise” is antimony,
which was used for a mortar, especially for
mosaics. The word here translated “sapphire”
is generally considered to be lapis lazuli, a
beautiful blue stone that was highly valued in
the ancient world. The procession way to the
famous Ishtar gate in Babylon was lined with
intricate patterns with the background made
by blue glazed bricks that gave the appearance
of lapis. In a work referred to as the Uruk
Prophecy, it is said that a future king will
build the gates of Uruk of lapis lazuli.
54:12. gate description. The description of the
approach in verse 11 leads to discussion of the
gateway. The word translated “battlements” is
actually “suns” and most likely refers to the
round, burnished shields used as crenellations
along the top of the towers that flanked the
gate. These are visible along the entire wall in
Sennacherib’s portrayal of the fortifications at
Lachish (see also Ps 84:11 for the association of
sun and shield). NIV’s “ruby” is a guess here,
and others support jasper. The word is used
only here and in Ezekiel 27:16, where it is listed
among exports from Aram. Red burnished
copper was popular for gates and would be
plausible for these sunlike shields. The stonework
of the gate area features some sort of
sparkling stone. The word translated “walls”
is a technical term for low walls that lined the
inside passage of the gateway (see Ezek
40:12). They are described here as being made
of “desirable stone”—high-quality stonework,
perhaps with mosaics.
54:17. invincibility. Since the Assyrian attack
in 701 B.C. there had been a tradition in Judah
that Jerusalem was invincible from attacks
from invaders. This idea was trampled by the
Babylonian conquest and destruction of the
635 ISAIAH 55:8—56:11
city (605-586 B.C.). Now Isaiah states that in
the future the city will be absolutely invincible.
55:1-13
Call to Seek the Lord
55:8-9. distinctions drawn between the ways
of gods and mortals. In the ancient Near East
there was considerable continuity between the
divine and human realms. There was a hierarchy
of divinity. For example, the Mesopotamian
pantheon had a council of seven gods at
the top of the hierarchy, followed by numerous
other gods, descending to personal gods,
angels, demons, heroes (humans who had attained
a semidivine status) and lastly humans.
Even the highest gods resembled humans in
their character and behavior, and were subject
to many of the same laws and limitations as
their human counterparts. They were not elevated
above the natural world nor transcendent
in the way that Yahweh was understood
to be. Instead they were part of the natural order.
Nevertheless, statements such as those
made here are also made in Mesopotamian literature.
Wisdom literature considers the ways
of the gods unknowable. In Enuma Elish the
proclamation of Marduk’s fifty names serves
as a delineation of his ways.
ISAIAH 55:8—56:11 55:11. word will not return empty. The claim
of sovereignty represented in orders and commands
that cannot be countermanded and are
effective without exception is made for the
gods of the ancient Near East as well. As early
as the Sumerian myth Lugal-e, Ninurta is
praised as one whose orders are not changed
and whose decisions are truthfully carried
out.
55:13. reforestation. See comment on 41:19.
56:1—57:21
Justice and Judgment
56:2. keeping Sabbath. The Sabbath observation
has no known parallel in any of the cultures
of the ancient Near East and is
distinctive in that it is independent of any of
the patterns or rhythms of nature. A similar
term was used in Babylonian texts for a full
moon day when the king officiated at rites of
reconciliation with deity, but it was not a
work-free day and had little in common with
the Israelite Sabbath. There were particular
days of the month in Mesopotamia that were
considered unlucky and were often seven
days apart (that is, the seventh day of the
month, the fourteenth day of the month, etc.).
Israel’s Sabbath was not celebrated on certain
days of the month; it was simply observed every
seventh day. During the Babylonian captivity,
the Sabbath became the most
conspicuous marker showing membership in
the community of Yahweh worshipers. It thus
became one of the central themes in postexilic
Judaism (including during the time of Jesus).
56:4-5. eunuchs in temple service. This Hebrew
term can at times refer simply to a court
official, but it later came to refer specifically to
eunuchs. Eunuchs were highly valued in government
service in many varied roles during
the Neo-Assyrian and Neo-Babylonian periods.
The great demand for eunuchs led to
young boys being included in the tribute paid
to Persia so that they could be castrated and
trained for government service. They had no
families to distract them from their service.
They were often entrusted with the care and
supervision of the royal harem since they
posed no threat to the women of the harem
and could not engender children by the harem
women who might be mistaken for royal
heirs. They would be less likely to become involved
in conspiracies because they would
have no heirs to put on the throne. Assyria,
Urartu and Media had all made use of eunuchs
in government offices. Eunuchs (or, better,
castrated ones) had originally been
forbidden in the Israelite community (Deut
23:1). The context in Isaiah 56:5 makes it clear
that these officials cannot have children, yet
the Lord provides for them.
56:9. beasts as punishment. Wild beasts were
a constant source of fear for city dwellers
throughout the ancient Near East. Of course,
in this passage wild beasts are a metaphor for
human “beasts” who plunder and pillage city
dwellers. In Assyrian texts and reliefs of this
period the kings are seen hunting lions to
symbolically rid the city of the scourge of wild
beasts. In one case it has been suggested that
the killing of eighteen lions represents the
eighteen gates of Nineveh and the roads leading
out of them.
56:10-11. dogs in Israelite society. Dogs in the
ancient Near East lived as scavengers. They
often roamed in packs on the outskirts of the
city (sometimes in the city) and wherever they
found refuse Ps 59:6, 14. They were often the
source of a biting insult 2 Sam 3:8. However,
dogs were also often associated with healing
and were used in rites of purification and exorcisms,
and as offerings in both Mesopotamia
and Anatolia. The term dog was used for
certain cultic functionaries in Israel (Deut
23:19), Phoenicia and Anatolia. Some have
thought that these “dogs” were prostitutes.
Strangely enough a dog cemetery with over
ISAIAH 57:1-6 636
seven hundred shallow burial pits has been
uncovered at Ashkelon in Philistia during the
Persian period. There is no evidence of any
cultic activity (although dogs were revered by
the Persian Zoroastrians).
57:1. death for righteous a reward rather than
a punishment. This verse implies that there
has been a complete overturning in society,
since the righteous perish. A number of Babylonian
wisdom texts discuss this theme. For
example, the Babylonian Theodicy (a text similar
to the biblical book of Job) complains that
the just man suffers from all kinds of injustice,
while the evil man is free to do his evil activities.
The writer also complains that his personal
god has done nothing to alleviate the
problem. This verse offers the explanation
that the righteous are not being punished with
death but rather are being spared from evil
times.
57:2. afterlife of peace and rest. The line is obscure
but the sense is that the death of the
righteous brings them into a peaceful state.
This does not offer a hope of heaven but an escape
from turmoil. Even Sheol is to be preferred
to the wicked state of affairs on earth.
ISAIAH 57:1-6 57:3. sorceress. Sorcery and adultery together
point to polytheistic fertility rites. In Mesopotamia
sorcery was usually forbidden, however.
The Mesopotamians as well as Hittites made a
distinction between black (malevolent) magic,
performed by a sorcerer/sorceress, and white
(benevolent) magic, performed by a legitimate
exorcist. Sorcery was punishable by death in
the Middle Assyrian Laws. It involved the use
of potions, figurines and curses designed to
bring death, disease or bad luck to the victim.
The Egyptians do not appear to have made a
distinction between black and white magic.
The few Ugaritic, Aramaic and Phoenician
magical texts show that those people appear to
have viewed magic and sorcery in a similar
way to their Mesopotamian counterparts.
57:5. lust among oaks. Gardens in the ancient
Near East were often parks of fruit and shade
trees, arboretums serving as outdoor shrines
or providing comfortable surroundings for sacred
enclosures. Sacred trees played a significant
role in the popular religion of the day.
These popular beliefs would have viewed
stone and tree as potential divine dwellings.
In Canaanite religion they are believed to be
symbols of fertility (see Deut 12:2; Jer 3:9; Hos
4:13), though there is very little in the archaeological
or literary remains of the Canaanites
that would clarify the role of sacred trees. It is
likely no coincidence that the word for oaks
(’elim) can also mean “gods.” The Canaanite
fertility goddess was Asherah, and these trees
(or wooden poles) were her cult symbol. A
cult stand from Taanach pictures a sacred tree
flanked by lions, as the goddess Asherah is
usually pictured. The fertility of the earth was
symbolized by the fertile union of humans,
cynically described here by Isaiah as “lust
among the oaks.”
ISAIAH 57:7—58:7 57:5. child sacrifice. The biblical writers attributed
child sacrifice to the Phoenician worshipers
of Molech (see comments on Lev 18:21 and
2 Chron 28:3. Archaeological discoveries at
Carthage (a Phoenician site in north Africa)
give evidence of child sacrifice, as hundreds of
urns containing the charred remains of infants
have been found. Commemorative stelae describe
the role of the children as sacrificial victims,
referred to in Punic as mlk (i.e., Molech)
offerings. Outside of Scripture, however, the
evidence in Syro-Palestine for child sacrifice is
scant. There is a possible reference from the
ninth century B.C. from Tell Halaf and from
penalty clauses in Late Assyrian juridical contracts.
57:6. smooth stones of ravines. The ravines or
wadis were the place where child sacrifices
took place, the most notorious being the Hinnom
Valley on the west side of Jerusalem.
These wadis were the preferred burial place in
Israel and therefore also served as the logical
choice for the rituals used in the worship of
the dead. If “smooth stones” is the correct
translation, the text may refer to the rock-cut
tombs that were found in these wadis and
were so identified with them that the word for
wadi can also take the meaning of tomb or
grave. An alternate suggestion is based on the
identification of this same root (translated
“smooth stones”) with a root meaning “to die,
perish” in a number of Semitic languages
closely related to Hebrew. This would then be
a reference to the dead who had been buried
in the wadis and had become the objects of
worship. The cult of the dead is referred to in
the latter part of the verse.
57:6. drink offerings, grain offerings. Because
of a well-developed ancestor cult that
pervaded much of the ancient Near East (evident,
for instance, in the emphasis on the role
of the male heir to care for the father’s shrine
in Ugaritic documents), the dead were considered
to have some power to affect the living. It
was believed that if libations were poured out
on behalf of the dead ancestors, their spirits
would then offer protection and help to those
still living. In Babylon the disembodied spirit
(utukki) or the ghost (et[emmu) could become
very dangerous if not cared for and often was
the object of incantations. Proper care for the
dead would begin with proper burial and
637 ISAIAH 57:7—58:7
would continue with ongoing gifts and honor
of the memory and name of the deceased. The
firstborn was responsible for maintaining this
ancestor worship and therefore inherited the
family gods (often images of deceased ancestors).
Such care would have been based on a
belief, as seen in Saul’s consultation of the
witch of Endor, that the spirits of the dead
could communicate and had information on
the future that could be of use to the living.
These spirits were consulted through the efforts
of priests, mediums and necromancers.
This could be a dangerous practice since some
spirits were considered demons and could
cause great harm. While it is difficult to totally
reconstruct Israelite beliefs about deceased ancestors
and the afterlife, it seems clear that prior
to the exile there existed a cult of the dead
or ancestral worship. This is evidenced by archaeological
remains: (1) standing stones
(mas[s[ebot), (2) channels cut into tombs for the
deposit of food and drink offering for the
dead (see Deut 26:14; Ps 106:28 and (3) family
tombs (note the importance of the ancestral
tomb for Abraham and his descendants at Hebron)
and mourning rituals performed at
these tombs (see Jer 16:5-7. The local and family
ancestral cults were condemned by the
prophets and the law.
57:7. bed on a hill. The bed on a hill is a probable
reference to the Canaanite high places (cf.
Jer 2:20 where cultic fornication was committed.
Its double meaning of “a place to lie
down” also brings out the image of death and
the grave.
57:8. fertility symbols. There is no clear indication
as to what these symbols were. They
may have been symbols of the household
gods (fertility figurines?) or phallic symbols of
fertility. This latter is likely because the last
line of the verse also refers to male genitalia
(NIV: “nakedness”). The Israelites also had a
memorial behind their door, consisting of a
metal container with a portion of Scripture inside
Deut 6:9; 11:20).
57:8. cultic prostitution. Much of the so-called
sacred prostitution in the ancient Near East may
have been an occasional prostitution for the payment
of a vow (see comment on Deut 23:17-18.
The texts that describe cultic prostitution from
either Canaanite or Mesopotamian sources are
ambiguous at best. One can conclude that prostitution
was occasionally organized by the temple
estates. The Old Testament has ample
evidence of feasts that led to sexual excesses, but
this does not mean that cultic prostitution was
institutionalized in these regions.
57:9. Molech. The Old Testament describes
Molech as a Canaanite deity to whom children
were brought for sacrifice. There is literary evidence
from the ancient Near East as early as
the third millennium B.C. of a god Malik or
Milki\u who was worshiped at Ebla and Mari
in Syria. He was also worshiped in Assyria
and Babylonia, as well as Ugarit (where he
was known as Mlk). From these texts it appears
that Molech was a netherworld deity involved
in the cult of dead ancestors. The term
Molech is probably related to the Semitic root
denoting “king.” See the comment on Isaiah
57:6 for the idea that Molech was involved in
child sacrifice in Phoenician North Africa (see
comment on Lev 18:21.
57:9. olive oil and perfumes. It is not certain
what the olive oil and perfumes were used for.
The olive oil may have been offerings, while
the perfumes were to kindle incense offering.
Another suggestion is that they were used to
anoint the children that were being offered to
Molech.
57:9. ambassadors/descended to Sheol. These
ambassadors are those who practice necromancy,
the consultation of the dead on behalf
of the living. The ambassadors probably went
to the shrines where the powers of the netherworld
(Sheol) were venerated in order to seek
their will by oracular means. Molech was the
god of the netherworld.
57:13. collection of idols. In Ugaritic literature
the term that occurs here is used to make reference
to deceased spirits.
57:14. building highways. See comment on
40:3.
ISAIAH 58:9—60:7
58:1-14
Fasting and Sabbath
58:2. seeking information by oracles. Oracular
divination was employed throughout Mesopotamia,
Anatolia and Egypt from 2000 B.C.
onward to communicate with their deities. Intuitive
divination involved oracles, prophecies
and dreams. The Mari letters describe the
relationship of Dagan to his worshipers, who
spoke by way of oracles, dreams, ecstatic possession
and oral command. He gave messages
to both male and female prophets, as well as
commoners. For example, a certain woman
named Yanana claimed that Dagan came to
her in a dream saying that only Zimri-Lim
(the Mariote king) was able to save a kidnapped
girl who had been traveling with her.
58:3-7. fasting. Fasting is little attested in the
ancient Near East outside the Bible. It generally
occurs in the context of mourning. In the
Old Testament the religious use of fasting is
often in connection with making a request before
God. The principle is that the importance
ISAIAH 58:9—60:7 638
of the request causes an individual to be so
concerned about his or her spiritual condition
that physical necessities fade into the background.
In this sense the act of fasting is designed
as a process leading to purification and
humbling oneself before God Ps 69:10; 102:4).
It is not an end in itself, but rather it is the disciplined
training in preparation for an important
event.
58:9. pointing the finger. In the ancient world
pointing the finger was involved in a formal
accusation (as in Hammurabi’s laws). The
omen literature attaches to the gesture the
power of a curse. Here it is indicative of malevolent
slander.
58:12. rebuilding ancient ruins. Many ancient
cities were rebuilt after having been destroyed.
For instance, Babylon was plundered
by the Assyrians at least three times;
by Tukulti-Ninurta I in the thirteenth century
B.C., by Sennacherib in 689 B.C. and by Ashurbanipal
in 648 B.C. Each time the ruins of
Babylon were rebuilt, often making the city
more splendid than before.
58:13. significance of Sabbath. According to
later rabbinic writings, the Sabbath in the postexilic
period took on the idea of laying aside
the day to worship God. The Sabbath became
one of the primary means of showing loyalty
to God and his statutes. In a Babylonian wisdom
hymn the worshiper claims that the day
of worshiping the god was a pleasure to him
and that it was a delight and joy to make music
to honor the deity.
58:13. Sabbath in the ancient Near East. The
Sabbath observation has no known parallel in
any of the cultures of the ancient Near East
and is distinctive in that it is independent of
any of the patterns or rhythms of nature. That
is, it was not celebrated on certain days of the
month and was not linked to the cycles of the
moon or to any other cycle of nature; it was
simply observed every seventh day. Though
Mesopotamians did not divide time into seven-
day periods, there were particular days of
the month that they considered unlucky and
that were often seven days apart (that is, the
seventh day of the month, the fourteenth day
of the month, etc.). In addition a similar term
was used in Babylonian texts as a full moon
day when the king officiated at rites of reconciliation
with deity, but it was not a work-free
day and has little in common with the Israelite
Sabbath. The biblical legislation does not require
rest as much as it stipulates cessation,
interrupting the normal activities of one’s occupation.
58:14. riding on the heights. Cities were typically
built on hills because of their natural defensibility,
and armies chose hills as strategic points
of control. The metaphor of treading on the
heights is therefore one that speaks of victory
and security. As Israel rides the heights, its God
rides the clouds. The image of a rampant God
storming through the heavens in a cloud chariot
is a common one Ps 68:4; 104:3; Jer 4:13. Such
descriptions of storm theophany may also be
found in the texts that speak of the Ugaritic god
Baal. In both the Aqhat epic and in the Baal and
Anat cycle of stories, Baal is referred to as the
“Rider of the Clouds.” Baal’s attributes, commanding
the storms, unleashing the lightning
and rushing to war as a divine warrior, even appear
in the Egyptian El Amarna texts.
59:1-21
Yahweh as Redeemer
59:17. warrior’s raiment. Yahweh is here again
taking the role of the divine warrior and girding
himself for battle. In the divine warrior
motif the deity is fighting the battles and defeating
the deities of the enemy. In Assyria
Nergal is the king of battle, and Ishtar is
viewed as a war goddess. The Canaanite Baal
and the Babylonian Marduk are both divine
warriors. When Marduk prepares for battle
with Tiamat in Enuma Elish, he is equipped
mostly with weapons for attack rather than
the defensive gear referred to here. But he is
said to be clothed with a cloak of awesome armor
and crowned with a terrible radiance.
Stone sculptures of the gods doing battle
sometimes portray them with breastplate and
helmet, but often they have only weapons.
ISAIAH 60:7—63:6
60:1-22
Zion’s Glory
60:6. camels from Midian and Ephah. Camels
were freight carriers for merchants; thus those
who had many camels were considered
wealthy. Midian was a nomadic Arabian tribe
that had had dealings with Israel from Mosaic
times. Ephah is mentioned only two other
times in Scripture Gen 25:4; 1 Chron 1:33 and
is associated with Midian, possibly a clan of
that tribe. It is also mentioned in the Assyrian
annals of Tiglath-Pileser III.
60:6. Sheba. The kingdom of Sheba was a
great trading center in southwestern Arabia
that exported precious stones, gold and incense.
This kingdom is known as Saba in native
sources and in the Assyrian annals. It had
a very advanced urban civilization in the first
millennium B.C. For more information see
2 Chronicles 9:1.
60:7. Kedar. Kedar was a nomadic Arabian
639 ISAIAH 60:7—63:6
tribe. They were also mentioned in Assyrian
and Neo-Babylonian texts. The tribe is mentioned
in a text from Tell el-Maskhuta, in
apocryphal writings, and even by the Latin
writer Pliny the Elder.
60:7. Nebaioth. The Nebaioth were a nomadic
tribe also found in the annals of the Assyrian
king Ashurbanipal. They are also mentioned
in the Taymanite inscriptions, dated to the
sixth century B.C. They may have been a precursor
to the Nabataeans, an Arabian tribe
known in Hellenistic and Roman times.
60:9. ships of Tarshish. The ships of Tarshish
were large heavy vessels built for long voyages
with high tonnage. Tarshish was thought to
have been a Phoenician colony in Spain.
60:13. glory of Lebanon. The “glory” of Lebanon
was its cedar forests (see 35:2), but other
types of lumber were also exported.
60:16. nursing imagery. The Egyptian kings are
often shown in iconographic portraits as being
nursed by the gods. For example, the female
monarch Hatshepsut is shown suckling at the
breasts of Hathor, the bovine goddess of women,
dance, drunkenness, sexuality and the dead.
She was usually depicted as a woman with the
horns of a cow. The image represents being given
the finest of care and personal attention.
60:19-20. obsolescence of sun and moon.
Both the sun and the moon were important
deities in the Babylonian pantheon. The sun
god was Shamash, god of justice, and the
son of the moon god. As the god of justice,
Shamash gave Hammurabi, the Babylonian
lawgiver, the authority to make laws. Sin,
the moon god, was the lord of the calendar
and the god of vegetation. His consort was
Ningal, the mother of Shamash. Though his
main centers were at Ur and Harran, he
played a fundamental role in Babylon during
the period of the last Babylonian king,
Nabonidus. Since these gods were so central
in the religious system of the ancient world,
there is no suggestion in other texts that they
would become obsolete or cease to function.
61:1-11
Yahweh’s Blessings
61:1. freeing prisoners as act of justice. In the
ancient Near East the freeing of prisoners
(from debtors’ prison) as an act of justice often
occurred in the first or second year of a new
king’s reign (and then periodically after that).
For example, the Old Babylonian king Ammisaduqa
(seventeenth century B.C.) cancelled
economic debts on behalf of Shamash. Thus
the “jubilee” in this case was primarily concerning
those in debt (for either financial or legal
reasons) and for the freeing of debt-slaves.
Unlike that of Israel this Babylonian edict was
entirely at the whim of the monarch, and there
is no evidence that it was divinely sanctioned.
For an example of this as being accomplished
by an ideal king, see comment on 11:1. Historically
a proclamation of freedom is recorded
by the last king of Judah, Zedekiah (Jer
34:8-10). For these and other characteristics of
a just king’s reign see comment on 49:9-10.
61:4. rebuilding ancient ruins. See comment
on 58:12.
61:10. adorning of bridegroom and bride.
The evidence for clothing and grooming in
Western Asia relies heavily on iconographic
images. It appears that in ancient Israel both
the bride and the bridegroom wore ceremonial
clothing. The Babylonian and Israelite
brides sometimes wore embroidered garments
Ps 45:13-14, a special girdle Joel 2:32
and a veil Gen 24:65. Here the groom wears
a “garland.” The type of special festive clothing
probably depended on the economic status
of the marriage partners.
62:1-12
Zion’s Elevation
62:10. building roads in the ancient Near
East. See comment on 40:3.
62:10. banner for the nations. Banners in ancient
Israel were used for marking tribes. They
appear to have been used most often in military
contexts, either to rally troops together or
to identify regiments of troops. In this, Israel
was most certainly imitating its neighbors.
The Assyrians used standards to identify particular
regiments of troops.
62:11. reward for return of king from battle.
See comment on 40:10.
ISAIAH 64:4—65:11
63:1-19
Judgment on Edom, Loyalty to
Israel
63:1. Edom, Bozrah. See comment on 34:5-6.
63:3-6. divine warrior. In the divine warrior
motif the deity is fighting the battles and defeating
the deities of the enemy. In Assyria
Nergal is the king of battle, and Ishtar is
viewed as a war goddess. The Canaanite Baal
and the Babylonian Marduk are divine warriors
(for more information on the divine warrior
see comments on Ex 15:3; Josh 3:17;
6:21-24; 10:11; 1 Sam 4:3-4; 7:10). In Assyria it
was common rhetoric to speak of cities and
countrysides dyed red with the blood of enemies
and the army marching through the
blood of their enemies. Isaiah 9:5 refers to a
ISAIAH 64:4—65:11 640
practice of warriors rolling their garments in
blood. In Enuma Elish, after Marduk has defeated
Tiamat and her general Kingu, he tramples
the battle filth of his enemies, including
the lower part of Tiamat’s corpse.
ISAIAH 65:17—66:19
64:1-12
Prayer for Yahweh’s Deliverance
64:4. difference between Yahweh and other
gods. Yahweh was distinct from other gods in
the ancient Near East in a number of ways.
Most fundamentally Yahweh was transcendent,
meaning that he was not subject to or
locked within the material universe. This is in
stark contrast to the gods of Mesopotamia,
who inhabited the material world. He was an
only God, without consort or pantheon, unlike
the gods of other nations, who shared in a
multiplicity of power. The specific issue in this
verse is the willingness of God to act on behalf
of his faithful followers. The key here is that
which motivates Yahweh to action. He does
not have to be bribed or coerced into action. In
the ancient polytheistic beliefs faithfulness to
a deity was expressed in the gifts that were
given—gifts that were intended to provide
care for the deity (e.g., food). If these gifts did
not motivate the kindness or action of the
gods, then magical rituals could be used to
bind the god or force the sort of action that
was desired. See comment on 1 Samuel 15:23.
65:1-25
New Heavens and New Earth
65:3. sacrifices in gardens. Gardens in the ancient
Near East were often parks of fruit and
shade trees, arboretums serving as outdoor
shrines or providing comfortable surroundings
for sacred enclosures. Sacred trees played
a significant role in popular religion of the
day. These popular beliefs would have viewed
stone and tree as potential divine dwellings.
In Canaanite religion they are believed to be
symbols of fertility (see Deut 12:2; Jer 3:9; Hos
4:13), though there is very little in the archaeological
or literary remains of the Canaanites
that would clarify the role of sacred trees. Excavations
at Late Bronze Kition have uncovered
a temple that featured a sacred grove
with sixty tree pits. These gardens were likely
the sacred groves of the Canaanite fertility
cult of Asherah.
65:3. brick altars. Most incense altars were
made of limestone. This has led to the very
plausible suggestion that the word NIV translates
“brick” can also mean “incense altars”
(as it does in the inscription on a fifth-century
limestone altar from Lachish). These were
common features on the high places where illegitimate
worship took place. Alternatively,
there were Babylonian rituals directed toward
celestial deities that included sacrifices made
on bricks.
65:4. night vigils in graveyards. Many individuals
who practiced necromancy (contacting
the spirits of the dead, see comment on
57:6) in the ancient Near East spent the night
in the graveyards, waiting for communication
from the dead. This is similar to incubation rituals
(see comments on 1 Sam 3:3 and 2 Chron
1:7-12).
65:4. eating pig meat. Assyrian wisdom literature
calls the pig unholy, unfit for the temple
and an abomination to the gods. There is also
one dream text in which eating pork is a bad
omen. Yet it is clear that pork was a regular
part of the diet in Mesopotamia. Some Hittite
rituals require the sacrifice of a pig. Milgrom
observes, however, that in such rituals the pig
is not put on the altar as food for the god but
absorbs impurity and then is burned or buried
as an offering to underworld deities. Likewise
in Mesopotamia it was offered as a sacrifice to
demons. There is evidence in Egypt of pigs
used for food, and Herodotus claims they
were used for sacrifice there as well. Egyptian
sources speak of herds of swine being kept on
temple property, and they were often included
in donations to the temples. The pig was
especially sacred to the god Seth. Most evidence
for the sacrifice of pigs, however, comes
from Greece and Rome, there also mostly to
gods of the underworld. In urban settings
pigs, along with dogs, often scavenged in the
streets, making them additionally repulsive.
The attitude toward the pig in Israel is very
clear here in Isaiah, showing close connection
to worship of the dead. It is very possible then
that sacrificing a pig was synonymous with
sacrificing to demons or the dead.
65:10. Sharon. Sharon was a coastal plain
verging on the Judean hill country in the east
and the Mediterranean Sea on the west. The
valley was known for its beauty, desolation
and pastureland. It was about thirty-two
miles in length and was on average eleven
miles in width.
65:10. Valley of Achor. The Valley of Achor
was probably located on Judah’s northern
border and is identified with the modern El
Buqe’ah, a small plain in the northern Judean
wilderness in the vicinity of Jericho. Three
Iron Age settlements have been uncovered in
El Buqe’ah.
65:11. Fortune/Destiny. The proper (divine?)
names used here, Gad (NIV: “Fortune”) and
641 ISAIAH 65:17—66:19
Meni (NIV: “Destiny”), are obscure. Gad is attested
in Canaanite and Phoenician texts and
is considered a good luck deity. Meni may
have something to do with portion, and therefore
some have thought that it may have had
something to do with fate or fortune. It may
have been the same as the Arabian goddess
Manat mentioned in the Qu’ran. In the Babylonian
pantheon the god Namtar (“Destiny”)
was the vizier of the netherworld. Fate was
also at times personified and deified.
65:17-25. utopian visions. Although there is
nothing else quite like the utopian visions
found in the Bible, there are apocalyptic (futuristic,
prophetic) visions found in Akkadian
literature of the second and first millennia B.C.
The Akkadian texts are pseudo-prophetic, that
is, they were predictions composed after the
event in question. They appear to have been
written to justify a particular event that had
taken place or institution that had been created.
A typical phrase used is “a prince will
arise.” The prince is usually anonymous but
easily discernible. In one of these, the Marduk
Prophecy, Marduk projects a king who will
arise and “draw the plans of heaven and
earth” in the shrine Ekursagil. He will gather
the scattered peoples, bring prosperity to the
land and show compassion to the people, and
society will function properly. Beyond this,
however, in 66:1 it is clear that the heavens
and the earth, the cosmos, is God’s temple.
The creating of new heavens and a new earth
may then be equated to the making of new
sanctuaries or renewing sanctuaries in the ancient
Near East. This was a very common activity.
The New Jerusalem is the new capital
city, which also represents God’s chosen
dwelling place. Similarly Marduk orders that
the new holy city of the gods, Babylon, will be
rebuilt.
ISAIAH 66:19—JEREMIAH 1:5
66:1-24
Peace Like a River
66:1. house for deity. In the Ugaritic Baal
Cycle Baal wants to build a house for himself
so that he will have a resting place.
Likewise Ningirsu makes a request that
Gudea build a house for his repose. The
former is more pertinent here because Baal
is building the house for himself, just as
Yahweh has done. In Enuma Elish, after
Marduk has defeated the enemy Tiamat, he
proclaims that he will make a house for
himself, which he names Babylon, that will
serve as a resting place for the gods. At the
end of tablet five a somewhat broken section
relates this to Marduk’s creating of the
earth and his authority over it.
66:3. breaking dog’s neck. The dog was not a
sacrificial animal in Israel, although it was
used in this manner in Hittite Anatolia.
66:3. pig’s blood. Pigs and dogs figured prominently
in the rituals of the Hittites in Anatolia
in the Late Bronze Age. When confronted with
a ritual impurity, the Hittites often slaughtered
a pig (usually by cutting it in half). Pigs
and dogs were particularly prominent in worship
of chthonic deities (those having to do
with the netherworld or the fertility of the
land). For more information see comments on
56:10-11 and 65:4. Some have suggested that
the treatment of the pig in this type of ritual
may have been one reason why the pig was
considered unclean.
66:15. fire, chariots, whirlwind. In the ancient
Near Eastern imagery major deities are
at times accompanied by charioteers. There
is a deity known as Rakib-El, who is the
charioteer of the Canaanite god El. In Akkadian
literature Bunene, the advisor to the
sun god Shamash, is designated the charioteer.
The charioteer would be responsible
for transporting the deity, especially into
battle. In Israelite religious belief Yahweh is
sometimes portrayed or manifested in ways
familiar to ancient Near Eastern thought.
For instance, in Elijah’s contest with the
Baal prophets, Yahweh is shown to be a God
who controls fertility and responds with
fire, and figurative language often associates
him with the sun Ps 84:11. Here his
portrayal may share elements with Hadad,
the storm god who is accompanied by a
charioteer. These similarities suggest the
possibility that familiar imagery was being
used to clarify the involvement of deity in
this unprecedented event.
66:17. rituals in gardens. See comment on
65:3.
66:17. eating flesh of pigs and rats. This is another
description of foreign rites, probably of
Canaanite origin (see comment on Lev 11:7.
There is no extrabiblical evidence illuminating
this custom. The word translated “rat” here
can refer to a wide variety of small rodents.
66:19. Tarshish. Tarshish represented the farthest
land across the sea to the west. See comment
on 23:1.
66:19. Libyans. Here Libya is a translation of
“Put,” but in Nahum 3:9 the two are different
entities. Ancient Libya was mostly along the
coast west of Alexandria but included the
long expanse of desert west of the Nile Valley.
Put is more difficult. The most likely conclusion
is that Put is an alternative name for Libya
and that together they refer to the area to
ISAIAH 66:19—JEREMIAH 1:5 642
the west of ancient Egypt represented by the
modern state of Libya. This was the most distant
land across land to the southwest.
66:19. Lydians. Lud was probably the area of
Lydia in west central Turkey. The Lydians
spoke an Anatolian language similar to Hittite.
They carved out a large empire in Turkey
during the sixth century B.C. but were defeated
and conquered by Cyrus of Persia. This
was the most distant land across land to the
northwest.
66:19. Tubal. Tubal was probably an area
south of the Black Sea. It is mentioned in the
Assyrian annals as Tabal and in the Histories
of Herodotus as Tiberanoi. It represented the
most distant land to the northeast.
66:19. Greece. Javan probably represents the
Greek name Ionia, the Greek region of the
western coast of Turkey and the Aegean islands.
Ionian Greeks settled this area just before
the first millennium B.C. There is evidence
of contact between them and the Assyrians by
the eighth century B.C. Classical Greek literature
(e.g., Homer) and philosophy appear to
have begun in Ionia.
JEREMIAH 1:5—2:10
J E R E M I A H
1:1-19
Jeremiah’s Call
1:1. Anathoth. The precise location of Anathoth,
a priestly city in Benjamin, has long
been debated. It was either located on the high
mound of Ras el-Kharrubeh just south of the
village of Anata or in the valley adjacent to
Anata (the Jewish historian Josephus identified
Anathoth with Anata). The most recent
idea is that Ras el-Kharrubeh was initially
Anathoth, but the city relocated to Anata after
the Babylonian exile of the late sixth century
B.C. The archaeological record appears to confirm
this. The city is first mentioned as the
home of some of the bodyguards of David,
and later Abiathar the priest was exiled there.
According to Isaiah 10:30 the city was on the
route of the Assyrian invasion of Palestine,
but it was not destroyed.
1:2. chronology. Jeremiah’s ministry began in
the thirteenth year of Josiah’s reign (c. 627
B.C.) and continued until the eleventh year of
Zedekiah and the second deportation (c. 587
B.C.). He was apparently active for a few years
after the exile (see 42—44). The initial year
was a significant one in that it was just one
year after the beginning of Josiah’s reform activity
and one year before Babylon’s declaration
of independence from Assyria. Both the
political world and the religious world were
about to see dramatic changes.
1:2. Josiah. During the early years of Jeremiah’s
ministry Josiah was king of Judah
(640-609 B.C.). The Book of the Law (an unidentified
portion of Scripture) was found early
in his reign, after which Josiah enacted
many religious and cultural reforms. He may
have seized this opportunity because of a catastrophic
civil war in Assyria (c. 631-626 B.C.).
When the Assyrian empire began to collapse a
decade later, Josiah sided against their Egyptian
allies and was either killed in battle or
murdered at Megiddo in 609 B.C.
1:3. Jehoiakim. Jehoiakim was placed on the
throne of Judah by the Egyptians, who had
rushed into the vulnerable area of Palestine
after the end of the Assyrian empire (c. 608
B.C.). His given name was Eliakim, but the
Egyptians changed it to Jehoiakim. He was a
vassal to Egypt until 605 when the Babylonians
under Nebuchadnezzar II defeated
Egypt at Carchemish and subsequently took
control of the Levant. Because of the Babylonian
setback on the border of Egypt four years
later, Jehoiakim rebelled against them and
once again sided with Egypt. However, Jehoiakim
suffered reprisal when the Babylonians
captured Jerusalem in 598/7, and he
was either killed or deported (the Jewish historian
Josephus states that Nebuchadnezzar
killed him in Jerusalem).
1:3. chronology. Jeremiah continued his ministry
until the eleventh year of Zedekiah (c.
587 B.C.).
1:3. exile. Jeremiah was evidently active after
the second deportation in 587 B.C. (see 42—
44). The Babylonians exiled the leading citizens
of the land. Excavations in the Shephelah,
Negev and Judean desert show signs of
the Babylonian destruction. Babylonian sources
describe the siege of Jerusalem and the deportation
of many prisoners to Babylon.
1:5. ancient Near Eastern examples of deity
knowing and electing before birth. There is
an Egyptian parallel to the idea of the deity
643 JEREMIAH 1:5—2:10
knowing an individual before birth. The god
Amon knew Pianki (an Egyptian monarch of
the Twenty-Fifth Dynasty in the eighth century
B.C.) while he “was in the belly of his mother,”
where he knew he was to be the ruler of
Egypt. In the Gilgamesh Epic, Gilgamesh’s
role as king was said to be destined for him
“when his umbilical cord was severed.”
1:5. prophet to the nations. The term translated
“nations,” when used in the plural, usually
signifies foreign nations. Thus there were no
limits to the scope of Jeremiah’s prophetic
ministry. His messages were not only to Judah
but also to the nations who would be potential
allies, as well as those who would be enemies.
1:9. hand on mouth as commissioning in ancient
Near East. Royal mouth purification
rites in Egypt show the idea of preparing the
mouth for utterance. Mesopotamian rituals often
featured the purification of lips as symbolic
of the purification of the person. It is viewed
as a prerequisite, especially for diviner priests,
before they may appear before the divine
council and report back on what they have
witnessed. In contrast Yahweh put words in
the mouth of his prophet, with no ritual purification.
1:11. almond tree. The almond tree reached a
height of fifteen to thirty feet. It was the first
tree to bloom in late January/early February.
The almond flower is white with shades of
pink, ripening with almonds about ten weeks
later.
1:14-15. northern kingdoms. This is either a
reference to Babylon or Scythia or an echo of a
future where all nations come up against
Jerusalem (see Ezek 38—39; Joel 3; Zech 12—
14). The north was often a symbol of dark
powers, such as the Philistines, Assyrians and
Arameans. Enemies often had little choice but
to come at Jerusalem from the north, because
of the way the major routes went. As early as
627, there was little evidence that Babylon had
the ability to launch an invasion in the Levant.
The Scythians, however, did invade western
Asia at this time, according to the Greek historian
Herodotus.
1:15. thrones in gateway. The gateway was
the usual site for a king to publicly perform
his duties. It could have been used for ceremonial
or diplomatic occasions or legal proceedings.
The Ugaritic Epic of Aqhat describes
King Danil sitting in the gate area judging the
cases of widows and orphans. A conquering
king would take his seat on this public throne
in the gateway in order to pass judgment on a
city and its leaders. Recent excavations at Tel
Dan have revealed what appears to be a stone
platform set inside the gate area, which once
was canopied and may have held a throne.
1:16. purpose of burning incense. Incense
was a mixture of spices that made a pleasant
fragrance when burned. Offerings of incense
were common throughout the Near East and
Israel. They were used in conjunction with
sacrifice (see comment on 44:18). One of the
more luxurious spices was frankincense (a
white gum resin) which came from Sheba in
south Arabia. Excavations have produced a
large variety of incense altars throughout Israel,
including two at Arad and ten at Miqne/
Ekron.
1:18. iron pillar metaphor/bronze wall metaphor.
Iron and bronze were symbolic of
strength in many biblical passages (see comment
on Is 45:2. Bronze gates built by the Assyrians
have been found at Balawat. They
were a decorative feature on strong walls.
Thutmose III of Egypt described himself as a
wall of iron and bronze for Egypt, meaning
that he was like an impregnable fortress city.
2:1—3:5
Israel’s Abandonment of God
2:8. prophesied by Baal, following idols. Despite
the reforms of Hezekiah and Josiah, the
people of Judah often reverted back to religious
syncretism, performing the rituals and
worshiping the deities of Canaan. The prophets
who were associated with this syncretism
would offer messages from Baal in his name
and would ask for oracles before the idols of
Baal.
2:10. coasts of Kittim. Kittim is mentioned in
the table of nations Gen 10 as a descendent
of Javan (Greek, Ionia), who is associated with
the Aegean and eastern Mediterranean. Kittim
is probably the Hebrew term for Kition, near
modern Lanarca on the south central coast of
Cyprus, but most likely referred to the whole
island. It was a Bronze Age site. In the period
of Jeremiah, the term Kittim most likely denoted
Greece or in general a faraway place.
Ostraca from Arad in the seventh century B.C.
mention individuals from Kittim who have
Greek names. These were probably Cypriot
traders.
2:10. Kedar. Kedar, the second son of Ishmael
Gen 25:13, was the name of an Ishmaelite
tribe that flourished from the eighth to the
fourth centuries B.C. The tribe is known from
Assyrian and Late Babylonian texts as Qadar.
The personal names of the Kedarites appear to
have been related to the southern branch of
the Semitic languages. These tribal peoples
were based in the Arabian peninsula and often
made their way into the Levant via the Si-
JEREMIAH 2:11-24 644
nai. The Kedarites inhabited the eastern
wilderness, while the Kittim inhabited the
western reaches of the sea.
2:11. nations changing gods in the Near East.
Because of the infiltration of foreign elements,
many nations added gods to their pantheon.
Moreover, the names of gods endured slight
alterations as time went on. But the concept of
a nation exchanging its god(s) for others was a
foreign idea in the ancient Near East. The verb
possibly carries the idea of “barter” in which
case it does not refer to simply a change but to
trading for something of greater value.
2:13. broken cisterns. Cisterns were often
built in hills made of limestone. An individual
had to plaster the inside with lime plaster and
direct rainwater into it. But these cisterns often
developed cracks, and water would seep
out, with the farmer losing a life-giving commodity.
2:15. lion metaphor. This probably represents
the Assyrians who, like lions, devoured cities
and lands. Any number of Assyrian military
campaigns are being alluded to here. The Assyrians
had winged human-headed lions at
the gates of many of their cities.
2:15. burned towns. This refers to specific
campaigns of a number of Assyrian rulers
who came into the Levant, including
Tiglath-Pileser III (745-727 B.C.), Shalmaneser
V (727-722 B.C.), Sargon II (721-705 B.C.), Sennacherib
(705-681 B.C.) and Esarhaddon
(681-668 B.C.). Since the Assyrians had no intention
of occupying these towns, their practice
was to burn them in order to warn against
the cost of noncooperation.
2:16. Memphis. Memphis was the residence of
the early Egyptian kings. Many Judeans (as
well as Phoenicians, according to Herodotus)
fled there during the Babylonian invasion of
587 B.C. It is identified with the modern site of
Mitrahineh, about fifteen miles south of Cairo,
on the west bank of the Nile. The city had
been in decline since about 1000 B.C. However,
it was restored by the Twenty-Fifth Dynasty
and became the primary residence of the
Egyptian kings in the seventh century B.C. It
was most likely also the residence of the kings
of the Twenty-Sixth Dynasty. For more information
see comment on 46:19.
2:16. Tahpanhes. Tahpanhes was an outpost in
the eastern Delta region of the Nile, bordering
the Sinai. It was known as Daphne by the
Greeks, who inhabited the outpost as mercenaries
by the seventh century B.C. The Greek
historian Herodotus states that Daphne was
one of three outposts set up by the Egyptians
to stop the Assyrian invasion. The Jews in
flight from the Babylonians may have stopped
there in the early sixth century B.C.
2:16. shaved head. A shaved head in the ancient
Near East usually (but not always) denoted
a slave or a subordinate. However, the
Hebrew term used here “to shave” is problematic
and there is little agreement on its
meaning.
2:18. Shihor. Shihor is probably the Hebrew
name for “waters of Horus,” the falcon deity
of Egypt. Although it was probably a body of
water in the northeast Delta region of the
Nile, its location is uncertain. Some have associated
it with the Brook of Egypt, the first
body of water seen traveling south into
Egypt from Palestine.
JEREMIAH 2:11-24 2:18. the River. In Scripture the Euphrates
River is often referred to as the River.
2:20. high hill and spreading tree as place of
prostitution. Part of the fertility rites of local
Canaanite sanctuaries were carried out on
hilltops in connection with various sorts of
trees (including oaks, poplars and terebinths).
The sexual rituals dedicated to gods of fertility
are also mentioned in Hosea 4:13. Asherah
is pictured in Israelite iconography as a stylized
tree.
2:22. soda, soap. The term translated “soda”
refers to a sodium carbonate byproduct, most
likely imported from Egypt. Soap was made
from the ashes of a local plant.
2:23. Baals. The employment of the plural
Baals refers to the many cult centers of Baal in
Canaanite practice. In other words, there was
a Baal for each city (e.g., Tyre, Sidon and Gad).
A number of place names in the Old Testament
contain the element Baal (e.g., Baal-Zephon
and Baal-Peor). It is presumed that they
mean “Baal of Peor,” or “Baal of Zephon.”
Baal, which means “lord,” occurs as a divine
name as early as the eighteenth century B.C. in
Amorite personal names from Mari. Some
would offer examples as early as the late third
millennium. By the fourteenth century the title
was used by Egyptians to refer to the storm
god. The name is also evident in texts from
Alalakh, Amarna and Ugarit as the personal
name of the storm god Adad. Baal was a fertility
deity and was a dying (winter) and rising
(spring) god. In the mythology of Ugarit he is
pictured in combat with Yamm (the sea) and
Mot (death). His consorts are Anat and Astarte.
2:23-24. camel/donkey metaphor. Young female
camels are not at all reliable creatures
and nervously wander around in a disorderly
fashion. The female donkey, when in heat, becomes
almost violent and chases after the
male donkey, just as Israel, like the wild female
donkey, chases after the Baals.
645 JEREMIAH 2:27—4:8
2:27. wood-father, stone mother. In this case
the tree was an image of Asherah, a female
deity, and the male symbol is that which
“gave me birth.” Thus the Israelites are completely
confused as to their worship. It is difficult
to determine whether the text is
referring generally to polytheistic worship or
specifically to fertility symbols.
2:28. as many gods as towns. The various
pantheons of most ancient Near Eastern peoples
included hundreds and sometimes even
thousands of deities. Jeremiah is claiming that
the Judeans are no different from their polytheistic
counterparts. It was also common
practice for towns to have patron deities, so
that gods could multiply as towns developed.
2:32. jewelry. The term for jewelry here is
translated elsewhere as “jewels,” but here it
probably denotes the bridal attire or a specific
item that was unique to the bride. See comment
on Ezekiel 16:11-12 for description of the
ornaments.
2:36. disappointed by Egypt and Assyria. It
is not certain whether Jeremiah is referring to
specific events or to these nations in general.
By at least 732 B.C. both Judah and Israel entered
into a vassal relationship with Assyria.
However, in the end Assyria did not protect
its vassals but destroyed them, as they did to
Israel in 721 B.C. and to Judah in 701 B.C.
Egypt, however, had been unable to protect
its vassals against the power of Assyria or
other West Asiatic kingdoms. In the end then,
neither kingdom provided the safety or security
that Judah was looking for.
2:37. hands on head. The “hands on the head”
gesture was a sign of grief in the ancient Near
East. It has been illustrated by the mourning
female figures on the Phoenician sarcophagus
of Ahiram, thirteenth-century king of Byblos.
The Egyptian Tale of Two Brothers also describes
this gesture as an indication of mourning.
3:1. divorce legislation. There are numerous
texts from both Mesopotamia and Egypt that
describe divorce legislation. Although the
laws were usually in favor of men, in both cultures
women were allowed, under certain
stipulations, to obtain a divorce. Jeremiah in
this context is referring to the one specific
piece of divorce legislation in the Old Testament,
Deuteronomy 24:1-4, which states that a
man may not remarry his ex-wife if she has
been married to another man in the interim.
Thus, the answer to Jeremiah’s query is no, a
man may not remarry her.
3:3. spring rains. The two kinds of rains described
here are the showers, which usually
fell in March, and the late rains of spring,
normally falling in April.
3:6—4:4
Faithless Israel Called to Return
3:6. worship practices. See comment on 2:20.
3:8. certificate of divorce. Divorce certificates
were well known in the ancient Near East. In
fact, even a royal certificate of divorce written
on a clay tablet from Ugarit in the Late Bronze
Age has been found. Scores of texts describing
divorce legislation have been found in cuneiform
texts from Mesopotamia and in papyri
from Egypt.
3:9. adultery with stone and wood. Committing
adultery with stone and wood refers to
the “spiritual adultery” of following after the
Asherim (the sacred trees, i.e., wood) and the
Baals (stone).
4:4. metaphor of heart circumcision. Circumcision
was not unique to Israel, as iconographic
evidence has been found in Egypt. But the
meaning behind it was unique, as it was a sign
that the people of Israel belonged to Yahweh.
Regular circumcision symbolically put the organ
of generation under the control of Yahweh
as a reminder of his covenant promise to
make Israel a great nation. The concept of circumcision
of the heart symbolically put the
organ of the will under the control of Yahweh
as a recognition of the obligation to the law.
JEREMIAH 2:27—4:8
4:5-31
Enemy from the North
4:5. major fortified cities of Judah. According
to Sennacherib, king of Assyria (r.
705-681 B.C.), Judah had forty-six strong cities
(i.e., walled towns), which he had overrun,
and countless small cities or villages.
There were thus a number of cities with major
defensive systems. The defensive system
at Lachish, one of the primary fortresses in
Judah, has been extensively excavated in
this century. It contained two layers of city
walls and strong towers.
4:6. nature of signal. The blowing of the horn
announced a state of emergency (see Amos
3:6). On hearing it citizens who lived in villages
or were out farming fled into the confines
of the walled city. In this case the trumpet was
blown throughout the entire land because of a
national emergency.
4:6. army from north. see comment on 1:14-15.
4:8. sackcloth. Sackcloth was a black coarse
linen garment (usually goat’s wool) worn
by mourners in time of sorrow (death of a
loved one) or great disaster. It was also
used by Palestinian shepherds because it
JEREMIAH 4:11—24 646
was cheap and durable.
4:11. wind to winnow or cleanse. The hot
wind from the desert was most likely the sirocco,
a wind that was too strong for winnowing
the grain on the threshing floor, as it
carried away both the grain and the chaff. The
metaphor is thus clear; God’s judgment will
be like the hot wind, engulfing both the good
and the bad. The word translated “cleanse”
here is used in the Dead Sea Scrolls to refer to
the separating of the grain and most likely has
that connection here as well.
4:15. announcement from Dan. The city of
Dan (modern Tel el-Qadi) was at the northern
limit of Israel. Excavations have shown that it
was a substantial city during the time of Jeremiah.
This city would have noticed the northern
invaders first. Thus a messenger from Dan
would run southward, “causing all Israel to
hear” the bad report.
4:15. hills of Ephraim. From Dan the invader
descends the Golan Heights until reaching the
hills of Ephraim, the mountainous region in
the center of the former northern kingdom,
reaching from Shechem to Bethel.
4:23-26. world upside-down motif. Jeremiah
has taken his imagery from the creation account
in Genesis 1:2. He describes in poetic
imagery the reversion of creation back to its
chaotic stage before God had done his work.
The Babylonian Myth of Erra and Ishum is
roughly similar in that it describes a reversal
of Marduk’s creation of order out of the original
primeval chaos. In the world upside-down
motif all that is considered most consistent
and reliable is jeopardized. The concept can be
applied to the cosmic realm (sun growing
dark), the natural realm (mountains being leveled),
the political realm (empires overthrown),
the social realm (poor becoming rich)
or the animal realm (lion and lamb together).
It is often used in prophetic literature in connection
with the Day of the Lord and coming
judgment.
4:28. heavens growing dark (eclipse). In this
poetic imagery the earth is personified (as are
many inanimate objects in Hebrew) as if it is
in mourning and “turning black” or “growing
dark.” It is not necessary to assume that Jeremiah
is attempting to describe a heavenly
phenomena, such as an eclipse, though that
could be described in similar terms.
4:30. dressing in scarlet/eye paint. Scarlet
clothing represented the most exquisite finery
for a woman. The dye for this color was made
from the eggs of an insect that were collected
from oak leaves. The eye paint (antimony)
was used (and is still used in the modern Middle
East) to make the eyes look larger and thus
enhance one’s beauty. Neither of these were
specifically associated with prostitutes but
were simply used when a woman wished to
be her most attractive.
JEREMIAH 4:11—24
5:1-31
Israel’s Falsehood
5:1. comparison to Diogenes. Somewhat like
Diogenes, the Greek Cynic philosopher of
the fourth century B.C., the people of Judah
are asked to traverse the city and search for
an honest (or in this case, a just) man. The
comparison to Diogenes ends, as the
Judeans are searching for someone that acts
justly and is faithful to Yahweh. Diogenes
was looking for someone who conformed to
his secular idea of justice, an idea not necessarily
attached to a deity.
5:6. how common were predator attacks? Lions
and other predators were much more
common in the Middle East than they are today.
An attack by a predator was not considered
a rare or surprising occurrence. Thus the
Judeans would have been well acquainted
with this metaphor.
5:8. stallion metaphor. Stallions were known
for their powerful sexual proclivity and mindless
obedience to their instincts. In much the
same way the people of Judah pursued their
promiscuity, whether that was their spiritual
adultery or their participation in the sexual aspects
of the fertility cult.
5:12-13. prophets proclaiming peace. Certainly
a prophet who offered the people the hope
of peace, security and resolution of the problem
would be popular. Denial is the path of
least resistance. There would likewise be no
shortage of prophets who saw personal gain
in supporting the desires of the throne on
these matters and were therefore willing to
represent the best interests of the king and
whatever propaganda he desired to circulate.
The literal term for these prophets is that they
“will become wind”: in other words, they will
be like old windbags whose words do not
have any value.
5:24. autumn and spring rains. The autumn
and spring rains were simply called the
“former and latter” rains. Israel has a rainy
season (winter months) and a dry season
(summer months). The rainy season begins
with the autumn rains (“early rains,” October-
November) and ends with the spring
rains (“latter rains,” early April). These are
important for what they contribute to the
overall moisture levels in the earth and for
softening the ground for plowing. Baal was
considered the lord over nature who con-
647 JEREMIAH 6:1-30
trolled the rains in the Canaanite cults of Palestine.
However, Jeremiah argues that it is
Yahweh who should be worshiped as the giver
of rains in their proper season.
6:1-30
Siege of Jerusalem by the Army
from the North
6:1. Tekoa. Tekoa (Khirbit Tequa) was a town
in the highlands of Judah ten miles south of
Jerusalem on the border of arable land and
desert. A refugee from Jerusalem was able to
reach the city within one day.
6:1. Beth Hakkerem. Beth Hakkerem was associated
with Tekoa and Bethlehem, but its
precise location is uncertain. The early church
father Jerome stated that it could be seen from
Bethlehem, and thus it has been tentatively
identified with ’Ain Karim, four miles west of
Jerusalem, or Ramath Rahel, two and a half
miles south of Jerusalem, which would have
been ideal for a signal location.
6:6. siege ramps. The ancients were notorious
for their inability to conduct siege warfare.
The construction of a siege ramp was a useful
tool but very precarious, as the city defenders
made every attempt to thwart its progress. It
was normally made as a sloping ramp, built
with a foundation of trees and large stones
and mixed with earth and other elements at
hand. Numerous wall reliefs from Assyria depict
Assyrian siege ramps employed throughout
the Near East. Moreover, remains of an
Assyrian siege ramp have been uncovered at
the Judean city of Lachish (for more information
see comment on 32:24), where the Assyrians
were successful in capturing and destroying
the fortress city.
6:20. incense from Sheba. One of the more
luxurious spices used for incense was frankincense
(a white gum resin) which came from
Sheba in south Arabia, a center of the spice
trade. Incense accompanied sacrificial offerings
(see comment on Lev 2:1.
6:20. sweet calamus. Sweet calamus (or aromatic
spice cane) most likely originated from
India. It was among the ingredients listed in
the anointing oil in Exodus 30:23. It was a
marsh plant that was used as a tonic and stimulant.
It is not to be confused with sugar cane,
which spread east after the Old Testament period.
6:23. cavalry units in seventh century. Chariot
and cavalry warfare in the seventh century
B.C. were primarily used as shock weapons.
However, with the reforms of Tiglath-Pileser
III of Assyria (r. 745-727 B.C.), horses and chariots
also played the role of light artillery, as arrows
were shot from the horse-drawn
chariots. Later a heavier chariot with four men
appeared with Ashurbanipal (r. 668-627 B.C.).
Cavalry (exclusive of chariotry) was developed
in Urartu (biblical Ararat), which furnished
up to a thousand specialized units to
the Assyrian army by the time of Sargon II (r.
721-705 B.C.). Stud farms were created in various
points of the empire, especially in Syria
and in the Assyrian capitals. This cavalry tradition
was inherited in its entirety by the
Chaldeans in the late seventh century B.C. For
more information see comment on Habakkuk
1:8.
6:26. rolling in ashes. Rolling or groveling in
the dust or sprinkling ashes on oneself was a
sign of mourning in the ancient Near East.
JEREMIAH 6:1-30 6:27. metal assayers. The assayer/refiner here
was a metallurgist whose duty was to assess
the quality of the ore. It was then refined by
stripping it of its impure elements. However,
if there were a great deal of impurities in the
metal, the item was totally discarded.
6:28. bronze, iron metaphor. In the ancient
world silver was extracted and assayed
through a process called cupellation. In the
initial smelting process silver was extracted
from lead ores (galena) containing less than
1 percent silver in a given sample. The lead
was melted in shallow vessels made of porous
substances such as bone ash or clay. A
bellows was then used to blow air across the
molten lead producing lead oxide (litharge).
Some of the lead oxide was absorbed by the
bone ash, while some could be skimmed off
the surface. Ideally the silver would remain.
Unfortunately this process had many potential
problems. If the temperature was too
high, or if the sample contained other metals
(iron, copper or tin were common), the cupellation
would be unsuccessful. In this situation,
when the litharge was skimmed off,
rather than resulting in silver extraction,
what remained was tainted silver mixed
with other metals and therefore unusable.
This unusable product is perhaps what is referred
to in the translation as “dross.” Another
possibility is that the text refers to the
assaying process. This involved heating a
sample of silver together with large amounts
of lead in order to draw off the impurities.
One of the possible results of the assaying
process was that the quantity of lead would
be insufficient to draw off the impurities rendering
the silver useless. Rather than being
purified, then, the silver would be in worse
shape than before the process. Perhaps this
process is envisioned by the text, and the silver
becomes this useless junk.
JEREMIAH 7:2-12 648
JEREMIAH 7:2-12 7:1-29
Sermon in the Temple Court
7:2. proclamations at the temple gate. Proclamations
were typically made at public places
where a lot of traffic could be expected. Gateways
were hubs of activity in the ancient city.
The temple gateway would receive all the
traffic of those doing business at the temple,
including anyone who was bringing a sacrifice.
This is the target audience for Jeremiah’s
proclamation.
7:2. nature of worship. The two terms in Hebrew
that are used for worship signify “service”
and “prostration” (reverence). The latter
is used here and usually represents an act of
humility, often associated with petition. The
temple was primarily a state sanctuary and
thus was part of the royal estate. The temple
was the “house of God” and was his residence.
It was not intended as a place of corporate
worship, and worshipers were admitted
into the temple courts but not into the temple
itself. Sacrificial rituals were done in the
courts and elsewhere. Though there are many
texts describing temples in the ancient Near
East, none describe in any detail the nature of
the individual’s worship within the walls of
the temple. We know that worshipers were
given dreams by the deity (e.g., at Mari) when
viewing its image, but actual entry into the
temple must have been rare.
7:4. temple ideology. The people in this context
had come to believe that the temple was
so important to God that the people were also
secure. In the ancient Near East the entire city
was considered protected by the city deity. In
these terms Jerusalem was considered inviolable
because of housing the temple and thereby
God. This was certainly enhanced by the salvation
of Jerusalem during the reign of
Hezekiah a century earlier. In a similar way
temples in ancient Western Asia were described
as the “house of god.” The most righteous
of kings was the one who kept the god’s
house in order and did constant rebuilding on
it. The god dwelt in the temple, just as the
king and people dwelt in their own houses.
The temple had to be kept up in much the
same way the image of the deity had to be fed
and clothed daily. These were the needs of the
gods. The deity “needed” a house, so it was
believed that he would protect that house and
the city that provided for his housing. The Israelites,
thinking too much like their neighbors,
had come to think the same way about
their God and his temple, converting it to a
protective talisman.
7:6. vulnerable people in ancient Near Eastern
law. Mosaic Law had a profound concern
for human welfare, especially for historical
reasons. Since the Israelites had been slaves in
Egypt, they were to be sensitive to the needs
of slaves, widows, orphans and other vulnerable
people. There are numerous legal texts in
Mesopotamia concerning dealings with unfortunates
such as widows, orphans and foundlings.
However, these texts usually dealt with
their legal rights (or lack thereof) and not with
their care. For example, widows in the
Neo-Babylonian period were under the legal
protection of their father, brother or brother-
in-law. Those who were financially independent
after their husband’s death were not
legally considered widows, however, and
thus were not in need of a protective ward.
For more information see comment on Exodus
22:22-24.
7:9. ethics and religious responsibility. The
religions practiced by Israel’s neighbors
would have expected ethical behavior from
people but perhaps with a slightly different
logic behind it. In Babylon, for instance, Shamash
the sun god was the god of justice. Shamash
was responsible for insuring that justice
was maintained in the world because justice
was a part of the order that was the fabric of
the cosmos. In much the same way, a shop
proprietor might require honesty from his employees
because he knows that will contribute
to the success of his business. He himself may
not be honest at all. In Israel it was not the
smooth operation of the cosmos that motivated
Yahweh to insist on moral behavior. The
law grew out of his character, and the holiness
that he required was a reflection of him.
7:10. house bearing the name. The temple is
where God chose to set his name or in other
words, where he laid his legal claim and thus
was his personal property. The temple in the
ancient Near East was considered the private
residence of the deity and thus his private
property. The king was merely the caretaker of
the building and responsible for its upkeep.
7:10. temple as providing sanctuary. In Mesopotamia
and Israel the temple provided sanctuary
because the deity resided there and thus
the worshiper had greater access to the god’s
protection. Unlike in ancient Greece, however,
there was no special law of sanctuary for an
individual just because they were in the confines
of the temple property.
7:12. Shiloh. Shiloh (modern Khirbit Seilun),
in the heart of the Ephraimite hills, was the
site where Israel convened sacred assemblies
before using Jerusalem. Excavations have exposed
extensive architecture by the eleventh
century B.C. The site lasted throughout the
649 JEREMIAH 7:18—8:2
Iron Age, but the sacred structures were most
likely in ruins by Jeremiah’s time. It is thought
to have been overrun by the Philistines in the
aftermath of the victory at the Battle of Aphek
1 Sam 4.
7:18. cakes for the Queen of Heaven. The
term for cakes described here is a loanword
from Akkadian. The Babylonians used sweetened
cakes in the cult of the goddess Ishtar. It
is possible that the Queen of Heaven here is
Ishtar as well, but some evidence points to an
unnamed mother-goddess or to Asherah. The
cakes were baked directly on the embers of
the fire and not in an oven. As described in
this passage, the entire family took part in the
cult rituals. Offering cakes to deities was very
common in Babylonia. Forty-seven molds for
cakes representing a goddess (some femaleshaped,
some star-shaped) were found in an
early second millennium B.C. royal kitchen at
Mari in northeast Syria.
7:18. drink offerings. Drink offerings were
common in Israel, but the phrase used here,
“pour out libations,” normally refers to offerings
that are described elsewhere as offered to
other gods on the roofs of houses (see comment
on 32:29), suggesting astral worship.
7:20. anger against beasts, trees, produce.
The parallel between “man and beast” is
common in Scripture (for instance, Ex
8:13-14). However, the addition of trees and
produce is not seen elsewhere. When Enlil,
the king of the gods in Mesopotamia,
brought on the flood, it was leashed on all
flesh indiscriminately. The Babylonian Myth
of Erra and Ishum also describes devastation
that took both humans and animals. On the
other hand, warfare tactics often targeted
the produce and the trees. Trees were
chopped down for the needs of the besieging
army or simply as punitive deforestation.
Produce was used to supply the army,
trampled underfoot or intentionally destroyed
in order to cripple the economy.
7:21. eating the meat of burnt offerings.
Since the burnt offering was entirely consumed
on the altar, it was supposedly unavailable
as food for worshipers. However,
since God had no intention of listening to the
petitions that accompanied the burnt offering,
they might just as well have eaten the
meat themselves.
7:29. cutting off hair and throwing it away.
The cutting of the hair was normally a gesture
of mourning. However, the object of the verb
here is often used for the consecration of
priests and Nazirites, who took a vow not to
cut their hair. Thus, Yahweh is ironically commanding
the people to cut their consecrated
hair, for their vows will accomplish nothing.
JEREMIAH 7:18—8:2
7:30—8:3
Death in the Hinnom Valley
7:31. high places of Topheth in the valley of
Hinnom. “Topheth” was the cultic installation
where children were offered to the god
Molech. The word is thought to signify the
hearth where the child was placed. The Hebrew
term has parallel terms in both Ugaritic
and Aramaic with the meaning “furnace or
fireplace.” Scholars have thought that Topheth
was at the edge of the valley of Ben Hinnom
before connecting with the Kidron Valley. The
valley of Ben Hinnom has been identified
with Wadi er-Rababi southwest of the City of
David. Many consider Molech to have been a
netherworld deity whose rituals had Canaanite
origins and focused on dead ancestors. An
eighth-century B.C. Phoenician inscription
speaks of sacrifices made to Molech before
battle by the Cilicians and their enemies. The
name Molech appears to be related to the Hebrew
term mlk (“to rule”). Sacrifices to Molech
were done at the installation of Baal, which
may mean that the term was an epithet of Baal
himself, as well as other deities (32:35).
7:31. burn sons and daughters in the fire. Evidence
for this practice outside of Scripture is
rare indeed. Assyrian legal texts describe a
penalty clause as “he will burn his son to Sin
(a lunar deity) and his daughter to Belet-seri.”
Also see the comment on 2 Chronicles 28:3.
8:2. exposure of bones. Bones in tombs were
considered sacred. The bridge between life
and death in the ancient Near East was different
from ours. Individuals were understood to
have a consciousness after death as long as
their bodies (i.e., bones) still existed and had
been buried properly. Often the desecration of
graves was not merely to retrieve treasure but
to disturb the bones of the dead. Ashurbanipal,
king of Assyria, attacked the Elamite capital
of Susa and carried off the bones of the
dead with the purpose of “imposing restlessness
upon their spirits and depriving them of
food offerings and libations.” Cults of the
dead abounded throughout the Near East. In
Israel the bodies of the dead were also treated
carefully; disturbing tombs was looked on
with horror. One is reminded that both Jacob
and Joseph desired that their bones be taken
to the Promised Land when the Israelites returned
there.
8:2. astral worship. The “host of heaven”
(NIV: “stars”) was the celestial army that
was made up of the planets and stars that
were inhabited by divine spirits who were
JEREMIAH 8:7—10:2 650
in control of human destiny. The Babylonians
were experts in the discipline of astral
divination, attempting to predict and control
fate by the use of omina by examining
the stars. Modern astrology has its roots in
Babylonia of the Hellenistic period (after
331 B.C.), centuries after Jeremiah. Israelite
stamp seals of the seventh century show
that astral symbols for deity were very popular
in this period. For more information
see comments on Deuteronomy 4:19; 17:3;
2 Kings 23:4; 2 Chronicles 33:5.
JEREMIAH 8:7—10:2
8:4—9:26
Punishment Coming
8:7. bird migration metaphor. Though the exact
identification of the birds mentioned here
is uncertain, it is clear that they obey Yahweh’s
will (by migrating to the right place at
the right time), while his children do not.
8:14. poisoned water metaphor. It was crucial
for a city under siege to have access to a protected
water supply. If the supply was poisoned,
the city became literally defenseless
and was obliged to surrender to its attackers.
This then is a metaphor for shortening the
siege.
8:16. Dan as direction of attack. See the comment
on 4:15.
8:17. snakes in Palestine. The snakes here are
most likely a metaphor for the Chaldean army.
The snakes described in Scripture appear
to have been of the poisonous variety, although
no particular species can be determined.
Isaiah 11:8 describes the “hole of the
asp,” and commentators have suggested that
the cobra is being described, since they typically
live in holes. Other poisonous snakes
were probably the carpet viper (known for its
striking without provocation) and the desert
viper.
8:17. charmed vipers. Snakes were greatly
feared in the ancient world as magical beings
as well as for their venom. Both Egyptian and
Mesopotamian literatures contain examples of
incantations against serpents and their bites.
The word translated “charmed” here should
not evoke cartoonlike images of swaying serpents
hypnotized by pipe-playing swamis. Instead
the reference is to snakes against which
the incantations are ineffective. Akkadian
texts also speak of snakes that are “unconjurable.”
8:20. connection between seasons and deliverance.
Since the time when grains and fruits
were gathered was over, and the season of
growth and ripening was over, there was
nothing in the granaries. This is describing a
time of famine; because of invading armies
there was no opportunity to harvest, and the
prospect was a winter without food.
8:22. balm of Gilead. Although balm is associated
with Gilead, there is no evidence
for a balm-producing tree or shrub ever
having grown there, although the boundaries
of Gilead were never well defined.
There are two possibilities: either the reference
is to something other than balm (see
comment on 46:11), or Gilead was the importer
of balm rather than the producer of
it. The King’s Highway, the main trade
route in the region, passed through Gilead,
and balm was a primary commodity of
trade. Spice caravans from the east followed
that route, and no doubt balm was traded
there (see Gen 37:25. Balm was probably
the resin of the storax tree, obtained by an
incision on the bark of the tree. It was believed
to have had medicinal qualities. Josephus
claimed that En-Gedi near the Dead
Sea was a major center for the cultivation of
perfume-producing plants (including balm),
a fact confirmed by archaeologists, who
have discovered at Tel Goren at En-Gedi on
the west shore of the Dead Sea something
that appears to be a balm installation.
9:15. bitter food. The term here for bitter food
is wormwood (the name for several plants of
the genus Artemisia), a low shrub with very
bitter leaves and fruit used in folk medicine,
primarily for intestinal problems. It is eaten by
goats and camels, and today Bedouin dry the
leaves to make a strong aromatic tea. The term
wormwood in Scripture is used figuratively
for bitterness and sorrow.
9:17-20. trained mourners. This is the only reference
in Scripture to professional mourning
women, although it was a widespread custom
throughout the ancient Near East. Professional
mourners (women in virtually every case)
are depicted on numerous wall reliefs in
Egyptian tomb paintings. They are also often
mentioned in Mesopotamia and in Syria as lamenting
for not only the human dead but for
the dying and rising gods (e.g., Dumuzi or
Tammuz). The custom was also prevalent in
the eastern Mediterranean, notably in classical
Greece, and continues in some parts of the
Middle East today.
9:26. circumcised heart. See comment on 4:4.
JEREMIAH 10:3—11:4
10:1-25
Contrast Between the Lord and the
Idols
10:2. celestial omens. The celestial gods (sun
god, moon god and Venus particularly; in
651 JEREMIAH 10:3—11:4
Babylonia, Shamash, Sin and Ishtar respectively)
were primary in most ancient religions.
Controlling calendar and time, seasons and
weather, they were viewed as the most powerful
of gods. They provided signs by which
omens were read, and they looked down on
all. By the end of the second millennium, a
major compilation of celestial omens, the seventy
tablets of the work known as Enuma Anu
Enlil, had been compiled and was consulted
for nearly a thousand years. There were many
constellations recognized by the Mesopotamian
astrologers (many, though not all, the same
we recognize today, transmitted through the
Greeks), but the Zodiac was not yet known.
10:3-4. manufacture of idols. See comments
on Isaiah 40:19; 41:7; 44:10-14.
10:5. ancient Near Eastern beliefs about and
treatment of idols. Idols came in a variety of
shapes and sizes in the ancient Near East.
They were typically carved of wood and overlaid
with hammered-out sheets of silver or
gold. Basically human in appearance (except
those from Egypt, which combined human
and animal characteristics), they had distinctive,
even formalized, poses, clothing and hairstyles.
Images of deity in the ancient Near East
were where the deity became present in a special
way, to the extent that the cult statue became
the god (when the god so favored his
worshipers), even though it was not the only
manifestation of the god. Rituals were performed
to bring the god to life in its idol. As a
result of this linkage, spells, incantations and
other magical acts could be performed on the
image in order to threaten, bind or compel the
deity. In contrast, other rites related to the image
were intended to aid the deity or care for
the deity. The idols then represent a worldview,
a concept of deity that was not consistent
with how Yahweh had revealed himself. The
idol was not the deity, but the deity was
thought to inhabit the image and manifest its
presence and will through the image. Archaeologists
have found very few of the life-sized
images that the texts describe, but there are
renderings of them that allow accurate knowledge
of details. The images of deities in Mesopotamia
were fed, dressed and even washed
daily. Food sacrifices were brought to the deity
on a daily basis (and were no doubt eaten by
the temple technicians). Other attendants were
required to dress and undress the statue, and
still others were employed to wash the statue
and transport it in times of celebration.
10:5. impotence of idols. The word translated
“scarecrow” occurs only here in the Old Testament.
This was as close to an image that Israel
was allowed to make. Thus, the “sacred” idols
are diminished to the status of scarecrows, no
more powerful than palm fronds twisted
around a pole. They certainly inspired no fear.
10:9. silver from Tarshish, gold from Uphaz.
Although Uphaz was known for its gold (Dan
10:5), its precise location is not known. An Aramaic
targum locates it at Ophir, a source of
gold in southern Arabia. Uphaz also may be
an adjective meaning “pure.” There are a
number of references to Tarshish in the context
of precious stones. These references appear
to connect Tarshish with Ezion Geber in
the Red Sea area, which correlates Uphaz with
Ophir. In other passages, however, Tarshish
clearly denotes a western location.
10:9. dressing idols in blue and purple. Ancient
color words are difficult to interpret.
These terms indicate shades of blue/purple
and were colors of royalty and divinity (for
more detail see comment on Num 4:6. Many
images in the ancient Near East were gold or
gold-plated and clothed in these colors.
10:12-13. creator God/cosmic God. This description
of Israel’s God portrays him both as
a creator deity and a cosmic deity. He established
order in the cosmos, and he maintains
order in his governance of the operation of the
cosmos. These two areas of operation did not
often coexist in one deity in the ancient world.
Marduk, the chief deity of Babylon, however,
did have thunder and rain connections as well
as being the creator god.
10:13. wind from storehouses. The Canaanites
and Babylonians attributed manifestations
of storms to Adad, the storm and wind
god. However, Jeremiah claimed that Yahweh
was solely responsible for atmospheric phenomena.
He used the imagery of Yahweh having
storehouses of rain, hail and snow, which
are set in motion by the wind, presumably instigated
by his breath (also see Deut 28:12; Job
38:22; and Ps 33:7. The word translated
“storehouses” can be used to refer to treasuries
that would store precious objects as well as
royal weapons. Hail, snow, wind, thunder and
lightning were often seen as the weapons that
God uses to defeat his enemies. Likewise
storehouses could serve for the storage of raw
materials such as barley, dates, grain or tithes
in general. In the same way God rations out
the products from his storehouses as necessary.
Cosmic storehouses are not common imagery
in the ancient Near East.
JEREMIAH 11:5—13:1
11:1-17
Conspiracy Against the Covenant
11:4. iron-smelting furnace. In the ancient
world they did not use a blast furnace such
JEREMIAH 11:5—13:1 652
as is used today to produce cast iron. Iron has
a melting point of 1537 degrees centigrade, a
temperature that could not be consistently
achieved by ancient technology. But once the
iron is heated beyond 1100 degrees centigrade,
it takes a spongy, semisolid form that
can be forged. The furnace was usually fueled
by charcoal to provide the carbon necessary
for the chemical process. The strength of
the steel is dependent on the amount of carbon
it is able to absorb. The lower the temperature,
the more often the process has to be
repeated in order to get rid of enough slag to
achieve a usable product. While a furnace
can certainly be a metaphor of oppression,
the fire of the smelting furnace is not destructive
but constructive. It is the furnace that
transforms the malleable ore to the durable
iron product. The Egypt experience transformed
Israel into the covenant people of
God.
11:5. land flowing with milk and honey. The
phrase “flowing with milk and honey” was a
common cliché in Scripture designating the
fertility of an area. The Canaanites described
the land in ritual texts in a similar manner, as
did the Egyptian literary text of Sinuhe (early
second millennium B.C.) from Egypt. For more
information see comment on Exodus 3:7-10.
11:13. as many Baal idols as streets. The
phrase is emphasizing the large amount of
Baal idols in Jerusalem. A typical city in the
ancient Near East had dozens of street corners
in residential districts. The text does not imply
that each street corner had a Baal image. Nevertheless,
Babylonian texts speak of small
open-air shrines or niches on street corners or
courtyards. One text says that in the city of
Babylon there were 180 of them dedicated to
the goddess Ishtar. These shrines featured a
raised structure with an altar on the top and
seem to have been frequented primarily by
women.
11:15. consecrated meat. Much of the meat
that was consumed in Israel was connected
to the sacrificial system and was therefore
eaten in specified areas in the temple. Consecrated
meat would refer to meat that was
used under such circumstances. The irony
here is that even as they sit in the temple
precincts and partake of a sacral meal, they
discuss their wickedness in the table conversation.
11:16. storm as judgment of god. The storm
god imagery has already been used several
times in the book. God’s storm of judgment is
accompanied by lightning that ignites the tree
that stands for Israel. For more information
see comment on 1 Samuel 7:10.
JEREMIAH 13:4—14:22 11:18-23
Conspiracy Against Jeremiah
11:21. Anathoth. See comment on 1:1.
11:21. prophesying as a capital crime. Elsewhere
in Scripture those who prophesied
falsely were legally put to death. Prophecy
was a vocation employed throughout the ancient
Near East, but capital punishment for
false prophecy is known primarily from Israel.
Nevertheless the men of Anathoth have not
suggested that Jeremiah’s prophecies are false.
Their threats seek simply to silence him.
Speaking a prophecy was a means of effectuating
it (just as writing it down was; see comment
on 36:23), so they believe that by
silencing him (by either threat or murder),
they can prevent the disasters he is announcing
from taking place.
12:1-17
Jeremiah’s Lament and God’s
Response
12:4. basis of cynical thinking. In the ancient
Near East disaster struck when the deity became
angry and removed his protection. The people
would then be subject to all sorts of problems,
many believed to be demonically perpetrated.
In Deuteronomy 32:20 God says that he will respond
to Israel’s wickedness by hiding his face.
He would then “see what their end will be”—
that is, how well they would fare without his
blessing and protection. Here in Jeremiah, God
has hidden his face (evident from the drought
and famine), but the evildoers are convinced
that God will not “see their end” (same phrase
as in Deuteronomy) because they are determined
to survive on their own
12:5. Jordan thickets. The thickets (literally,
“height”) of the Jordan is a term that refers to
the area where the Jordan River overflows to
its junglelike thicket of reeds, bushes and
trees, which often became a den for lions. It
was a dangerous place and difficult to navigate.
12:9. speckled bird of prey. This word is used
only in this context, and many consider it to
refer not to a bird at all but to a hyena who is
surrounded by birds of prey. This is supported
by the Septuagint reading as well as by usage
in related Semitic languages, but the text
remains difficult.
13:1-14
Belts and Wineskins
13:1. identification of garment. There were
two different depictions of the loincloth. One
653 JEREMIAH 13:4—14:22
is a Canaanite depiction of a wrapped cloth
that did not pass between the legs, while the
other is in an Egyptian depiction of Syrians,
where the garment is composed of narrow
strips of overlapping cloth that did not pass
between the legs. Some of these garments
were made of leather, but others were made of
linen, as this one was.
13:4. Perath. Perath is a term often used for
the Euphrates River, which is over 350 miles
north of Anathoth, which would make for two
very long round trips! Others have suggested
it refers to the Wadi Pharah (symbolically
called Perath?), some four miles northeast of
Anathoth (referred to in Josh 18:23.
13:12. wineskins filled with wine. This has
been a notoriously difficult phrase to interpret.
It is possible that Jeremiah is quoting a
current proverb about everything having its
use; wineskins fulfill their purpose by being
filled with wine in much the same way that a
hat fulfills its purpose by being on a head. Jeremiah
is likely making an ironic statement
with a simple proverb, similar to Isaiah
28:23-29.
13:15—14:12
Judgment: Captivity, Drought,
Famine
13:18. queen mother. The queen mother was
an official title in ancient Israel. It was an office
with high rank and official prerogatives,
especially when the monarch was a minor
(and the queen’s husband, the former king,
had died). She did not just have influence
over her son the king but had great authority
of her own. Athaliah was able to seize the
power of the throne 2 Kings 11. Since the
queen mother had an official position in the
kingdom, the writer of the books of Kings
mentioned her in nearly every case in conjunction
with her son. She was probably afforded
rank on the accession of her son as
king. There are general parallels in Hittite
and Ugaritic texts concerning the office of
queen mother. There is no direct evidence of
the office in the northern kingdom of Israel.
For more information see comment on
1 Kings 2:19. The queen mother mentioned
here is most likely Nehushta, the mother of
Jehoiachin who sat on the throne briefly in
597 until he was carried off captive to Babylon.
13:18. crowns. The royal crown in Judah was
probably a golden diadem worn over a turban
(see Ps 21:3; Ezek 21:26. Kings in Egypt wore
an elaborate variety of crowns, while kings in
Assyria usually wore a truncated conical cap
with embroidery or precious stones, and
Babylonian kings wore a curved cap that
came to a point.
13:19. cities in the Negev. The term Negev normally
referred to the large desert area south of
Judah. In this context, however, it likely denotes
the portion of southern Judah dotted
with towns and garrisons running from Bethlehem
to Beersheba, with Hebron in the middle.
It is unclear to what extent these cities
came under attack by Babylon in 597, but the
ostraca from Arad suggest that Edom posed a
threat to them.
13:23. Ethiopian, leopard. In the Egyptian Instruction
of Ankhsheshonqy a similar saying
(“There is no Nubian who leaves his skin”) occurs
in a sequence of results that are inconceivable
(e.g., “There is no fool who finds
profit”). In the Aramaic Words of Ahiqar there
is a conversation between a leopard and a
goat in which the former offers the latter his
coat so that the goat can be warm. The goat replies
that the leopard only wants to take his
skin away, an exchange of coats.
13:26. skirts covering face. This does not describe
women being carried away into captivity
but enemy soldiers ranging through the
town, raping and pillaging. Judah is here portrayed
metaphorically as suffering a similar
fate.
14:12. fasting. Fasting was total abstention
from food for a temporary period of time.
The Day of Atonement was the only national
fasting day listed in Scripture, although
public fasting was called at special times,
especially in the postexilic period. Individuals
fasted in times of mourning and penitence.
Fasting is little attested in the ancient
Near East outside of the Bible. When it does
occur, it is usually in the context of mourning.
In the Old Testament the religious use
of fasting is often in connection with making
a request before God. The principle is
that the importance of the request causes an
individual to be so concerned about his or
her spiritual condition that physical necessities
fade into the background. In this sense
the act of fasting is designed as a process
leading to purification and humbling oneself
before God Ps 69:10. In connection
with repentance the Israelites would fast in
order to remove any sin or other obstacle
that may have led to their subjection.
JEREMIAH 15:4—17:6
14:13—15:21
False Hopes and Only Hope
14:22. Israelite meteorology. Like most people
from the ancient Near East the Israelites
JEREMIAH 15:4—17:6 654
viewed seasonal climate as coming from the
four winds derived from the four corners of
the earth. God not only controlled the winds
but created them. The north wind was associated
with cold conditions, dispersing rain
and snow. The south wind was at times the
bringer of the sirocco. The east wind brought
a dry wind from the wilderness. The west
wind came in from the Mediterranean Sea
and was described as the “father of rain.” It
is clear in this verse that the common Israelite
would have thought it absolutely ridiculous
to imagine that the skies rained all by
themselves. Weather did not happen independent
of deity.
15:4. actions of Manasseh. Second Kings
21:3-7 and 2 Chronicles 33:3-7 describe Manasseh’s
wicked acts, which included astral
worship and Baal altars even within the temple
itself. He was considered to have done the
most to combine the worship of Yahweh with
Canaanite cultic ritual. Though he later repented
2 Chron 33:12, his sins were so great
that their consequences were not to be overturned
by God.
15:7. winnowing at the gate. After grain has
been threshed, it is winnowed with the winnowing-
fork, with the remainder of the
chaff removed with the winnowing shovel.
This activity did not take place at city gates
but on threshing floors out in open countryside.
Here, however, winnowing is a metaphor
for judgment (since winnowing
separated the good from the bad), and judgment
did take place in the gate areas. This
verse could refer to the decisions of a conqueror
made at the city gates determining
who would be put to death, who would be
deported and who would remain. Alternatively,
the term translated “land” is sometimes
a reference to the netherworld. In this
case the imagery would still be of the judgment
of God at the gate of the netherworld
consigning people to death.
15:8. destroyer. Noon was considered the
most secure time of the day and thus the time
for surprise attacks. The destroyer here represents
the Chaldean army, which is being prepared
by God to attack his people. This is not
the same word as used for the destroying angel
in the Passover Ex 12:23, but it is used of
the military operations conducted by the Lord
in 47:4 and 51:55.
15:20. wall of bronze metaphor. Bronze gates
built by the Assyrians have been found at Balawat.
They were decorative features on strong
walls. Thutmose III of Egypt described himself
as a wall of iron and bronze for Egypt, meaning
that he was like an impregnable fortress city.
JEREMIAH 17:11—18:15 16:1—17:18
Disaster Approaching
16:4. no burial. Burial was a mandatory duty in
ancient Israel. To be left unburied, vulnerable to
the elements and beasts, was the worst curse
imaginable. Furthermore, as there was no clear
distinction between body and soul in the Hebrew
mentality, death was not regarded as the
separation of those two elements. Thus one
who had no burial was still thought to be conscious
(in some form) of his fate. In the ancient
Near East those who were left unburied were
restless until a proper burial had been performed.
16:5. funeral meal. The Hebrew term for funeral
meal is used only here and in Amos 6:7, although
it is well known in many other Semitic
traditions. Extrabiblical information concerning
the funeral meal have been found in Ugaritic
texts, Aramaic texts from Elephantine (Egypt)
and inscriptions in Punic, Nabataean and
Palmyrene. In these examples the funeral meal
was often held in a banquet hall with an excess
of drinking and inappropriate behavior. The
context in Amos 6:7 suggests the same type of
atmosphere. Whatever the Israelite custom, Jeremiah
was forbidden to participate (as he was
forbidden to attend marriage ceremonies).
16:6. mourning rites. The rites mentioned
here were both forbidden in Israelite tradition
(see comments on Lev 19:28 and Deut 14:1.
Slashing oneself is also mentioned in 5:7 in the
context of Baal worship.
16:20. idols not gods. See comments on 10:5.
17:1. engraved tablets. The iron-engraving
tool referred to here is used for etching permanent
inscriptions on stone, while the flint
(emery-stone) was used in engraving gems.
Their hearts are here portrayed as an extremely
hard writing material.
17:1. inscribed altar horns. The horns of the altar
were protrusions fixed on the four corners of
the altar. Though they functioned to provide a
means to secure the wood and animals on the altar,
they were also where the blood of the animal
was dabbed to purify the altar from defilement.
The imagery suggests that the sins of Judah will
be permanently inscribed there, with the result
that sacrifices cannot expunge them.
17:2. Asherah poles and spreading trees. See
comment on 2:20.
17:3. high places. See comment on 1 Samuel
9:12.
17:6. salt land. The presence of salt in the land
was a curse. There are a number of texts from
Mesopotamia that describe a progressive salinity
in the soil of southern Iraq in the third
and second millennia. When it reached a cer-
655 JEREMIAH 17:11—18:15
tain point of salinity, the land was unable to be
used for agriculture and was thus abandoned,
sometimes for a period of centuries.
17:11. partridge behavior. The partridge
lays her eggs in shallow nests on open
ground. Though the eggs are therefore vulnerable
to predators or to accidents, the bird
lays many eggs, and both the male and female
brood over them. The analogy here of
laying eggs it does not hatch thus refers to
hopes and plans that never come to fruition.
There is no evidence that partridges hatch
the young of other birds, as the NIV translation
suggests.
17:13. written in the dust. This problematic
passage either has the idea of a name that is
written in the dust, which will disappear
quickly, or a name written in the earth (or underworld).
This word is not one of those usually
translated “dust,” but it is the same word
used in 15:7, where it could mean either land
or netherworld. The latter would make the
best sense of the context. To have one’s name
written in the netherworld would mean being
consigned to death. To be written in heaven’s
ledgers meant that one was destined for continuing
life. To be blotted out from that book
of life and to have one’s name recorded in the
ledgers of the netherworld meant doom.
Psalm 88:4 expresses the same concept using
different terminology.
17:13. deity as spring of living water. “Living”
water refers to running water in contrast
to the stagnant or contaminated water that
gathers in cisterns or pools.
JEREMIAH 18:20—20:18
17:19-27
The Sabbath
17:19. gate of the people. The “gate of the people”
(literally, “the gate of the sons of the people”)
is otherwise unknown. The gate seems to
have been in the north wall of the city, where
the kings left and entered the city.
17:19. number of gates in Jerusalem. There
were numerous inner and outer gates in Jerusalem
during the period of the divided monarchy.
There were at least six outer gates and
numerous gates that protected the temple and
palatial enclosures. The gates were the areas
where public proclamations would normally
be made.
17:22-24. carrying a load. In Isaiah 46:1-2 the
“burden” is made up of images that are carried
around in procession, but Nehemiah
13:15 uses the same word to refer to agricultural
products being brought in on the Sabbath
by merchants. Either one could be
referred to here.
18:1—19:15
The Lesson of the Potter and the
Pot
18:2. potter’s house. The potter’s house, or
workshop, needed to be near the clay sources
and where water was available. It needed
space for the potter’s wheel, a space for treading,
a kiln, a field for storing vessels and a
dump for those discarded items. Once the pot
was fired there was painting to be done. The
typical hand-turned wheel was made of two
pieces of stone. The upper stone had a
cone-shaped protrusion on the bottom that fit
into a corresponding recess in the top of the
bottom stone and served as a pivot.
18:3-4. shaping a vessel on the wheel. There
were two kinds of potter’s wheel, a slow or
hand-turned wheel (or a tournette), and the
fast or kick wheel, which was rotated by foot.
The potter shaped the clay vessel by hand on
the smaller revolving stone that was on top.
The lower stone provided the momentum and
quickened the turning. The potter rotated the
lower disk with his foot. This created a centrifugal
force on the clay, which was shaped by
the potter’s hands as he exerted force to shape
it against its own force.
18:13. Virgin Israel. The term translated “virgin”
here refers to a woman who is still legally
under her father’s supervision. Comparable
to such a girl who betrays her father’s trust
and honor is Israel’s unfaithfulness to Yahweh,
often described in the Old Testament as
“playing the harlot.” In Ugaritic texts this
same word is used as a title for Baal’s sister,
“Virgin Anat,” whose behavior is less than
commendable and is thought by some to be
promiscuous (though the evidence is not as
strong as previously thought).
18:14. snow of Lebanon. The snow of Lebanon
probably refers to the highest mountains
of Lebanon (e.g., Qurnat as-Sawda), where
snow does not leave until late August. At any
rate, many of the high peaks are snowcapped
for the better part of the year.
18:15. roads not built up. A paved road was
one that was built up. Paving was an expensive
undertaking. In Babylon dirt and gravel
were used to build up the roadbed. Then
bricks were laid in asphalt to form a foundation.
Finally, limestone slabs were laid on top,
and the crevices were filled with asphalt. This
process was only affordable on the most
prominent streets in a city. Excavated examples
occur in Palestine as early as the Middle
Bronze Period. Cobblestone streets using pebbles
and pottery shards set in clay were the
norm. Sometimes they were coated with a
JEREMIAH 18:20—20:18 656
lime plaster. There is no evidence of paved
country roads during this period. Even an unpaved
road, however, could be built up with
dirt so that water flowed off it to the sides.
The alternative was a road that had simply
been traveled often enough to cut a path.
These were etched into the terrain and tended
to gather water and become mud holes.
18:20. digging a pit. Pits were dug in the ancient
Near Eastern world for a variety of reasons.
A great number of pits found in
archaeological excavations were for storage of
ceramics, burying rubbish or, less often, to create
a makeshift prison for criminals. The terminology
here is borrowed from hunting and
trapping practices, where pits and snares were
used.
19:1. type of pottery. The type of pottery here
is described as a “flask,” a word used twice in
Jeremiah 19 and in 1 Kings 14:3 (where it is a
container for honey) for storing liquids. Its
Hebrew name, baqbuq, suggests the sound
made by a wide-bellied bottle with a narrow
neck. Because of the narrow neck, it could not
be mended. This type of vessel was used
throughout Palestine in the Iron Age.
19:2. Valley of Ben Hinnom. The Valley of
Ben Hinnom was on the south side of Jerusalem
and joined the Kidron Valley at the southeast
corner of the city. It became infamous for
Baal worship because of the acts of Ahaz and
Manasseh. Josiah defiled the region in order to
prevent future idolatrous acts.
19:2. Potsherd Gate. The location of the Potsherd
Gate, mentioned only here in Scripture,
is unknown. It may have been the same as the
Dung Gate (known from various passages in
Nehemiah), as both dung and pottery were
among the items of trash thrown into the Valley
of Ben Hinnom. If the Potsherd Gate was
adjacent to the valley, it was on the southeastern
side of Jerusalem.
19:5. burning sons and daughters. See comment
on 7:31.
19:9. cannibalism in the ancient Near East.
Cannibalism existed in the ancient Near
East during times of famine or siege. The
cities of Samaria 2 Kings 6:24-31 and Jerusalem
Lam 4:10, and later during the war
with Rome, according to Josephus) both experienced
cannibalism. Furthermore, “eating
the flesh of one’s children” was a typical
curse form in Mesopotamia. There are
sparse references in Mesopotamian sources
concerning cannibalism for the same purposes
mentioned in Scripture (dire famine
conditions, city under siege).
19:10-11. smashed as pots. This imagery is
known as far back as Sumerian times. The Lament
over the Destruction of Sumer and Ur states
that the people of Ur were smashed as if they
were clay pots.
19:13. burning incense to astral gods. Sacrifice
to pagan astral gods was often done on
the roofs of houses (see 2 Kings 23:12; Zeph
1:5). Ninsun, the mother of Gilgamesh in the
Mesopotamian Epic of Gilgamesh, ascended
the roof to offer incense to Shamash, the sun
god. The same ritual is described in the Keret
Epic from Ugarit. (Also see the comment on
8:2).
JEREMIAH 21:1—22:25
20:1-18
Confrontation and Imprisonment
20:2. stocks at the Upper Gate. The meaning
of the term translated as “stocks” is not certain.
It also occurs in Jeremiah 29:26 and 2
Chronicles 16:10 (“house of stocks”). It was
most likely a device that confined the body in
a stooped position or perhaps simply a dungeon
or guardhouse. At any rate, it is clear
that Jeremiah was incarcerated.
20:11. divine warrior. The idea that God
fought as a partner in battle was a common
theme in the ancient Near East. Victories were
attributed to deities in both Egypt and Mesopotamia.
The encounter was initiated by the
deity itself, who then fought alongside the
monarch (see comment on 1 Sam 4:3-7. In
Egypt regiments were named after the god
under whose standard they fought. In Canaan
the divine warrior was identified as one who
devastated nature. However, it was recognized
by these societies that the gods also participated
through the use of individual agents
who had been commissioned to do the god’s
bidding in battle.
20:12. kidneys as seat of intelligence. The
NIV’s “heart and mind” translates the Hebrew
“kidneys and heart.” In the ancient
world a number of human organs were held
to have psychical functions, including the
kidneys, which were seen to be the center of
the affections and hidden motives. The kidneys
could be troubled Job 19:27; Ps 73:21,
be “tested” by God Jer 11:20 and rejoice
Prov 23:16. The kidneys also instructed (Ps
16:7), a concept known from Ugaritic texts.
Akkadian texts tend to connect these abstract
notions to the liver rather than the
kidneys.
20:14-18. cursing one’s birth. In the Myth of
Erra and Ishum the governor of the city that is
being destroyed is portrayed as expressing to
his mother a wish that he had been stillborn or
obstructed in the womb so that he would not
have been born to this destiny.
657 JEREMIAH 21:1—22:25
JEREMIAH 23:1—24:1 21:1-14
God’s Pronouncement of Judgment
on Zedekiah
21:2. Nebuchadnezzar’s attack of Jerusalem.
In 589 Zedekiah had decided to withhold
tribute, relying on the new, anti-Babylonian
Egyptian pharaoh, Hophra, for support
against the Babylonians. On January 15, 588
(by the Tishri calendar, 587 by the Nisan calendar)
Nebuchadnezzar’s troops arrived at
Jerusalem and blockaded the city, while eliminating
any potential sources of aid, including
the Egyptians (see comment on 34:21). Other
fortified cities were destroyed, and then full
siege of Jerusalem began as the Babylonians
worked toward creating a breach in the northern
walls. The wall was breached in mid-August
of 586.
21:7. devastations of siege. The hardships of
the siege were significant. The whole idea of
siege is to drive the inhabitants to the extremities
of hunger and thirst so that they capitulate
without a fight. Famine in this case is not
an environmental condition but the results of
the siege when food supplies have been exhausted.
Overcrowded conditions tax the infrastructure
of the city, and when water
becomes scarce, people will drink even water
that has been contaminated. As a result illness
often reaches epidemic proportions during
siege.
21:7. Zedekiah’s eventual fate. See the note
on 32:4. It appears that Zedekiah died in captivity
after being handed over to Nebuchadnezzar.
21:14. forests of Jerusalem. Rather than referring
to the adjacent woods, the term “forest”
is an expression used in connection with the
royal palace (see comment on 1 Kings 7:1-12
because of the large amounts of cedar used in
its construction.
22:1-30
The Fate of Kings
22:5-6. making the palace a ruin. In the Myth
of Erra and Ishum the destruction of towns and
the royal palace is treated in similar terms.
Erra expresses his intention to allow wild
beasts from the mountains and the countryside
to enter the city and devastate the public
areas. He specifically states that he will make
the palace a ruin.
22:6. Gilead and the summit of Lebanon.
Gilead was on the east side of the Jordan River.
The northern limits of Gilead were vague,
and the east was bounded by desert. The summit
of Lebanon refers to its forests (also see
Zech 10:10. Both Gilead and Lebanon were
known for the lush productivity of their forests.
22:10. exiled king. The exiled king mentioned
here was probably Shallum, the fourth son of
Josiah, who succeeded his father in 609/8 B.C.
He took the throne name of Jehoahaz. After he
had been king of Judah for three months, he
was then exiled to Egypt by Necho II, where
he later died. He was condemned by the writer(
s) of Kings as a wicked ruler.
22:13. forced labor for palace building. This
may be a reference to a rebuilding and enlargement
of Solomon’s palace by Jehoiakim
or to another palace altogether. At Ramat Rahel
a number of structures have been found
that possibly date to the time of Jehoiakim, together
with a large collection of stamped jar
handles bearing the phrase “belonging to the
king.” Since the king needed to pay a heavy
tribute to Egypt, he may have engaged in the
forced labor project. Forced labor without
compensation is reminiscent of practices during
Solomon’s time (see comment on 1 Kings
11:28) and of practices periodically observed
in both Egypt and Babylonia. It is a form of
taxation.
22:14. cedar paneling. Cedar paneling was
considered the most luxurious and expensive
material that could be used. It was used almost
exclusively in palaces and temples. Wall
painting is not widely attested in Israelite excavations
but is well known in the larger Near
Eastern context. Frescoes such as the coronation
scene at Mari attest to the preference for
red and orange in interior decoration. This
characteristic is also referred to in the wall
decorations in Ezekiel 23:14.
22:18. Jehoiakim. See comment on 1:3.
22:20. Lebanon, Bashan, Abarim. These are
three mountainous areas; Lebanon was in the
north, Bashan in Transjordan in the northeast,
and Abarim in Moab to the southeast. Whether
these mountains represent places for
mourning, homes of allies or centers for natural
resources is uncertain.
22:24. signet ring. The term “signet” probably
refers to a seal, which could have been either a
cylinder seal worn with a cord around the
neck or a stamp seal embedded in a ring, as
found here. The former was very common in
Mesopotamia, while the latter was used in Israel.
Thousands of cylinder seals and stamp
seals have been found in Mesopotamia and
Syro-Palestine, respectively. They were a sign
of authority, identification and ownership. By
pulling off the signet ring (i.e., Jehoiachin),
Yahweh was effectively rejecting his kingship.
22:25. Jehoiachin’s fate. Jehoiachin was only
JEREMIAH 23:1—24:1 658
on the throne for three months before he was
forced to surrender to Nebuchadnezzar. He
was taken into exile in Babylon, where he
spent the rest of his life (see 2 Kings 25:27-30.
He is mentioned on a rations list from Babylon,
confirming the biblical information that
he was fed at the king’s table.
JEREMIAH 24:2—25:26
23:1-8
The Branch
23:5. branch as royal heir. The term “branch”
appears in the messianic passages such as Zechariah
3:8 and 6:12, where it is attributed to
Zerubbabel. Most consider it a technical term
referring to the rightful heir of an established
dynastic line—in Israel, a future Davidic king
who would restore the monarchy. Similarly,
an early third-century B.C. Phoenician votive
inscription honoring Melqart that has been
found in Cyprus refers to a legitimate
“branch” of the Ptolemaic dynasty of Egypt.
The Dead Sea Scrolls from Qumran do not use
the term in a messianic sense, but the kingship
sense does occur in Ugaritic and Assyrian
texts. For instance, Tiglath-Pileser III is described
as the shoot or scion of the city of Baltil
(Assur), who brings justice to his people.
The statement that he will do what is right
and just in the land also finds a parallel in the
reform declarations commonly made by Babylonian
kings. Zedekiah issued such a proclamation
in 588 (see comment on 34:8-11).
23:9-40
False Prophets
23:13. prophesying by Baal. Baal prophets
had found support in Samaria as early as the
middle of the ninth dynasty (Ahab and Jezebel).
Two centuries have passed, and though
the dynasty of Ahab had been wiped out, syncretism
had never fully departed from the
north. When the northern kingdom fell in 721,
the Assyrian deportation policy had brought
foreigners in to mix with the population that
remained of the northern kingdom of Israel.
Second Kings 17:24-34 describes the resulting
syncretism that plagued the area. Undoubtedly
these prophets were spreading false hopes
that Baal, a fertility god, could break the
drought (v. 10) and restore the land’s productivity.
23:18. standing in the council of the Lord.
The council of the Lord was probably the assembly
of beings who stood in his heavenly
court, similar to the council of holy ones of
Psalm 89:7. Deities from other cultures in the
ancient world were assumed to have divine
councils where various gods and goddesses
assembled to conduct their business. Prophets
were often viewed as being privy to this assembly’s
actions (as in 2 Chron 18:18. For
more information see the comments on Isaiah
6:8; 40:13-14.
23:19. storm of the Lord. See comment on
11:16.
23:23. God nearby, far away. Yahweh is affirming
both his transcendence (above and beyond
the created world) and his immanence
(integrally involved in the created world) in
this passage. Moreover, he is affirming his omnipresence,
as no one can be hidden from him,
and he is aware of everything, no matter how
remote or obscure. In the broader religious
spectrum of this time period a shift had taken
place from seeing deities associated with the
sun, aloof and removed, to deities associated
with the stars and planets, who were seen as
more approachable and involved. Another
possibility is that “near and far” may combine
the aspects of a locally involved patron deity
and a powerful cosmic deity. Few gods in the
ancient world would have been believed to fit
this profile.
23:25. dreams as form of revelation. Dreams
were one of the standard means for receiving
messages from a god in the ancient Near East
(see Jacob in Gen 28:12; Joseph in Gen 37:5-11;
Nebuchadnezzar in Dan 2, 4). They appear in
Old Babylonian omen texts, along with the reports
of the examination of sheep livers,
anomalies in the weather and birth of animals,
and other presumed signs of the divine will.
Among the most famous is the dream of
Gudea of Lagash (c. 2150 B.C.), who was commanded
in a dream to build a temple by a figure
reminiscent of the apocalyptic figures in
Daniel’s dreams and Ezekiel’s call narrative
Dan 7; Ezek 1:25-28. The royal correspondence
from Mari (c. 1750 B.C.) contains around
twenty prophetic utterances involving
dreams, always from nonprofessional personnel.
These portents were taken quite seriously
and studied. The professional priesthood in
both Mesopotamia and Egypt included instruction
in the interpretation of dreams and
other omens (see the comment on Dan 2:4.
24:1-10
Good Figs, Bad Figs
24:1. circumstances of Jehoiachin’s exile. See
the comments on 22:5 and on 2 Kings 24:12.
24:1. Nebuchadnezzar. Nebuchadnezzar II (r.
605-562 B.C.) was the second of the Chaldean
kingdom centered at Babylon which ruled the
ancient Near East for nearly a century. He was
659 JEREMIAH 24:2—25:26
the son of Nabopolassar, a Chaldean who declared
independence from Assyria in 626 B.C.
In his long reign of forty-three years Nebuchadnezzar
pacified Egypt (though he was
unsuccessful in conquering it) and literally rebuilt
Babylon. In fact, most of the city of Babylon
that was uncovered by modern excavators
dates from Nebuchadnezzar’s reign. The
Chaldean kingdom was primarily his creation,
and it crumbled only a generation after
his death. This great king was remembered in
many cultural traditions, including sources
from Greece (who knew him as a great builder)
and Israel (not only the biblical material,
but later rabbinic sources).
24:2. early ripening figs. The branches on fig
trees from the previous year bore early fruit in
late May/early June, even before the new
leaves sprouted. The new branches brought
forth figs at least three months later.
25:1-38
Seventy Years of God’s Wrath
25:1. chronology. The fourth year of Jehoiakim
and the first year of Nebuchadnezzar II of
Babylon has been synchronized as 604 B.C.
The Babylonian king had just defeated the
Egyptians at Carchemish and prepared to
make Judah its vassal.
25:9. Nebuchadnezzar as Yahweh’s servant.
The kings of nations who came against Israel
are often described as servants of God, in that
they are carrying out the will of Yahweh. Since
Yahweh is unconquerable, any conqueror is
doing his bidding as his rod of punishment. It
does not mean that the Babylonian king was a
worshiper of Yahweh. Cyrus is described in a
similar manner, though there is no evidence
that he worshiped Yahweh Is 44:28—45:1). In
ancient Near Eastern treaties the vassal became
the servant of the suzerain, and his
armies became the suzerain’s to command.
They were at the disposal of the overlord and
did his will.
25:10. millstones and light of the lamp. The
cessation of the most familiar daily activities
left nothing but an eerie stillness, with no food
production and a fearful and terrifying darkness.
25:11. seventy-year period. Though the expression
“seventy years” could denote generally
an individual’s life span, as it does in a
statement of Esarhaddon of Assyria, it can
also make reference to a specific span of time.
The period of seventy years was approximately
from the destruction of the temple in 587
B.C. to its rededication in about 515 B.C. It also
represents the time that elapsed from the initial
subjugation of Israel under Nebuchadnezzar
in 605 to the return from exile by Cyrus’s
decree in 535.
25:12. seventy-year exile. When Esarhaddon
of Assyria discusses his father Sennacherib’s
destruction of Babylon, he views it as Marduk’s
judgment of his own city. Marduk’s anger
with the people of Babylon led him to
decree a seventy-year exile of himself from the
city. Esarhaddon rebuilds the city only a decade
after its destruction and announces that
Marduk reduced the exile to only eleven
years. Little is known of Palestine during the
exile and partial reoccupation of the land. The
deportation followed the destruction of Jerusalem
in 586 B.C. Only the leading citizens went
into exile. Signs of destruction have been
found throughout Judea, but not everything
was destroyed. The peasants continued their
life in the area, and some even worshiped
amid the ruins of the temple (see 41:4-5).
Judah became a Babylonian province, with
headquarters at Mizpah, north of Jerusalem.
25:15. wine of wrath. The image of wine as a
cup of punishment is found often in the Old
Testament Ps 11:6; 75:8; Jer 49:12; 51:17; Hab
2:15-16). It is especially clear from Isaiah 51:17
that the cup results in drunkenness (staggering)
and not death. Those forced to drink this
cup lose all control of themselves and all ability
to defend themselves (v. 27). They become
senseless.
25:19-26. geographical coverage. The geographical
context of these areas is quite wide.
From Egypt in Northeast Africa, Jeremiah lists
the kings of Uz (probably the Negev), the Philistine
cities along the coast, the Transjordanian
states (Edom, Moab, Ammon) and back to the
coastal regions in the north (Phoenicia). The
coastlands beyond the sea refer to Cyprus and
other islands. Jeremiah then traverses south
across northern Arabia (Dedan, Tema and
Buz; Akkadian Bazu in Arabia). He skips Mesopotamia
(the land of Babylon) and travels to
southwest Iran (Elam and Media). He then
summarizes by adding “all the kings of the
earth.” The specific areas mentioned were all
terrorized by Nebuchadnezzar.
25:26. Sheshach and the use of cryptograms.
Sheshach is an “atbash” for Babylon. The atbash
was a code in which the letters of a name
counted from the beginning of the Hebrew alphabet
are exchanged for letters counted from
the end (see also the comment on 51:1). In English
A would be represented by Z, B by Y,
and so on. In the previous passage Elam becomes
Zimki in Hebrew, and Babylon (bbl) becomes
Sheshach (shshk). The atbash was used
to disguise the identity of the adversary. There
JEREMIAH 25:30—27:7 660
is no atbash in Akkadian, since cuneiform
uses syllables, not an alphabet.
25:30. shouts of those who tread grapes. The
shout mentioned here is used both for those
who tread grapes and for those who fight in
battle. Yahweh’s roar is like the shout of those
who tread grapes. Treading grapes marked
the end of the harvest season and was used as
an opportunity for community celebration before
the onset of winter. It was characterized
by a tumult of rejoicing, sometimes heightened
by overindulgence in the wine being
produced.
25:34-38. shepherd/leader metaphor. The
metaphor of national leaders as shepherds
over their people (sheep) is a very common
one in the ancient Near East. It portrayed the
ruler’s responsibility and authority. Just as a
sheep owner would call his shepherds to account
for their sheep, so deity held kings accountable
for the welfare of their people. Here
it is no longer the sheep who are being slaughtered
but the shepherds.
JEREMIAH 27:8—28:1
26:1-24
Death Sentence for Jeremiah
26:1. chronology. The phrasing used here refers
technically to what is termed the accession
year. This was the initial portion of the
year between when a king first came to the
throne and the new year, when his first year
officially began. The period of the accession
year of Jehoiakim was about from September
609 B.C. to April 608 B.C.
26:6. Shiloh. See comment on 7:12.
26:8-9. prophecy as treason. Throughout the
ancient world it was believed that prophets
not only proclaimed the message of deity but
in the process unleashed the divine action. In
Assyrian king Esarhaddon’s instructions to
his vassals, he requires that they report any
improper or negative statements that may be
made by anyone, specifically naming prophets,
ecstatics and dream interpreters. One can
perhaps understand why a king would be inclined
to imprison a prophet whose very
words might incite insurrection or impose
doom.
26:10. topography of Jerusalem. Jerusalem is
situated on a limestone plateau about eight
hundred meters above sea level in the central
hill country of Judea, on the border of the
desert. It consists of two main ridges surrounded
by the Hinnom and Kidron Valleys,
and the small depression of the Tyropoeon.
The eastern ridge included the original city of
David and the temple complex. The latter is
on the northern and highest section of the
ridge, thus one had to go up from the palace
to the temple. The New Gate is also mentioned
in 36:10, but its exact location is unknown.
Speculation usually places it on the
south side of the court as a passage between
the temple precinct and the royal palace just
to the south.
26:18. chronology. Hezekiah ruled a century
earlier at the end of the eighth century. Here it
is evident that prophetic messages were recorded
and remembered.
JEREMIAH 25:30—27:7
27:1-22
Under the Yoke of Babylon
27:1. chronology. There is a major problem in
this verse because the Hebrew text identifies
the setting as the accession year of Jehoiakim
yet in the following verses identifies the king
as Zedekiah. Most interpreters think that this
phrase has been misplaced here from 26:1.
The chronological notation should instead
read the fourth year of Zedekiah, 594 (see
28:1).
27:2. yoke construction. The yokes used for
draft animals consisted of a wooden frame that
sat across the top of the necks with pegs fitting
through holes on either side of the neck. Under
the neck the pegs were connected with straps.
Yokes were used for certain human tasks as
well as on plow animals. Assyrian inscriptions
from the ninth and eighth century depict captives
being transported or laboring in such
yokes. Bars on either side of the neck are clearly
visible. For more information concerning yoke
imagery see comment on Nahum 1:13.
27:3. occasion for gathering of envoys. The
envoys from Edom, Moab, Ammon, Tyre and
Sidon all conspired with Zedekiah to revolt
against Babylon in 594 B.C. The meeting was
probably in response to a domestic rebellion
in Babylon against Nebuchadnezzar in December
595 and January 594, which is described
in one of the Babylonian Chronicles.
27:6. subjection of wild animals. Just as the
yoke symbolized the subjection of domesticated
animals, the prophecy goes on to suggest
that wild animals will likewise come under
the domesticating hand of the Lord. There are
numerous depictions on wall reliefs of Assyrian
kings hunting wild animals, such as lions
and other large carnivores. The domestication
of wild animals was also at times included in
utopian visions of a kingdom controlled and
at peace (see comment on Is 11:6-8.
27:7. survey of Neo-Babylonian empire. The
Neo-Babylonian empire was founded by Nebuchadnezzar
II’s father, Nabopolassar, a
Chaldean who freed himself from Assyrian
661 JEREMIAH 27:8—28:1
rule in 626 B.C. The founder reigned until 605
B.C. and thus contributed to the end of Assyria.
He oversaw the great victory of the Babylonians
over Egypt at Carchemish, causing most
of Western Asia to fall into the hands of the
Babylonians. Nebuchadnezzar inherited this
powerful state in 605 B.C., becoming its most
famous king. He literally rebuilt the city of
Babylon and solidified Babylonian control
throughout the Near East and even attacked
Egypt (although unsuccessfully). His long
reign lasted until 562 B.C. He was briefly succeeded
by three descendants, who reigned a
total of six years. The last king of the dynasty
was Nabonidus, who had apparently been a
high official during Nebuchadnezzar’s reign.
He reigned until 539 B.C. when Babylon was
captured by the Medo-Persians under Cyrus
the Great. Although Nabonidus is not mentioned
in Scripture, his son Belshazzar figures
prominently in the book of Daniel as king.
Since Nabonidus abandoned Babylon and
lived in Arabia for about ten years, Belshazzar
took the place of his father for that time.
27:8-11. prophets advising submission.
Though the biblical prophets counseled submission,
such advice is unattested in ancient
Near Eastern prophetic texts. Kings in the ancient
world generally had high opinions of
themselves, and prophets had a reputation for
telling kings what they wanted to hear. If
there was submission to be advised, it was
submission to a god through certain rituals,
not political submission. In contrast, there
were diviners who might advise against one
political action or another on the premise that
the omens were not favorable for a particular
action at a particular time.
27:9. categories of professional. Five categories
of experts are identified here. The prophets
received messages from deity and passed
them on. Diviners read omens, most of which
came from the examination of the entrails of
sacrificial animals (see comment on Deut
18:11). Dreams were believed to be an important
form of revelation throughout the Near
East. Interpreters used a variety of academic
resources (see comment on Dan 2:4. The medium
was one who made contact with the
dead and offered advice from them. The last
category, the sorcerer, was one who specialized
in spells and incantations. In seventhcentury
letters to Assyrian kings the five
principal classes of scholarly experts serving
the king were astrologer/scribe, diviner, exorcist,
physician and chanter of lamentations.
27:16. articles from the Lord’s house. The articles
here probably refer to all types of movable
objects in the temple, including vessels
and utensils. Nebuchadnezzar carried off
many of the temple treasures in the first capture
of Jerusalem in 597 B.C., but there were
still some accessories that were carried off
eleven years later. For more information see
comments on Daniel 1:2 and 5:2. For description
of the articles see the various comments
in 2 Chronicles 4.
27:19. pillars. The bronze pillars (see comment
on 1 Kings 7:15-22 were just outside the forecourt
situated in the courtyard of the temple.
They were given names (Jachin and Boaz),
and evidently the king stood by one of them
on special occasions 2 Kings 11:14; 23:3).
27:19. sea. The molten sea (see comment on
2 Chron 4:2-5 was a very large bronze basin
over fifteen feet in diameter and over seven
feet high. It rested on the backs of twelve
bronze oxen, arranged in threes, with each
group of threes facing in different directions.
The vessel held about ten thousand gallons
and was for ritual washing.
27:19. movable stands. The movable stands
were ten smaller bowls used for washing sacrificial
animals. These were supported by decorated
stands mounted on four mobile bronze
wheels. Each basin had the capacity of two
hundred gallons. Archaeologists have found a
bronze stand that would have held just such a
basin dating from the twelfth century B.C. The
stand had wheels and was decorated with
winged composite creatures (see 1 Kings 7:29.
27:20. Jehoiachin’s exile. See the note on
2 Kings 24:12. A Babylonian administrative
text describes tribute from Iakukinu (Jeconiah,
or Jehoiachin) to Nebuchadnezzar.
27:22. sacred things taken into exile and
brought back. Jerusalem was not the only
temple in the ancient world that had its articles
carried off and returned at a later date.
For example, the statue of Marduk was plundered
from Babylon on a number of occasions
(e.g., by the Hittites in 1595 B.C., by
Tukulti-Ninurta I of Assyria, c. 1235 B.C., and
by Sennacherib in 689 B.C.). Eventually the
statue of the deity was returned to its original
place in Babylon.
28:1-17
Hananiah and the Yoke
28:1. chronology. Given the time necessary for
King Zedekiah to organize his government
(see 27:3; 51:59) after the capture of Jerusalem
in 597 by Nebuchadnezzar, it seems most likely
that the reading of “in the fourth year” is
correct. This would date the event to 594-593
B.C. The proximity to the meeting of ambassadors
to plan a response to the revolt against
JEREMIAH 28:1—30:2 662
Babylon in December 595 also argues for this
date.
28:1. Gibeon. See the comment on Joshua 9:3.
Like Anathoth, Gibeon (el-Jib) is located in
Benjamin (six miles northwest of Jerusalem),
making it likely that Hananiah and Jeremiah
were acquainted prior to this incident.
28:10. breaking the yoke. Some commentators
think it more probable that it is the pegs
that hold the yoke in place on either side of
the neck that are being broken, rather than the
crossbar (for yoke construction see comment
on 27:2). This would make sense of the choice
of terms used throughout the passage.
28:13. contrast between wooden and iron
yoke. It is likely again that it is the yoke pegs
that are visualized as made from iron. Clearly
a wooden yoke could be broken, providing a
dramatic gesture of release from oppression.
However, iron could not be broken so easily.
28:14. subjection of wild animals. See the
comment on 27:6.
29:1-32
Letter to the Elders of the Exiles
29:1. letter to exiles. Evidence of correspondence
between Jerusalem and the exiles taken
away in 597 is found in this letter, presumably
delivered by a Babylonian messenger or a
merchant traveling to Mesopotamia. There is
ample precedent for the transport of both private
and official correspondence throughout
the Old Testament period. The Lachish Letters
represent the type of internal communication
employed in the kingdom of Judah during the
Assyrian invasion of 701. For evidence that
this letter was received and respected see
Daniel 9.
29:2. queen mother. The queen mother in
Judah apparently had a high status and was
both an influence on her son the king as well
as a power in her own right (see comment on
1 Kings 2:19 and the need to remove her from
power in Asa’s time in 1 Kings 15:13. In this
case we know that Jehoiachin’s mother was
named Nehushta (see 2 Kings 24:8; Jer 13:18
and that she was also stripped of her crown
and attendant power when they were taken
together into exile.
29:2. exile of craftsmen and artisans. In
choosing persons to take as hostages in the exile
of 597, Nebuchadnezzar naturally took
members of the royal family and their advisers
among the nobility and priesthood. Craftsmen
(see 10:3) and skilled artisans might have
been useful to the king’s ambitious building
plans, but they also represented the relatively
wealthy middle class of Judah. Most importantly,
the skills of craftsmen and artisans
were generally passed on through families,
generation to generation, and often comprised
trade secrets. The Babylonians would desire to
preserve these and benefit from them. This
same respect for the guilds is seen in Utnapishtim’s
inclusion of artisans in his ark in the
Gilgamesh flood story.
29:10. seventy-year period. There are a number
of different ways that the seventy-year period
can be calculated. The capital city of
Assyria, Nineveh, fell in 612. In 605 the Babylonians
gained nominal control of all Syria-
Palestine. Twice the Babylonian armies
came against Jerusalem and went away with
exiles, 597 and at the destruction of Jerusalem
and the temple in 586. Any of these four can
be identified as starting points. On the other
end, Babylon fell in 539, and the first return of
deportees took place in 538. The temple was
rebuilt in 515. While it is therefore not difficult
to put together a scenario that involves a literal
seventy years, it should also be recognized
that seventy is often a symbolic number representing
a period of divine judgment. When
Babylon was destroyed in the seventh century
by Sennacherib, it was said that Marduk, the
god of Babylon, had decreed seventy years as
the period that it would lay in ruins. Sennacherib’s
son, Esarhaddon, however, used a trick
of interpretation to reduce the number to eleven
and had the city rebuilt.
29:26. stocks and neck irons. The word used
for “stocks” here only appears twice elsewhere
2 Chron 16:10 and Jer 20:2, and in neither
case is its meaning clear. Some have
suggested a narrow or low prison cell, but the
addition of “neck irons” in this passage suggests
a restraining device of some sort in
which the prophet could be held and displayed
in a humiliating and uncomfortable
stance (see Jeremiah’s complaint in 20:7-8).
Further identification will have to await future
discoveries.
JEREMIAH 28:1—30:2
30:1-24
Oracle of Restoration
30:2. books. The book of Jeremiah is one of the
few prophetic works in the Bible that makes
explicit mention of writing down the words of
Yahweh to the prophet. Jeremiah was aided in
this task by Baruch, a professional scribe (see
36:2-4). In this passage the word translated as
“book” is a general term for a written document,
and in that time period it meant a scroll.
Papyrus scrolls were in use in Egypt from the
third millennium, and the climate of Egypt
has allowed for the preservation and recovery
663 JEREMIAH 30:14—31:12
of numerous documents. In Mesopotamia,
where clay tablets had long been the favored
medium, scrolls are attested beginning in the
Neo-Assyrian period (eighth century). Israelites
were probably using scrolls during most
of the Old Testament period, but little evidence
has been recovered prior to the second
century Dead Sea Scrolls (of these, over 90
percent are parchment). The oldest example is
a few lines of a letter dated to the seventh century
B.C. found in the caves at Wadi Murabba’at.
An average papyrus scroll would
contain about twenty pages of papyrus sheets
glued together. The resulting scroll would be
about fifteen feet long and about one foot tall.
Parchment (using animal skins) was much
less in use during the Old Testament period
but was known.
30:14. situation with allies. Jehoiakim of
Judah had been put on the throne by the
Egyptians in 609 and remained loyal to them
until Nebuchadnezzar’s domination made
that impossible. After the fall of Ashkelon to
Nebuchadnezzar in 604, Jehoiakim paid tribute
to Babylon for a few years. But when Nebuchadnezzar
failed in his attempted invasion
of Egypt in 601, Jehoiakim again sided with
Egypt and stopped sending the yearly tribute
east. Thus in 597 when Nebuchadnezzar undertook
his punitive raid against Jerusalem,
Egypt was the principle ally on whom Judah
relied. Later that year Nebuchadnezzar put
Zedekiah on the throne. He almost immediately
began meeting with a coalition of the
small western states to stand together against
Nebuchadnezzar (see comment on 27:3). In
595 a new pharaoh, Psammeticus II, took the
throne of Egypt. He enjoyed an early military
success against the Nubians in the south, and
one papyrus reports that his success was celebrated
with a victory tour in Palestine. Therefore,
though Egypt was not the instigator of
the alliance, there was cause to expect their
support against Babylon. It is uncertain which
nations were actually part of the alliance
when it finally took shape. As it turned out,
Egypt’s army was routed in their confrontation
with the Babylonians in 588 (see 37:5-7),
and it would appear, based on Psalm 137:7,
that allies such as the Edomites threw their
support to Babylon when it became clear that
Jerusalem was about to fall. Only Ammon and
Tyre of the western states became objects of
Nebuchadnezzar’s wrath.
30:23. storm of the Lord. The poetic style of
these verses resembles that found in the Sumerian
Lament over the Destruction of Ur (c.
2000 B.C.). Both there and here devastation is
ascribed to a storm or a blistering wind. In one
strophe of the Sumerian text the wind “blows
through the gate of the city” like an invading
army, while in another the author despairs
over “the day of the storm fated for me.”
Nearer the time of Jeremiah a first-millennium
lamentation titled He Is a Storm, At the Healing
portrays the anger of the gods in the form
of a storm sweeping over the nations. This is
one of over three dozen compositions identified
as balag lamentations that make frequent
use of the storm metaphor. The original function
of these lamentations was to appease a
deity whose temple had been or was being
razed. For more information on the elements
of a storm accompanying divine activity see
comment on 1 Kings 19:11-13.
JEREMIAH 30:14—31:12
31:1-40
New Covenant
31:4. Virgin Israel. See comment on 18:13.
31:8. gathered from ends of earth. This is similar
language to Isaiah 11:12, where Israel is
gathered from the four edges of the earth.
Akkadian literature speaks of kings ruling the
four quarters, most likely making reference to
the most distant coasts or extremities in the
four major directions. Rather than referring to
four slices of the geographical pie, “the ends
or edges of the earth” refers to the farthest
points, thereby including everything in between.
31:9. led beside running wadis. In a land
where rainfall is seasonal (basically from October
to February), the wadis (stream beds)
are often dry. This makes them useful as pathways
(for instance the Wadi Kelt that runs between
Jericho to Jerusalem), but the image of
them bearing water brings to mind other examples
of refreshing, even miraculous, water
in the wilderness Num 20:1-13 as well as the
covenantal promise of fertility (for this theme,
see the comment on Deut 8:7. As he did in the
wilderness, God will provide for them as he
brings them back to the land.
31:10. coastlands. See 2:10 for the use of this
term for coastlands and islands. There it refers
to Phoenicia, Cyprus and the Greek Islands. In
this context it is a generic term for faraway
lands or the ends of the earth.
31:12. grain, new wine, oil. The basic staples
of life in the Mediterranean world are grain
(wheat or barley), the products of the vineyard
and olive oil Hos 2:5, 8. They are the
physical expression of fertility in the covenant
with Yahweh. In the ancient law codes of Mesopotamia,
a husband’s obligation to his wife
or concubine is defined in terms of his providing
her with barley, oil and clothing (Code of
JEREMIAH 31:15-40 664
Lipit-Ishtar, Laws of Eshnunna, Hammurabi’s
Code).
31:15. Ramah. This site is most likely to be
identified with er-Ram, three miles north of
Jerusalem. The name itself means “height”
and thus is applied to many towns in Palestine
since such a place would be easier to defend.
Jeremiah’s reference to lamentation here
may be based on the use of the site as a staging
area for shipment of exiles to Babylonia after
the fall of Jerusalem in 587 (see 40:1). The
tie to Rachel is probably based on the proximity
of Ramah to Zelzah, the site of Rachel’s
tomb (see comment on 1 Sam 10:2.
31:21. road signs and guideposts in ancient
world. While there is no mention of formal
road markers prior to the Roman period, Jeremiah’s
injunction to the departing exiles to
mark their way with piles of stones or cairns
suggests that this was not a new practice. Otherwise
roads were distinguished by landmarks
(ittu in the Gilgamesh Epic and the
Enuma Elish) or by their destination (King’s
Highway in Num 20:17.
31:21. Virgin Israel. See comment on 18:13.
31:23. sacred mountain. Ancient Near Eastern
thought, not unlike that familiar from Greek
mythology, visualized a mountain height as
the dwelling place of deity (see comment on Is
14:13). Since Jerusalem, the dwelling place of
God, was on an elevated area, it is referred to
as God’s holy mountain.
JEREMIAH 31:15-40 31:33. written on the heart. Extispicy is the
practice whereby diviners pose a question to
deity and seek the answer by examining the
entrails of sacrificed animals. When extispicy
was being performed, the incantation priests
asked the deity to write his revelation on the
exta (entrails) of the sacrificed animal so that
his will or instruction could be understood.
Another frequent diviner’s prayer was to
place the truth in the exta. Both the verbs of
this verse (put, write) and the nouns (“mind”
= entrails, specifically intestines; heart) are the
same words as are used in extispicy omens in
Akkadian literature. But if Jeremiah is using
the language and concepts of omens, it is only
as a convenient bridge to his message. God’s
decrees and will are going to be made known
through the careful examination of the heart
of his people. Akkadian also uses the nouns
(heart and mind) parallel to one another in
reference to the center of reason and emotion.
31:36. cosmic decrees. In Mesopotamia the
Tablets of Destiny contained the decrees that
were the foundation for all that happened on
earth. The people took omens seriously because
they believed that these decrees were
mirrored in the heavenly bodies, in the behavior
of animals and even in the entrails of animals.
The assumption is that a divine decree is
binding for all time. For instance, in the Babylonian
creation epic Enuma Elish the gods proclaim
that Marduk’s “word shall not be
challenged” and his “decree shall not be altered.”
Similarly, the wisdom sayings of the
Egyptian Amenemope about justice state that
“judgment belongs to the divine assembly,
verdicts are sealed by divine decree.” In the
Ugaritic epic of Baal the goddess Anat, in her
attempt to flatter the chief god El, tells him
that his “decrees are wise” and his “wisdom
endures forever.” Occasionally a text will refer
to a god’s decree as “evil,” as in the Atrahasis
flood story, but still these commands are carried
out because of the lordship the ancient
gods are said to have over creation. For information
concerning the reigns of kings related
to the endurance of the cosmos, see comment
on Psalm 89:35-37.
31:37. unknowns of the cosmos. While Yahweh
is capable of measuring the heavens (see
comment on Is 40:12 and is intimately familiar
with the foundations of the earth, these are
beyond the reach of any human endeavor. The
various creation epics from Mesopotamia
(Atrahasis, Enuma Elish) describe the establishment
of the heavens and the earth, the ordering
of the universe and the charges given
to each god to regulate his/her sphere of influence.
Thus the knowledge of the heavens
and the nether regions belongs only to the divine.
There is no instance in which any human
succeeds in quests to gain such knowledge
(the heroes Gilgamesh and Adapa come the
closest, but they are also limited by their mortality).
The mysteries and prerogatives of election
are exclusive to Yahweh, just as much as
the mysteries and prerogatives of the cosmos
are.
31:38. Tower of Hananel to the Corner Gate.
See the comments on Nehemiah 3:1 and
2 Chronicles 25:23. The reference is most likely
to the western part of the north wall where the
Babylonian armies are believed to have
breached the fortifications and entered the
city. The north side of the city was the most
vulnerable because there were steep valleys to
deal with on the other sides.
31:39. Gareb and Goah. The exact locations of
these two hills near Jerusalem are unknown.
They function as part of a restored Jerusalem
in Jeremiah’s vision. Gareb is generally identified
with the southwest hill of the city, west of
the Tyropoeon Valley and north of the Hinnom
Valley (today called Mount Zion). If this is
correct, Goah would be south or east of Gareb.
31:40. topography of Jerusalem. In this vision
665 JEREMIAH 32:1—32:10
of the restoration of Jerusalem’s holy precincts
Jeremiah refers to several adjacent areas. First
is the Hinnom Valley (Wadi er-Rababi, west of
Jerusalem), the site of Baal worship and human
sacrifice. The Kidron Valley lies to the
southeast of the city. Terracing of hillsides to
provide space for vineyards and olive trees is
common throughout Palestine. Naturally agricultural
areas would not have been inside
the city walls, but their importance to the city
would have led them to be described as part
of the city’s resources. The Horse Gate was located
on the east side of Jerusalem near the
northern end of the Kidron Valley (see comment
on Neh 3:28.
JEREMIAH 32:1—32:10
32:1-44
Jeremiah’s Land Purchase
32:1. chronology. There were two different
systems for reckoning a king’s reign in use by
Israel and her neighbors. One counted years
from Nisan to Nisan (Nisan is March/April)
in accordance with the religious calendar,
while the other counted years from Tishri to
Tishri (September/October) in accordance
with the civil calendar. If the Israelite calendar
began in the spring, Zedekiah’s tenth year
would extend from March 588 to March 587.
The Babylonian king Nebuchadnezzar’s eighteenth
regnal year extended from March 587
to March 586 (it is known that they used the
Nisan system). For this and other reasons a
case has been made that Israel used the Tishri
system at this time, in which case Zedekiah’s
tenth would overlap Nebuchadnezzar’s eighteenth
by six months. There are problems with
either scheme, and at this point the difficulties
cannot easily be resolved.
32:2. siege of Jerusalem. The events described
here relate to the more detailed description of
the siege of Jerusalem in 37—38 (with the siege
probably starting on January 15, 588; alternatively,
January 5, 587). There was a brief respite
in the intensity of the siege when the Babylonian
forces had to be partially withdrawn to
deal with an approaching Egyptian army
(37:5). One of the Lachish Letters mentions negotiations
between a Judean official and Egypt.
This may have prompted a preemptive strike
by the Egyptians in hopes of preventing a
Babylonian invasion of their territory. Once
that allied contingent had been effectively repulsed,
Nebuchadnezzar was able to concentrate
all of his attention on Jerusalem.
32:4. Zedekiah’s fate. See the comments on
39:4-7. Jeremiah’s prophecy of Zedekiah’s fate
contains an ironic note since it describes an
“eye to eye” confrontation with the Babylonian
king. As punishment for his rebellion,
Zedekiah will be forced to watch his sons executed,
and then he will be blinded. This idea
of the danger of close contact with the king
parallels similar expressions of fear and danger
in the theophanic appearances of God (see
Jacob’s reaction in Gen 28:16-17 and Isaiah’s
startled cry in Is 6:5. The Assyrian Annals of
Sennacherib contain a similar example of the
king’s manifest “glory.” In this inscription
from a previous siege of Jerusalem, it states
that Hezekiah “was overwhelmed by my
[Sennacherib’s] terror-inspiring splendor.”
32:7. land redemption. In Israelite tradition
the ownership of land is tied to membership
in the covenantal community (see Nabal’s rejection
of Ahab’s attempt to purchase his vineyard
in 1 Kings 21:3. When Jeremiah’s
relative is forced to sell the property, the
prophet has the obligation of “redeeming” the
field so that it will remain within the extended
family of his clan (see Lev 25:25-31. There is
no clear indication why Hanamel felt compelled
to sell the land. It may be that he simply
wished to escape the Babylonian invasion
and take away something with which to start
over. Or, this may be a reflection of his heavy
debts in a time when it would have been difficult
to bring crops to market.
32:8. courtyard of the guard. Jeremiah was
confined, in protective custody, within an area
of the king’s palace known as the courtyard of
the guard (see Jer 37:21. Presumably, he
would have been quartered with members of
the royal guard. This was much more comfortable
accommodations than the “vaulted prison”
in Jeremiah 37:15-16 and the empty
cistern in 38:6.
32:9. seventeen shekels of silver for land.
With 11.4 grams per shekel, this would make
the price of Hanamel’s field about 194 grams
or less than half a pound of silver. This would
be the equivalent of about a year and a half of
income for the regular laborer. Considering
the immanent danger of Babylonian occupation
of the entire area, it would seem that land
prices would be depressed. However, with no
other example to compare, and no idea of the
size of the field, it is not possible to say whether
this was a fair price.
JEREMIAH 32:10—32:21 32:10. deeds. Real estate transactions are
found on some of the earliest Mesopotamian
clay tablets. These documents, recording the
stipulations of purchase and sale, were placed
in a clay envelope that also had the details of
the transaction written on it. Hammurabi’s
Code also contains restrictions on the sale of
feudatory holdings since they are simply
deeded temporarily to soldiers. For other ex-
JEREMIAH 32:10—32:21 666
amples of land deeds, see Genesis 23:16-18
and 33:19.
32:10. weighing silver in the scales. Standard
commercial procedure would have required
that the purchase price be publicly weighed
out before witnesses to insure the satisfaction
of both parties (see Gen 23:16; Is 46:6. This
was necessary since coined money, with standardized
weight and value, would not be
commonly circulated until the late sixth century.
32:11. sealed and unsealed copies. The Elephantine
papyri contain land deeds similar to
the one drawn up by Jeremiah and Baruch.
The practice of making two copies on a single
piece of papyrus or parchment allowed for
one to remain open and available for public
inspection. The other half, containing the
same inscription, served as an archival record
to prevent alteration of the stipulations of the
transaction. It would have been rolled up and
sealed with the names of the witnesses inscribed
on it.
32:12. legal agreements in courtyard. Business
was often transacted in places like the
city gate, where the elders of the city sat (Ruth
4:1; Prov 31:23. The addition of the notation
that Jeremiah signed and sealed his deed for
the purchase of Hanamel’s field before witnesses
and “all the Jews sitting in the courtyard
of the guard” may be an attempt to mark
that place as a suitable place of legal transaction.
It may also be related to the charge made
against Jeremiah in 37:12-15 that he was attempting
to desert the city. He answered that
he had only planned to view his newly acquired
field, but the captain of the guard, who
should have been witness to the transaction,
refused to listen and imprisoned him.
32:14. deed sealed in clay jar. Given the uncertain
future for Jerusalem, Jeremiah wanted
to do everything he could to preserve his deed
for the future. Placing the document in a
sealed clay jar is similar to what the first-century
A.D. inhabitants of Qumran did to store
the Dead Sea Scrolls in the face of Roman occupation
of their settlement.
32:17-20. connection between creator, judge,
and planner. The flow from one area to another
in Jeremiah’s prayer demonstrates the integrated
view of deity that was common in
Israel and the ancient world. The role of deity
was seen in terms of bringing order out of
chaos. In the primeval past this had been accomplished
on the cosmic scale through the
creation and ordering of the universe. Whether
chaos was viewed as monsters that needed
to be subdued or the formless void that need
to be filled and made functional, the role of
deity as creator brought order to the cosmos.
On a day-by-day basis, this role was accomplished
in society by establishing justice. The
chaos of anarchy had to be overcome in the
life of the individual, the family, the community
and the country. Third, God in his capacity
as planner has brought order to the
direction of history. As the future unfolds under
his guidance, meaning and purpose are
brought to what often appear to be random
and jumbled sequences of events.
32:21. terror of theophany of divine warrior.
The terror in this case is that which is imposed
on Israel’s enemies (see the comment on Ex
15:13-16). The splendor or “glory” of God
overwhelms the enemy. In Mesopotamian
texts, the might of the gods is referred to with
the term melammu, “terrifying radiance and
splendor.” It is the gods who infuse the kings
of Assyria and Babylonia with the knowledge
of warfare, give them strength to overcome
SEALS AND BULLAE
Seals are small oval stones (sometimes semiprecious) engraved with names or designs to identify the
owner. They were stamped onto clay or wax as a signature. The lump of clay or wax is called a bulla. Official
and legal documents were sealed to indicate their authenticity. Thousands of seals and bullae have
been found by archaeologists, most dating from the eighth to the sixth centuries B.C. These stamp seals
were popular in Israel, in contrast to the cylinder seals that were used in Mesopotamia (see comments on
Is 8:1 and 8:16). The seals were often engraved with the owner’s name and either his father’s name or his
position. Seals of many periods feature a decoration of some sort. There are many names on these seals
that are known from the Bible, but most of the seals do not refer to the person in the Bible, just to someone
of the same name. There are, however, about a dozen biblical personages who are named on seals or bullae.
This list includes kings such as Jeroboam II, Uzziah, Jotham, Pekah, Ahaz, Hezekiah and perhaps
Jehoahaz and Manasseh. Another seal names a Jezebel who may well be the queen who was Elijah’s nemesis.
Other high officials include Eliakim Is 22:20, Baruch (in this passage), Jerahmeel Jer 36:26, Gedaliah
(40:5), Jaazaniah (40:8) and perhaps Pelatiah Ezek 11:1, 13. The seal of Baalis, the sixth-century
Ammonite king (see 40:14), has also been found. The greatest significance of the seals is in their ability to
help trace the popular beliefs from one period to the next, since the images represented in the art and the
divine names used in the personal names both offer authentic data concerning that which was of most
importance to the people.
667 JEREMIAH 32:22—34:7
the enemy “like a clashing flood” (Sargon II)
or “the onslaught of a storm” (Sennacherib).
In the face of such divine magnificence, both
the gods and the forces of other nations are utterly
defeated and forced to submit to the supreme
deity.
32:22. milk and honey. See comment on Numbers
13:27.
32:24. siege ramps. Evidence for the use of
siege ramps in the mid-first millennium includes
archaeology, reliefs and textual material.
The ramp built by the Assyrians for the
siege of Lachish in 701 is still visible today. It
is estimated that its construction required
about twenty-five thousand tons of soil and
stone and would have taken a thousand
workers three to four weeks to build. Sennacherib’s
depiction of the siege likewise
shows the ramp being used for the battering
rams and siege machines. Literary references
include Tiglath-Pileser III’s description of the
artificial mounds and siege works that he
used to conquer cities. For more information
see comment on 6:6.
32:29. burning incense on roofs. See the comment
on Isaiah 22:1 for information on incense
altars. Rooftop offerings are predictably made
to celestial deities and are attested in Mesopotamia
(Gilgamesh’s mother in the Gilgamesh
Epic) and in Ugarit (Keret).
32:34-35. apostate practices. This litany of offenses
relates to the apostasy of Ahaz and Manasseh
as traced in the books of Kings and
Chronicles. For details see the comments on
2 Chronicles 28 and 33. See the comment on
Deuteronomy 12:2-3 for discussion of outdoor
shrines. See the comment on Deuteronomy
18:10 for the practice of child sacrifice associated
with the god Molech. See the comment
on 1 Kings 11:5, 7 for discussion of Molech/
Milcom, an Ammonite deity also mentioned
in the Old Babylonian Mari texts. Phoenician
texts also mention the sacrifice of children to
Molech.
JEREMIAH 32:22—34:7
33:1-26
Coming Restoration
33:4. tearing down buildings to be used
against siege ramps. The Hebrew in this passage
is difficult and may be based on technical
terms referring to the construction of
battlements during the siege of Jerusalem.
During time of siege, residences along the
wall (common or royal) were commandeered
for military use. Some would be used for
headquarters or army barracks; some would
be dismantled or scavenged for building materials
to strengthen the fortifications; some
would be used for makeshift hospitals and
morgues; some would be torn down to make
room for additional towers, ramparts or a
counter-ramp. In Lachish the evidence remains
of a counter-ramp that was built inside
the walls of the city to strengthen the wall
against the ramp the Assyrians constructed
outside the city. Archaeological excavations
on the eastern slope of Jerusalem, overlooking
the Kidron Valley, have uncovered huge
masses of masonry that may have been the
evidence of the Babylonian attack and the demolishing
of private homes that once stood
there on terraces. But if this is referred to
here, it is difficult to understand what verse 5
is referring to when it says they will be filled
with corpses.
33:15. Branch. See comment on 23:5.
JEREMIAH 34:7—35:2
34:1-22
Proclamation of Release
34:1. chronology. A more detailed chronology
for the beginning of the siege of Jerusalem appears
in 2 Kings 25:1 and Jeremiah 52:4, the
ninth year of Zedekiah’s reign and the tenth
day of the tenth month (January 588). The
events described in Jeremiah 34:1-7 most likely
took place in early spring 588, prior to the
Egyptian invasion that briefly lifted the siege.
34:5. funeral fire. These funeral rites were
quite elaborate and included the burning of
spices as well as a general lamentation and internment
in the family tomb. The fire does not
imply cremation of the body or an attempt to
mask the odors associated with a diseased
body, but rather was an expensive display of
the king’s wealth. The practice is well known
among Assyrian kings, where it was used as
an apotropaic ritual.
34:7. Lachish and Azekah. These two Judean
fortresses guarded the Shephelah border and
were the last remaining towns to fall to the invading
Babylonians. Dominating the Shephelah
and western Judah, Lachish served as
the center point of the defensive line of the
kings of Judah. Located midway between
Jerusalem and the Philistine city states, Lachish
guarded the major roads from the coast inland.
Its site, Tell ed-Duweir, shows evidence
of occupation from the Chalcolithic Period,
with massive construction of city defenses
and an impressive city gate in the Middle
Bronze II (as a major Canaanite city) and Iron
II (as the western bastion established after the
division of the kingdoms; 2 Chron 11:5-10.
Despite its commanding position (a tell 150
feet high), the city fell after a siege by the Assyrian
king Sennacherib in 701 B.C. (Annals of
JEREMIAH 34:7—35:2 668
Sennacherib; for more information see 2 Chron
32:9). Graphic evidence of the ferocity of this
siege are found in Assyrian reliefs from the
royal palace at Nineveh depicting the events
and the remains of a massive siege ramp on
the southwest corner of the tell. A mass burial,
with approximately fifteen hundred bodies,
may also be a result of the fall of the city. The
city was rebuilt toward the end of the seventh
century, but it never regained the importance
it had in Assyrian times. Written records of the
Babylonian siege in Jeremiah’s time exist in
the form of twenty-one ostraca letters that
were discovered in a guardroom in the city
gate (see next entry). Azekah (Tell Zakariya),
stood eleven miles north of Lachish and eighteen
miles southwest of Jerusalem. It is only a
one-acre site overlooking the Elah Valley, but
since it is about thirteen hundred feet above
sea level, it has strategic value as a mountain
stronghold (mentioned in the Assyrian
records of Sargon II). The Lachish Letters
mention when Azekah’s signal fire went out—
a very ominous sign for both Lachish and
Jerusalem.
34:7. Lachish Letters. The Lachish Letters consist
of twenty-one inscribed pieces of broken
pottery (ostraca—only twelve of which are actually
letters), found at Tell ed-Duweir in British
excavations led by J. L. Starkey between
1932 and 1938. The letters were written in a
cursive form of Hebrew with a reed pen and a
soot-based black ink. They were found in the
remains of the city’s guardroom and may
have been copies of letters sent to Jerusalem
by the commander of the garrison during the
invasion of Judah by Nebuchadnezzar in
589-587. The letters reflect the breakdown in
military discipline during this time of emergency
and describe the negotiation with
Egypt to reinforce Judah and the desperate situation
of the defenders as they note the extinguishing
of the signal fires from neighboring
Azekah.
34:8-11. proclamation of release. Zedekiah’s
extraordinary proclamation to release all Hebrew
debt slaves comes in the period after the
beginning of the Babylonian siege of Jerusalem
(January 588) and before the Egyptian invasion
of Palestine that temporarily ended the
siege (summer 588). It is unclear whether the
release was simply a way to add to the number
of available defenders for the city or was
associated in some way with the slave legislation
found in Exodus 21:2-6, Leviticus 25:39-55
and Deuteronomy 15:2-3. In the ancient Near
East the freeing of prisoners (from debtors’
prison) as an act of justice often occurred in
the first or second year of a new king’s reign
(and then periodically after that). For example,
the Old Babylonian period king Ammisaduqa
(seventeenth century B.C.) cancelled
economic debts on behalf of Shamash. Thus,
the “jubilee” in this case was primarily on behalf
of those in debt (for either financial or legal
reasons) and debt-slaves. Unlike that of
Israel, this Babylonian edict was entirely at the
whim of the monarch, and there is no evidence
that it was divinely sanctioned.
34:14. sabbatical year release. See the comments
on Exodus 21:2-6; Leviticus 25:39-55;
and Deuteronomy 15:2-3. Each of these passages
deal with the matter of releasing slaves
either in the seventh year or during the Jubilee
year.
34:18. cutting a calf in two. The ritual of severing
an animal body as part of a covenant-
making ceremony is found only here and
in Genesis 15:9-10 (see the comment on this
passage). Ancient Near Eastern parallels from
the Old Babylonian Mari letters and the
eighth-century Aramaic text of the Sefire Treaty
between Abban and Yarimlim both describe
cutting an animal in two. The symbolic aspect
of this type of sacrifice is to provide a graphic
picture of what would happen to the covenant-
breaker. When the landowners of Judah
took back their debt slaves after the Egyptian
invasion had temporarily lifted the siege of
Jerusalem, they broke their solemn oath to
Yahweh and laid themselves open to horrendous
punishment.
34:21. Babylonian withdrawal. The Egyptian
pharaoh Psammeticus II had spent much of
his reign attempting to regain the territory in
Phoenicia and Palestine that Nebuchadnezzar
had taken away from his predecessor
Necho II. Judah relied heavily on Egyptian
promises of aid in return for rebellion against
the Babylonians (as noted in the Lachish Letters).
Their hopes and the hopes of the
Judean exiles were seemingly answered
when Pharaoh Apries (who had succeeded to
the throne in 589) finally invaded southern
Palestine in early summer 588 (see Ezek
30:20-26). This, plus an Egyptian fleet that
sailed to Tyre and quickly took control there
(mentioned by the Greek historian Herodotus),
forced Nebuchadnezzar to withdraw
from Jerusalem. The Egyptians, however,
were quickly defeated (possibly near Gaza),
and the siege resumed by late summer 588.
JEREMIAH 35:6—36:9
35:1-19
The Example of the Recabites
35:2. Recabites. This clan associated with
the Kenites 1 Chron 2:55 took on a special
669 JEREMIAH 35:6—36:9
distinction as a result of the founding of a
nomadic order or guild of craftsmen by a
ninth-century member, Jehonadab (or
Jonadab) son of Recab 2 Kings 10:15-23.
Over two centuries later the clansmen told
Jeremiah that they lived according to their
“father’s” rule a nomadic existence, never
planting a crop, cultivating a vineyard or
tasting wine.
35:6-10. lifestyle of Recabites. What we know
about the Recabites is found only in this passage.
They claim to follow the command of
their founder, Jonadab son of Rechab, who instructed
their community to live a nomadic
existence, dwelling in tents. They were not to
build houses, cultivate fields or drink wine.
Frick’s evaluation of this group removes them
from the realm of religious fundamentalists
who have rejected the corrupt religion of the
cities of Judah. Instead, he sees them as itinerant
craftsmen, doing metal work and repairing
chariots and weaponry. This is based in
part on Ugaritic and Aramaic texts that associate
the name Recab with chariot makers or
chariot drivers (see Jehu’s invitation to Jonadab
in 2 Kings 10:15. By maintaining an independent
life on the fringes of settlements, the
Recabites were free to move to where employment
was available and did not have to be
troubled by local jurisdictions or taxes. Their
refusal to drink wine may be a defensive measure
designed to prevent guild secrets from
being disclosed by a drunk member. Their
loyalty to the rules of their founder stands in
stark contrast to the broken covenant in Zedekiah’s
time.
35:11. Aramean army. The magnitude of the
danger to Judah’s inhabitants is found in the
Recabites’ acceptance of refuge in Jerusalem
and the inclusion of an Aramean army in
the coalition of Nebuchadnezzar’s forces.
These events actually occur during the reign
of Jehoiakim, and the Recabites are speaking
to Jeremiah during the first siege of Jerusalem
in 600-597. The Babylonian Chronicle
lists a series of campaigns by Nebuchadnezzar
into Syria and Palestine between 601
and 598. As a result of these military forays,
legions of vassal troops would have been
added to the Babylonian ranks. Though we
are most familiar with the Arameans connected
to the Aramean state north of Israel,
there were also eastern Arameans, a Semiticspeaking
people who inhabited much of the
Tigris-Euphrates Valley. They often appear
alongside the Chaldeans. It appears that the
Chaldeans were more of an urban based
group, while the Arameans were seminomadic.
JEREMIAH 36:10—37:1 36:1-32
Burning the Scroll
36:1. chronology. The fourth year of king Jehoiakim
was 605-604 (using the Tishri calendar,
see comment on 32:1). Nebuchadnezzar’s
first full regnal year had begun in the spring
of 604 (See comments on Daniel 1:1-2.
Though Jehoiakim was pro-Egyptian, it is
considered likely that he had paid tribute to
Nebuchadnezzar in Syria in early 604. The
dictation of the scroll probably takes place at
the end of Jehoiakim’s fourth year (August-
September 604), because it is not read until
the fifth year (v. 9). Toward the end of 604,
Nebuchadnezzar traveled down the coast of
Palestine and captured the Philistine city of
Ashkelon. There was a massive destruction of
the city and a significant deportation. Nebuchadnezzar’s
march into the south was an
occasion for much fear in Judah.
36:2. scroll. The Hebrew in this case suggests
a technical term for a special or finer quality
scroll, suitable for official use by a government
scribe. Such a medium for writing
would only be used for the most important
proclamations of the king. For more information
on scrolls see comment on 30:2.
36:4. scribe taking dictation. The public nature
of Jeremiah’s dictated oracle required that
a careful copy be made, and Baruch’s skills as
a professional scribe are therefore employed.
Many Egyptian tomb paintings as well as the
Teachings of Khety attest to the importance of
scribes to ancient society. Scribes, of course,
could be used by anyone, but archaeological
evidence (seal impressions containing his
name) strongly suggests that Baruch is a royal
scribe.
36:6. day of fasting. Baruch is instructed to
read the dictated scroll on a fast day when a
large crowd would be gathered in Jerusalem.
A “fast day,” other than the one associated
with the Day of Atonement, was not a part of
the regular religious calendar but instead was
called in the face of some emergency that required
the full religious energies of the people.
This was likely based on the arrival of
Babylonian forces in Palestine (December
604).
36:9. chronology. The ninth month of the fifth
year was November-December 604. In December
604, the Babylonian army marched
down the Philistine coast and captured the
city of Ashkelon. The likelihood that this enemy
“from the north” would then turn east toward
Jerusalem would be plausible occasion
for the fast day on which Baruch was to read
the dictated scroll. Nebuchadnezzar returned
JEREMIAH 36:10—37:1 670
to Babylon January/February 603.
36:10. topography. The temple of the monarchy
period featured three stories of side chambers
surrounding the temple on three sides. It
can be assumed that Gemariah’s chamber was
one of these. Little description is offered in the
Old Testament of the courts of the temple. It is
likely that the upper court referred to here
should be considered the same as the “inner”
court of 1 Kings 6:36, the area surrounding the
temple itself. This is the highest elevation in
the temple precinct. The New Gate is also
mentioned in Jeremiah 26:10, but its exact location
is unknown. Speculation usually places
it on the south side of the court as a passage
between the temple precinct and the royal palace
just to the south.
36:12. secretary’s room. The king’s audience
chamber must have been offset by small
rooms where groups could meet to discuss official
business or share information. One sign
of authority as a king’s advisor or scribe
would be to have one of these rooms designated
as his “office.” It seems likely that Jehoiakim’s
advisers gathered in “Elishama, the
secretary’s room” prior to taking Jeremiah’s
scroll to the king because this was their regular
meeting place.
36:16. obligation to report prophetic message
to king. According to the eighteenth-century
Mari texts, it was a strict obligation of any royal
adviser or official to report prophetic
speech to the king. Several of these documents
report warnings by prophets, in one case of a
possible revolt, in another to offer a sacrifice,
while yet another cautions the king against
going on campaign. The emphatic nature of
the Hebrew in this verse reinforces the urgency
associated with such startling warnings.
These officials are frightened by the message,
but they also know how important it is to apprise
the king of the potential danger in Jeremiah’s
oracle.
36:18. ink. The composition of the ink used by
scribes in the ancient Near East varied somewhat,
although they all contained a carbon
base. In Egypt, it was common to combine a
gum mixture with lampblack. Chemical analysis
of the ink used to write the Lachish Letters
shows that iron ink was created by mixing
the carbon with oak galls and olive oil.
36:22. firepot. Since this event occurred in December,
it would have been necessary for the
king to have several braziers burning in his
audience chamber. It was therefore not surprising
that one was near at hand for warmth
and perhaps to burn a fumigating incense. It is
possible this was actually a permanent hearth
within his “winter apartment,” but the narrative
seems to suggest a portable brazier into
which the scrap of scroll could be dramatically
dropped.
36:23. written in columns. The word used for
“column” in this verse is usually translated as
“door.” This may suggest that the sheets of the
scroll are hinged together or perhaps only that
the size of each sheet is approximately the
same as that of hinged writing tablets. These
tablets, usually wood covered with beeswax,
have been found in ancient shipwrecks as well
as in a Neo-Assyrian context (the latter being
sixteen ivory boards found at the bottom of a
well in Nimrud).
36:23. scribe’s knife. It is conceivable that Jehoiakim
borrowed the scribe’s penknife to cut
the scroll or that he simply ordered the scribe
to do this task. However, if this is a parchment
scroll, it would have been easier to cut the
leather hinges binding the portions of the
scroll together. Parchment would also be slow
to burn and would leave a foul odor. If this
was a papyrus scroll, the text could have more
easily been shredded and burned.
36:23. cutting and burning as means of nullifying.
In a sense, by cutting and burning Jeremiah’s
scroll the king is performing an
execration ritual. Early in the second millennium
the Egyptians had the practice of writing
down the names of cities to be attacked on
clay bowls or figurines and, after reciting appropriate
spells, smashing them. The writing
down of a prophecy like Jeremiah had done
was a means of effectuating it (just as speaking
it would be). By burning the scroll Jehoiakim
hopes to undo or take away the effect
of the pronouncement.
36:30. exposure of corpse. What is combined
in this phrase is the physical act of dishonoring
a corpse by leaving it unburied as well as
the divine pronouncement that Jehoiakim’s
family will be denied the right to rule Judah.
A similar curse was laid on Jeroboam by the
prophet Ahijah in 1 Kings 14:10-11 and on
Ahab by Elijah in 1 Kings 21:21-24. In a later
period the Jews of Elephantine cursed their regional
governor, Vidranga, who had ordered
the destruction of their temple. They prayed
to God to allow his corpse to be eaten by dogs,
having been exposed to the elements instead
of being given proper burial. On the importance
of proper burial see comment on 1 Kings
16:4.
JEREMIAH 37:5—38:7
37:1-21
Jeremiah Imprisoned
37:1. chronology. Jehoiachin succeeded his father
Jehoiakim during the Babylonian siege of
671 JEREMIAH 37:5—38:7
Jerusalem in December 598. His reign only
lasted until the city was taken three months
later. At that point, his uncle Mattaniah (see 2
Kings 24:17) was placed on the throne by the
victorious Nebuchadnezzar and renamed
Zedekiah.
37:5-8. Egyptian troop movements. During the
siege of Jerusalem in 588, the Egyptian pharaoh
Apries dispatched an army into Palestine. This
required the Babylonians to temporarily lift
their siege (see the comments on Jer 32:2 and
34:21). This action by the Egyptians may be
based on treaty commitments made between
Zedekiah and Psammeticus II when that pharaoh
made a brief visit to Palestine in 592
(based on the Rylands IX papyrus). No actual
treaty document exists, and it is not clear
whether Zedekiah personally met with the
pharaoh or whether (according to the Lachish
Letters) a Judean delegation was sent to Egypt.
References in Herodotus indicate that the
Egyptian troops were more concerned with reestablishing
their control over the Phoenician
ports of Tyre and Sidon, and there is no indication
of a battle with the Babylonians in Palestine
before their withdrawal to Egypt.
37:13. Benjamin Gate. Of the many gates of
Jerusalem, the Benjamin Gate opened to the
northeast and would have been the most convenient
for Jeremiah to use when he wished to
visit Anathoth. Its importance and the amount
of traffic going through this gate are attested
in Jeremiah 17:19 and the fact that King Zedekiah
used it as a seat of office in Jeremiah 38:7.
37:15. prisons. In the ancient Near East, prisons
were used for temporary detention, usually
pending a final judgment or prior to
execution of sentence. For instance, Mesopotamian
practice included imprisonment in a
holding cell in a temple (Nungal Hymn) or
under house arrest (Mari letters). The fact that
Jeremiah is imprisoned in the house of
Jonathan the secretary suggests that formal
prisons were also uncommon in monarchic
Jerusalem. Prisons are seldom mentioned in
biblical literature. Only Joseph is described
Gen 39:20 as being held with other prisoners
in a detention facility. The prophet Micaiah is
imprisoned in an unspecified location pending
judgment on whether his prophecies
against Ahab came true 1 Kings 22:27. Other
examples of imprisonment include work
houses, such as that in which the blinded
Samson was forced to grind grain (Judg
16:21).
37:16. vaulted cell in a dungeon. Since Jeremiah
was accused of attempting to defect to the
enemy, it may be presumed that his cell was in
an undesirable portion of the house of
Jonathan the secretary. Quite likely the architecture
of a house built near a gate area or the
temple complex would include some small alcoves
among the ceiling vaults. These
cramped spaces would probably have been
too small for a man to stand erect and might
well have been poorly ventilated.
37:21. courtyard of the guard. See the comment
on Jeremiah 32:8 for this minimumsecurity
area where Jeremiah was next confined.
37:21. street of the bakers. Several references
in the prophets suggest that the city of Jerusalem
had market and manufacturing districts
(see Is 7:3—fullers; Jer 18:2—potters). Similar
establishments are mentioned in the Egyptian
Teachings of Khety, which describe a weaver’s
shop where workers were confined to an airless
room all day. The courtyard of the guard
was located near the palace Jer 32:2, and
thus the street of the bakers must have been
near by.
JEREMIAH 38:14—39:9
38:1-13
Imprisoned in a Cistern
38:6. imprisoned in a cistern. A staging area
for troops would have had a cistern to store
rainwater during the dry months. Since this
stage of the siege of Jerusalem took place during
the normally rainy winter months of
588-587, the fact that a narrow-necked limestone
cistern was available as a prison and
was empty of water attests to the larger population
in the city and the desperate situation
they faced. The quagmire at the bottom of the
cistern, however, would have prevented Jeremiah
from resting and would have been extremely
unhealthy. Since the king was afraid
to execute Jeremiah, he may have been relying
on disease or malnutrition to rid him of the
prophet (see Ps 79:11.
38:7. Cushite official in the palace. Since
Ebed-Melech had a Hebrew name (meaning
“servant of the king”), it is likely that he was
either an Ethiopian slave or a freedman who
had come into royal service. The easy manner
in which he confronted Jeremiah’s guards and
King Zedekiah as he sat in judgment in the
city gate suggests both familiarity with the
king and that his counsel was held in high esteem.
The designation “eunuch” may indicate
either his capacity as a royal official and/or
his physical condition (see comment on Is
56:4-5).
38:7. king sitting at the Benjamin Gate. There
is ample biblical and archaeological evidence
available for kings having regularly sat in
judgment at the city gate. For example, the
JEREMIAH 38:14—39:9 672
Iron Age gate area at Tell Dan contains a
raised platform with stone pedestals for a canopy
that served as a place of justice. Absalom
argued against his father David’s political
ability when he charged that the king was not
sitting at the gate hearing the cases of his people
2 Sam 15:2-6.
JEREMIAH 39:10—40:14
38:14-28
Audience with Zedekiah
38:14. third entrance to the temple. This
“third” entrance to the temple is only mentioned
in this text. However, since Zedekiah
wished a very private audience with Jeremiah,
no more secure place could be found than
the king’s personal entrance to the temple precincts.
38:23. wives and children brought out. When
a city fell and a king was taken, his family and
his administration were taken also. It was a
fearful time, for prospects included, at best,
exile and captivity, and at worst, rape, torture
and death. Less is known about Babylonian
treatment of captives than about the Assyrian
practices.
39:1-18
Fall of Jerusalem
39:1-2. chronology. The siege of Jerusalem began
in January 588 and ended as the wall was
breached on July 18, 586, and the temple destroyed
in mid-August of the same year. See
comments on 2 Kings 25:1-12.
39:3. seats in the middle gate. The place
where the Babylonian officers took their place
after the walls of Jerusalem were breached is
only attested in this passage. Recent archaeological
excavations by Avigad in the Jewish
Quarter of the Old City have revealed a portion
of the northern wall and a gate area that
shows signs of attack and burning. Others believe
it should be identified with the Fish Gate
in Nehemiah 3:3.
39:4. Zedekiah’s flight. Realizing that the city
had fallen, Zedekiah and his court took flight
through a southern gate (the Babylonian attack
was targeting the north wall; see comment
on 31:38), located near the “king’s
garden.” This royal estate was probably an orchard
watered by the springs of the Kidron
Valley (see Neh 3:15. The reference to the two
walls may be the section of wall reconstructed
by Hezekiah when he bolstered the city’s defenses
against the Assyrian threat (see 2 Chron
32:5).
39:5. Jericho on way to Arabah. The Arabah
refers to the Jordan Valley, where Zedekiah
hopes to cross at the fords of the Jordan by Jericho
and escape to Moab or Ammon to find
asylum. The road from Jerusalem to Jericho
plains is about fifteen miles, a steep descent
through barren rocky hills. There are no places
to hide, no alternate routes and no defensible
fortress on the way—the king is simply counting
on a head start to help him escape the
country. He nearly made it—he was within a
few miles of the river when the Babylonians
overtook him.
39:5. Riblah in Hamath. The site of Riblah is
located on a large plain in Syria. It was then
being used by Nebuchadnezzar as the headquarters
for his army. The modern city of Ribleh
is located on the Orontes River just south
of Lake Homs (see comment on 2 Kings
23:33). Necho II had used the same site as his
staging area during the Battle of Carchemish.
Hamath refers to both the Syrian city of
Hamath as well as the district, which includes
the entire area of the Orontes Valley.
39:7. blinding captured kings. See the comment
on 2 Kings 25:7. The Assyrian vassal
treaty between Ashur-Nirari V and Matti-Ilu
of Arpad includes the curse that the one who
breaks the treaty will have his eyes torn out.
The Assyrian king Esarhaddon boasted of depriving
his enemies of ear, nose and eye. Other
examples of the use of blinding as a
punishment for rebellion can be found in
Samson’s fate Judg 16:21 and in the Ammonite
threat to blind the right eye of every man
in Jabesh-Gilead 1 Sam 11:2.
39:7. bronze shackles. There is evidence from
the Assyrian bas-reliefs in Ashurbanipal’s palace
of prisoners being shackled together as
they are herded off to captivity. As early as
Tiglath-Pileser III, iron fetters began to be
used, and certainly this would be expected in
the Neo-Babylonian period. There is no reason
to think, however, that bronze shackles did
not continue to be used as well.
39:9. Babylonian policy of deportation. The
Neo-Babylonians continued the policy of deporting
rebellious populations that was first
employed by the Assyrian kings Ashurnasirpal
II and Tiglath-Pileser III. This was both a
political and an economic ploy. It was designed
to hold a portion of the people as hostages
while a native dynast continued to rule
the vassal state. Thus, in 597 Zedekiah had
been placed on the throne of Jerusalem while
Jehoiachin, much of the royal family, highranking
priests, nobles and artisans had been
taken back to Mesopotamia. Even after Zedekiah’s
revolt and the fall of Jerusalem, Nebuchadnezzar
attempted to maintain native
Judean rule through the appointment of Ged-
673 JEREMIAH 39:10—40:14
aliah. However, his assassination resulted in a
Babylonian governor being installed. It
should be noted that only a portion of the
population was ever deported. The Babylonians
still wanted to derive revenue from
Judah, and thus land was redistributed to the
landless poor with the expectation that the
economy of the region could be restored.
39:10. gift of vineyards to poor. Not all of the
people of Judah were deported after the fall of
Jerusalem in 586. Many of the people, like Jeremiah,
had actually been pro-Babylonian or at
least anti-Jerusalem in their sentiments (compare
Micah’s condemnation of Jerusalem in
Hezekiah’s time—Mic 3:8-12. By redistributing
the land that had belonged to persons
now exiled, the Babylonians created friendships
with the landless poor and also laid the
foundation for the agricultural and economic
restoration of a land that had been devastated
by years of warfare.
40:1-6
Jeremiah Given Freedom
40:1. imperial guard. While Nebuzaradan’s
honorific literally means “chief butler,” this is
clearly a traditional job title. It had evolved
into a position as the commander of a contingent
directly under imperial orders. He and
the company of soldiers in his charge were
given specific tasks (see Jer 39:10, where he is
in charge of the deportation of prisoners, and
2 Kings 25:8-11, in which his company destroyed
the Jerusalem temple). Delicate tasks,
such as the release of Jeremiah from the prisoner-
of-war camp at Ramah after the fall of
Jerusalem were also part of this extraordinary
official’s duties.
40:1. Ramah. See the comment on Jeremiah
31:15. This site just north of Jerusalem was being
used as a staging area for the deportation
of prisoners from Judah.
40:5. Gedaliah. After the fall of Jerusalem in
586 and the arrest of Zedekiah, Nebuchadnezzar
installed Gedaliah, son of Ahikam, of the
important but non-Davidic house of Shaphan,
as governor of Judah. During approximately
one to two months of work, he began the restoration
of the country’s economy from his
new administrative center at Mizpah (see
2 Kings 25:22-26. A seal impression bearing
the name Gedaliah has been found at Lachish,
suggesting that this man had some administrative
experience. It is also possible that he
was “Master of the Palace” under Zedekiah, a
post fitting him for his Babylonian appointment.
His efforts at getting a harvest in did encourage
some of the refugees to return to
Judah Jer 40:12, but this was cut short when
he was assassinated by Ishmael, son of Nethaniah,
who was a member of the royal house
and did not want a precedent set of non-Davidic
rule.
40:6. Mizpah. After the destruction of Jerusalem
and most of the southern Judean cities,
Gedaliah was forced to place his administrative
capital in the border fortress of Mizpah.
The most widely accepted location for this site
is Tell en-Nasbeh, eight miles north of Jerusalem
on the border with Israel. Archaeological
excavations reveal Iron Age fortifications at
Tell en-Nasbeh and no destruction level from
this period, both suggesting the suitability for
immediate use by a newly appointed royal
governor. There is also a significant architectural
change in the Babylonian period evidencing
the change from fortress to government
center.
JEREMIAH 41:1—43:7
40:7—41:18
Assassination of Gedaliah
40:11-12. refugees in ancient Near East. The
nearly continuous periods of warfare in the
ancient Near East from the eighth to the sixth
centuries created many refugees. While this
could include whole families, many times unattached
males slipped away, perhaps to form
guerilla bands (like those commanded by
Jephthah and David in earlier periods) or to
blend into the wadis and isolated caves, waiting
for the invaders to leave. The less fortunate
are depicted on the walls of the palace in
the Assyrian capital of Nineveh. These reliefs
show some of the refugees from the destroyed
city of Lachish (principally women and children),
riding in and walking beside wagons
containing their few salvaged belongings.
Both Assyrian and Babylonian annals contain
accounts of the number of prisoners taken
from the sacked cities of Syro-Palestine, but
one may presume that many others fled before
the armies, hiding in the hills, crossing
the Jordan River into Moab or joining Bedouin
groups.
40:14. Baalis. This Ammonite king may have
been supporting the Davidic family’s claim to
the Jerusalem throne, or he may have simply
been an anti-Babylonian monarch who
wished to further destabilize Gedaliah’s fledgling
government. He appears nowhere else in
the Bible, but a recently recovered seal impression
may provide extrabiblical evident of his
reign. This seal, which dates to around 600 B.C.,
was found at Tell el-’Umeiri, just south of Amman,
Jordan. The inscription contains the names
Baal-yasha, “Baal saves” and Milkom’or,
JEREMIAH 41:1—43:7 674
“Milkom is light.” Recently the seal of Baalis
has also been found.
41:1. chronology. Although some commentators
suggest that Gedaliah’s administration lasted
as many as five years, most consider his
assassination to have taken place in 586, just one
month after the destruction of the temple. The
seventh month would have been the time of the
Feast of Booths, when many pilgrims would
have been on the road, masking the group led
by Ishmael.
41:5. shaved beards. See the comments on
Leviticus 19:28; Isaiah 7:20; and Esther 4:1 for
these common mourning practices and their
prohibition. Clearly, popular practice, especially
during this period after the destruction
of Jerusalem, still included shaving the beard,
but there is little attestation of this practice in
the extrabiblical texts.
41:5. bringing sacrifices to a destroyed sanctuary.
With Jerusalem and its temple destroyed,
it seems curious that pilgrims would
be on their way to make sacrifices there. Considering
the places from which these pilgrims
are coming (Shechem, Shiloh and Samaria), all
of which have been cultic and political centers,
their journey may have overtones of an
attempted restoration of Jerusalem. It may be
that they even were planning to perform cultic
rituals to purify the destroyed temple and
thus restore its usefulness (compare the restoration
by Josiah in 2 Chron 34:8 and see comment
there). Considering the number of
destroyed shrines throughout the ancient
Near East, there must have been prescribed
rituals designed to cleanse them and prepare
them to be used once again. Evidence of this is
found in the Assyrian annals of Esarhaddon
that describe how Marduk allowed Babylon
and its temples to be destroyed and restored.
41:9. historical reference. Since Mizpah was
not destroyed by the Babylonians, its architectural
remains from that period are more intact
than those of most other sites. They include
large-roomed houses and possibly a small palace
indicating Gedaliah’s administrative center.
There have also been a number of rock-cut
cisterns uncovered, one of which may be the
one referred to here as having been constructed
by King Asa three hundred years earlier
(see comment on 2 Chron 16:6. At that time
the king of Judah received help from
Ben-Hadad of Syria in his war against Israel’s
King Baasha. A portion of the looted building
materials taken from Baasha’s fortress at Ramah
was used to fortify Mizpah.
41:10-12. distance and directions. If the party
is trying to get to Ammonite territory, Gibeon
is in the wrong direction. From Mizpah travelers
would usually go a couple of miles north
to Bethel or a couple of miles south to Ramah
to connect to a major road heading east to Jericho
and the Jordan. One could only surmise
that perhaps when they reached Ramah they
found they were being pursued from the
north, or perhaps they were even confronted
by Johanan’s party cutting off the eastern
road. Such circumstances might explain their
decision to head west toward Gibeon rather
than continue east. Gibeon (el-Jib, six miles
northwest of Jerusalem) was about three miles
southwest of Mizpah.
41:17. Geruth Kimham. This site near Bethlehem
is probably the traditional holding of Kimham
2 Sam 19:37. Royal pensioners such as
this man generally received a plot of land in exchange
for their service (a practice also found
in the Mari texts). Geruth is a word unknown
elsewhere in the text and may mean “fief” or
“land holding.”
42:1-22
The Egypt Decision
42:10. God grieving over punishment he
sent. In the Myth of Erra and Ishum, Marduk
abandons his shrine in Babylon to allow Erra,
a destructive god, to bring judgment on the
people of the city. When the destruction has
been carried out, Marduk is full of grief for the
city of his dwelling. Yahweh’s grief is over the
destruction that Jerusalem brought on herself,
not second thoughts wishing that he had not
acted the way that he did. There is much that
is different between the Israelite and Babylonian
material, but the motif of a deity grieving
over destruction that he himself has brought
or allowed is an element common to both. In
earlier Sumerian literature, a similar motif is
reflected when deities abandon a city for
which the divine council has decreed destruction.
43:1-13
Flight to Egypt
43:7. Jewish settlements in Egypt. The flight
of Judean refugees to Tahpanes after the assassination
of Gedaliah simply swelled the existing
Israelite population in Egypt. Isaiah 11:11,
dating to the Assyrian period, mentions remnants
of the Israelites in both Upper and Lower
Egypt. Jeremiah himself addresses Judean
settlements in Lower Egypt at Migdol and
Memphis (44:1 and 46:14) and in Pathros in
Upper Egypt. Papyri found at some of these
sites contain obviously Jewish names. The
best known of the Jewish communities in
675 JEREMIAH 43:7—44:15
Egypt was that at the island military colony of
Elephantine, founded prior to 525, and mentioned
in Josephus’s “Letter to Aristeas” as the
home of mercenary troops in the employ of
Pharaoh Psammeticus I. Letters and legal documents
from Elephantine speak of a transplanted
culture attempting to maintain
traditional customs in the face of some hostility
by the local Egyptian government and populace.
For instance, a small temple was
constructed there, but it was subsequently destroyed.
Among the letters are communications
with the returned Jewish community in
Jerusalem during the time of Nehemiah.
43:7. Tahpanhes. This Egyptian fortress is located
in the eastern Delta region as it borders
on the Sinai. It has been identified with Tell
ed-Defenna, with its earliest substantial occupation
coming in the seventh century, when
Psammeticus I placed a garrison of Greek
mercenaries there. Its proximity to the major
road leading to Syro-Palestine makes it a likely
spot for Judean refugees to find sanctuary.
43:9. Pharaoh’s palace in Tahpanhes. Excavations
at Tell ed-Defenna are centered on a
large rectangular building that dates to the
Saite period (seventh-sixth centuries B.C.) and
probably served as a governor’s residence/
administrative center. It is possible that this is
the building referred to as “Pharaoh’s palace,”
since all bureaucrats were extensions of royal
power. The burial of the large stones at this
point could easily symbolize a change of rulers,
as the prophet lays the foundation in a
clay-brick courtyard (the Hebrew word used
occurs only here, and the translation is based
on a related word appearing in 2 Sam 12:31
and Nah 3:14.
43:10. royal canopy. For King Nebuchadnezzar
to sit in state, it would be necessary to construct
a temporary throne, covered by a
canopy. The latter served to shelter the king
from the sun and also functioned as a symbol
of his universal rule (compare God’s glory
manifested by a canopy of smoke and cloud in
Is 4:5.
43:11-12. Babylonian invasion of Egypt. It was
inevitable that Nebuchadnezzar would eventually
invade and attempt to conquer Egypt.
The Medes had united the territory east of the
Tigris, effectively cutting Babylon off from direct
trade with the east, and the Egyptians,
with their Phoenician allies, were constantly
causing political and commercial problems in
the west and along the Arabian trade routes.
An extended (thirteen years according to the
fourth-century Greek historian Menander)
siege bottled up Tyre and devastated much of
Phoenicia (584-571). A fragmentary portion of
Nebuchadnezzar’s annals from his thirty-seventh
year, Herodotus and Ezekiel 29:19-21 refer
to the invasion of Egypt in 568, but no
details are given other than victories over
desert tribes. It is likely that some Babylonian
garrisons were installed in the fortresses of the
Sinai following this campaign.
43:13. temple of the sun. Jeremiah applies the
Hebrew place name “Beth-Shemesh” (NIV:
“temple of the sun”) to designate the Egyptian
city of Heliopolis in this instance. The usual
name applied to this city located near Cairo is
On Gen 41:45, but the prophet apparently
wishes to emphasize the worship of the sun
god Amon-Re at this site.
43:13. sacred pillars. The Hebrew term used
here refers to pillars or standing stones erected
to commemorate an event, mark the concluding
of a covenant agreement or the
entrance to a sanctuary, or as an image of a
god (see Gen 28:18-22; 31:49-52; 1 Kings
14:23). In the Egyptian context, these freestanding
monumental stones are usually
termed obelisks, and they were commonly
erected to commemorate major victories or
the dedication of a temple. For example, the
procession way leading up to the temple of
Amon-Re in Heliopolis was lined with two
rows of obelisks.
JEREMIAH 43:7—44:15
44:1-30
Judgment in Egypt
44:1. geographical territory. Jeremiah’s message
to the Israelite settlements in Egypt encompasses
the general area around
Tahpanhes in the Delta region, including
Migdol (located about twenty miles to the
northeast; see Ex 14:2 and Num 33:7 and
Memphis. Pathros (NIV: “Upper Egypt”), is a
place name referring to the area south of the
Delta in Upper Egypt between Memphis and
Aswan. Assyrian inscriptions use similar terminology,
and Egyptian terminology supports
the identification. Excavations at a site
now being identified with Migdol reveal
Saite period pottery and a fortress whose
walls stretch over six hundred feet on either
side.
44:15. upper and lower Egypt. The geographical
area where Judean refugees had established
settlements are spoken of in general
terms with this reference. They were primarily
situated in the Delta and were not scattered
throughout the full length of Egyptian territory.
Since the Nile flows north, Upper Egypt is
the southern portion. Lower Egypt, the north,
includes the Delta region and extends to the
region of Memphis.
JEREMIAH 44:17—46:2 676
44:17. Queen of Heaven. See comment on
7:18.
44:18. incense and drink offerings. Incense
was valued in the ancient world as an accompaniment
to sacrifice. Its sweet scent effectively
masked any of the unpleasant odors
resulting from the performance of the rituals.
It was expensive (see comment on Lev 2:1 but
was believed to be favored by the gods. In
Mesopotamia, incense was used for dedicatory
and propitiatory offerings. The people believed
that the incense helped transport
prayers to the deity, who would then inhale
the incense (for more information see comment
on Ex 30:7-8. Pouring out libation offerings
is common throughout Mesopotamian
history, including offerings of water, wine and
blood (compare David’s action in 2 Sam
23:16). Assyrian art stylized libation offerings
into various classes depending on the type of
liquid and where and on what it was poured.
44:19. cakes in her image. It is likely that the
use of offering cakes shaped in the goddess’s
image is a practice borrowed from Mesopotamia.
The Hebrew word kawwanim is a loan
word from Akkadian kamanu, a type of sweet
cake associated with the cult of Ishtar. They
were baked in ashes and often were sweetened
with honey or figs. The ritual texts describing
eshsheshu festivals in Mesopotamian cities mention
both meat and cake offerings.
44:30. Hophra’s demise. As in Isaiah 7 the
prophet Jeremiah offers a sign of God’s intentions
to a disobedient people. Hophra (known
in Greek in Herodotus as Apries) was the
fourth king of the Twenty-Sixth Dynasty, succeeding
Psammeticus II in 589. He did send a
relief army into Palestine during Nebuchadnezzar’s
siege of Jerusalem, but it quickly withdrew
(see Jer 37:5. His naval expedition
flanking the Babylonian land forces was partially
successful, with Cyprus being conquered.
After the fall of Jerusalem, Hophra
provided for refugees to settle in the Egyptian
Delta region. His eventual end came as a result
of his overreliance on mercenary troops
and his inability to control the Greek colony at
Cyrene. Both Herodotus and a fragmentary
stele from the period report that he was killed
in a coup carried out by his successor, Amasis,
around 570.
45:1-5
Rebuke to Baruch
45:1. chronology. The fourth year of Jehoiakim’s
reign would have been 605/604 B.C.
It was the year in which Nebuchadnezzar defeated
the Assyrians at Carchemish. At that
point Jehoiakim is still a vassal of the Egyptians,
but his political masters are soon to
change. See comment on 36:1.
JEREMIAH 44:17—46:2
46:1-28
Oracle Against Egypt
46:1. oracles against foreign nations. There is
a distinct literary genre within prophetic literature
known as oracles against foreign nations.
They are found in Isaiah 14—21, 23 and
Ezekiel 25—30, Jeremiah 46—51, Amos 1—2,
Zephaniah 2 and the books of Obadiah and
Nahum. Although they are all condemnations
of Israel’s enemies, taunting them, their rulers
and their gods, each is a distinct unit, free to
accomplish its mission without being constrained
to follow a set structure or outline.
Because these oracles appear in chapter 25 in
the Septuagint version of Jeremiah, it is often
suggested that they were a distinct unit that
circulated as an independent body of literature
before being added to the book of Jeremiah.
In most cases the oracles were not
delivered to the countries they targeted, because
their intended audience was Israel.
There are short examples of the genre as early
as the Mari texts. In one prophecy, the god Dagan
delivers a message to Zimri-Lim, king of
Mari, concerning his enemy Babylon: “O
Babylon, what are you trying to do? I will
gather you up in a net.”
46:2. Necho. Ruling from 609 to 595 B.C.,
Necho II was a member of the Egyptian Twenty-
Sixth Dynasty. As Assyrian influence
waned, this pharaoh expanded his commercial
dealing with Palestine and captured the
former Philistine city of Gaza (see Jer 47:1-7.
The Babylonian Chronicle describes how he
took advantage of the mortally wounded Assyrian
nation, allying himself with them just
prior to the 605 Battle of Carchemish. His expedition
to that northern Syrian battlefield to
help Ashuruballit took him through Palestine.
He defeated Judah’s king Josiah in 609 at the
Battle of Megiddo and subsequently claimed
all the territory he had traversed going north
(see comments on 2 Kings 23:33; 2 Chron
35:20; Dan 1:1-2. After the Assyrian defeat at
Carchemish, the Babylonian Chronicle details
how the Egyptian army was overtaken and
utterly destroyed. Babylon extended its sovereignty
over Judah in 604, confining the Egyptians
to their own territory for the rest of
Necho’s reign.
46:2. Battle of Carchemish. After the destruction
of Nineveh in 612 by a combined Babylonian
and Median army lead by Nabopolassar,
the last Assyrian dynast, Ashuruballit II,
677 JEREMIAH 46:3—46:19
moved his capital to Haran. This stronghold
was then captured in 610. Ashuruballit was
able to secure an alliance with Necho II of
Egypt and continued to claim territory along
the Upper Euphrates for the next several
years. However, it was only the remnants of
the once “invincible” Assyrian army that were
defeated at the Battle of Carchemish in 605.
The victory was achieved under the leadership
of the crown prince, Nebuchadnezzar.
Carchemish may be considered a major turning
point in ancient Near Eastern history. It
signals the final collapse of the largest empire
to that time and set the stage for an even larger
Persian empire that will succeed the short
Neo-Babylonian period. While Egypt gained
some temporary claim to Palestine and Phoenicia,
Nebuchadnezzar’s Babylonian armies
quickly followed up the Carchemish campaign
by establishing their hold over all of Syro-
Palestine by 604.
46:3. large and small shields. Because most
ancient Near Eastern warriors were not heavily
armored, it was necessary to supply them
with shields that would deflect arrows as well
as the thrust of sword or dagger (see the
equipment for Asa’s army in 2 Chron 14:8.
The small shield (magen) served as a buckler,
either held in the left hand or attached to the
left arm. Its maneuverability aided hand-tohand
combat. The larger shield (s[inna), which
might be either oblong or a figure eight, made
from heavier material—either metal, leather
or wood—was designed to withstand thrown
spears or arrows. However, it was cumbersome
and might be difficult to carry into close
combat. Some warriors were aided by a shield
bearer (see 1 Sam 17:7.
46:4. use of cavalry in seventh-century Egypt.
Since Egyptian art does not depict cavalry and
no mention is made of cavalry in Egyptian
texts from the period of the Battle of Carchemish,
it is probably fair to say that this feature
had not become an important part of the
Egyptian army during this era. However, the
Medes and Babylonians had been using
horsemen as messengers, scouts and mounted
warriors (archers as well as shock troops) for
at least two centuries prior to Carchemish. For
example, a tenth-century relief from the Syro-
Hittite site of Tell Halaf depicts horse-men
in battle dress. The mobility afforded cavalry,
as opposed to the heavier chariots, would
have given the Babylonians an edge in battle
and in communications on the field. Jeremiah’s
remarks may then be as ironic as those of
the Rabshakeh, who had offered Hezekiah
two thousand horses if he had men to ride
them 2 Kings 18:23. It is possible that the
prophet is taunting an Egyptian army for its
lack of men to “mount their steeds.”
46:9. Cush, Put and Libya. The Egyptian army
included contingents of mercenary and allied
troops that evoke past political events in
Egyptian history. The list included in this
verse, and the order in which each name appears,
can be compared to the list of the sons
of Ham in Genesis 10:6. A Cushite dynasty
ruled Egypt from 711 until 593 B.C. Its recent
glory thus gives it prominence of place in the
list. Put and Libya are synonymous and represent
a much earlier foreign domination of
Egypt during the Twenty-Second and Twenty-
Third Dynasties (950-720 B.C.). Ionian Greek
mercenaries were also part of the Egyptian
host. A Greek shield is among the artifacts unearthed
at the site of the Battle of Carchemish.
JEREMIAH 46:3—46:19 46:11. balm of Gilead. As part of Jeremiah’s
taunting of the defeated Egyptian forces, he
suggests they salve their wounds with the medicinal
balm of Gilead, though he gives them
no hope of relief. The Hebrew word s[ori,
based on the Septuagint Greek translation,
rhetine, “pine resin,” is apparently a healing
salve made from this resin and mixed with
olive oil. It is a product of the upper Galilee
and Transjordan region and is referred to by
the ancient Greek botanist Theophrastus (see
Jer 8:22; 51:8). It remains a matter of dispute
which tree or shrub was the source of the resin.
46:13. Nebuchadnezzar’s invasion of Egypt.
See comment on 43:11-12.
46:14. geographical territory. See comment on
44:1.
46:18. comparison to Tabor and Carmel. Perhaps
playing on Egyptian art, which always
depicted the pharaoh as much larger than all
other men, the prophet now predicts the coming
of one (Nebuchadnezzar) whose height
and power is to be compared to the mountain
peaks (Tabor—1800 feet; Mt. Carmel—1700
feet). This could also be a reference to the
route of flight taken by the Egyptians. Mount
Tabor is at the eastern end of the Valley of
Jezreel, and Mount Carmel forms part of the
range of hills that lead south down the Palestinian
coast.
46:19. destruction of Memphis. During the
seventh and sixth centuries B.C., Memphis
(Hebrew: Noph, fifteen miles south of modern
Cairo) was the cultural and political capital of
Egypt. During the Assyrian period (674 B.C.),
Esarhaddon had been successful in capturing
Memphis (see comment on 2 Kings 19:9, but
that was well before Jeremiah’s time. Nebuchadnezzar
had moved against Egypt in 601
but had not successfully invaded their ter-
JEREMIAH 46:20—47:4 678
ritory. The Babylonian forces were repulsed at
the Egyptian stronghold of Migdol on the
Gaza road and forced to retreat. There is some
evidence of Nebuchadnezzar undertaking a
second invasion, in his thirty-seventh year
(568), but there is no information concerning
what success he might have had or whether
Memphis was involved. Memphis was captured
by the Persian king, Cambyses, in 525,
and the pharaoh, Psammeticus III, was taken
captive.
46:20. gadfly metaphor. This insect occurs
only in this passage, so any identification can
only be made with the information provided
by the context. With Egypt cast as a heifer in
this metaphor, it is easy to see the applicability
of the attacking Babylonians as the gadfly or
some comparable stinging insect.
46:22. hissing serpent metaphor. The Hebrew
text speaks of the snake’s “voice” rather than
mentioning hissing specifically. Nonetheless,
one can imagine a snake hissing its warning at
a would-be attacker. The snake is an important
part of Egyptian religion and a symbol of
royal authority.
46:22. axes, cutting down trees. Destruction
by a conqueror often included cutting down
trees or orchards (see comment on 2 Kings
19:28). In addition conquest at times had the
objective of gaining access to natural resources
(see comment on Is 14:8, though, of course,
Egypt was not known for its forests.
46:25. Amon of Thebes. The Greek name
“Thebes” referred to the city the Egyptians
called Waset, about 325 miles south of Memphis.
The great temple of Karnak at Thebes
was dedicated to Amon-Re, the chief god of
Egypt’s pantheon beginning with the pharaohs
of the Eighteenth Dynasty (sixteenth
and fifteenth centuries). Associated with the
wind or the “breath of life,” Amon was combined
with the sun god Re as his worship encompassed
all of Egypt. This god’s prominence
increased as the fortunes of Egypt’s
empire expanded. As a result, he was credited
with being the creator god and his city of
Thebes as the site of creation. Thebes had been
sacked by Ashurbanipal’s Assyrian army in
663 B.C., and much of its wealth had been
plundered. Like Memphis, it was also raided
by Cambyses in 525.
JEREMIAH 46:20—47:4
47:1-7
Oracle Against the Philistines
47:1. Egyptian attack of Gaza. Nebuchadnezzar
began his move toward invading Egypt in
early 601. However, the investing of Palestine,
including the acceptance of Jehoiakim’s
pledge of loyalty to Babylonian rule, required
some delays that prevented any direct move
against Egyptian territory until November of
that year. Perhaps the king hoped to make as
easy a conquest of Egypt as had Ashurbanipal
in 663. Since that time, however, the Saite pharaohs
of the Twenty-Sixth Dynasty had concentrated
much of their efforts and wealth on
building several lines of defense along the
Gaza road as well as further south. This was
designed to prevent an army from making either
a direct march along the Sinai’s Mediterranean
coast or inland across the desert.
When, according to Herodotus, Nebuchadnezzar’s
army was defeated at the Egyptian
fortress of Migdol on the eastern branch of the
Nile Delta, Necho II’s forces pursued him
north and captured Gaza. They held it for two
years until Nebuchadnezzar once again campaigned
in Palestine.
47:4. Philistine situation at end of seventh
century. The Philistine city states had been
subject to Assyrian rule for much of the seventh
century. Ekron, for instance, served as a
major olive oil manufacturing and distribution
site, bolstering Assyrian fortunes in the
region. With the demise of the Assyrians after
the death of Ashurbanipal in 627, the Egyptian
pharaohs Psammeticus I and Necho II
moved into Philistia. Excavations at Ashkelon
have revealed evidence (bronze statuettes of
Egyptian deities, bronze weights, pottery) of
an Egyptian enclave in this Philistine seaport
city. Their sway only lasted a couple of decades
until Nebuchadnezzar’s fall 604 campaign.
The Babylonian Chronicle describes a
November-December drive to capture Ashkelon
signaling a “scorched-earth” policy that
eventually totally devastated Judah and Philistia,
and was followed by the deportation of
a large portion of their population. The Babylonians
were primarily concerned with Egypt
and did not want to have to deal with establishing
a bureaucracy and presence in Philistia
as the Assyrians had.
47:4. Philistine relations to Tyre and Sidon.
While there may have been some political ties
between Philistia and Phoenicia, most of their
relations were based on trade and mutual economic
interests. The Phoenician seaports of
Tyre and Sidon sent their ships throughout the
Mediterranean Sea. Their cargoes of “fine
ware,” ingots of metal and amphoras of oil
and wine came from ports in Ionia, Greece
and Cyprus. The Philistines, especially Ashkelon
and Ashdod, served as one of the markets
for these products as well as distributors
to customers in Egypt, Arabia and Palestine.
The Egyptians also exploited the Phoenician
679 JEREMIAH 47:4—48:9
seaports (see the comments on Jer 37:5-8,
competing with Nebuchadnezzar for them.
The competition eventually leaves Philistia in
ruins and Tyre and Sidon in Babylonian
hands.
47:4. coasts of Caphtor. This place of origin
for the Philistines is most often identified with
the island of Crete. The name kftyw appears in
Egyptian, Ugaritic, Greek and Akkadian texts.
While some attempts have been made to
equate this with Cyprus, archaeological and
geographical indications favor Crete.
47:7. attack on Ashkelon. The Babylonian
Chronicle, although a fragmentary account,
boasts that Nebuchadnezzar’s Babylonian
army attacked Ashkelon in the month of
Kislev (November-December). This was unusual
since it was during the rainy season, a
time when most armies do not attempt major
campaigns (compare 2 Sam 11:1. The Chronicle
notes that not only the walls were
breached and the city taken, but the soldiers
burned and leveled the inner city as well,
transforming the “city into a mound and
heaps of ruin.” Modern excavators have
found ample evidence of this destruction in
every part of the city. Among the artifacts are
piles of smashed pottery, skeletal remains
showing traumatic injuries, charred grain and
collapsed houses.
JEREMIAH 47:4—48:9
48:1-47
Oracle Against Moab
48:1. Moabite situation at end of seventh
century. Like Philistia, Moab was a vassal
state of the Assyrians during the seventh century
B.C. Assyrian texts list four Moabite kings
who paid tribute down to the reign of Ashurbanipal.
Herodotus notes that the Transjordanian
kingdoms of Moab and Ammon then fell
under the sway of the Babylonians shortly after
the fall of Jerusalem. This was a further
step by Nebuchadnezzar to exclude the Egyptians
from Syro-Palestine and to control the
important caravan route through Transjordan.
The Egyptians had had a long history of economic
and political activity in Moab, dating
back to the reign of Thutmose III (c.
1479-1425) and reflected in the eighth-century
Shihan Stele, depicting the god Chemosh
wearing an Egyptian-style kilt.
48:1. Nebo and Kiriathaim. The site of the
town of Nebo, identified with Khirbet
el-Mekhayyat just over a mile from the highest
peak of Mount Nebo, is mentioned in the
Moabite Stele of King Mesha as a Moabite settlement
and thus appropriate to this oracle.
Mesha claims in his victory stele to have built
Kiriathaim. Its exact location is still unsettled,
although several sites have been suggested.
48:2. Heshbon. See the comment on Deuteronomy
2:26 for this Moabite city.
48:3. Horonaim. The strategic location of sites
along the King’s Highway that transverses the
Moabite Plateau must have been a necessity
for the Moabite rulers. The Mesha Stele mentions
Horonaim as one of these important
posts. It was probably located near the modern
city of Kathrabba, on the southwestern
portion of the plateau—with a clear view of
both the Dead Sea valley and the King’s Highway.
48:5. Luhith. Extrabiblical source material, including
a Nabataean inscription from Madeba
and a contract written in Hebrew dating to the
Bar Kochba revolt (A.D. 132-135), indicates
that Luhith was located in the southwestern
section of the Moabite Plateau. There is a Roman
road at this point that leads off the plateau
and descends to the southern end of the
Dead Sea. Surface surveys of pottery suggest
occupation during the Iron Age and later at
several sites southwest of Kerak and near the
modern town of Kathrabba.
48:7. Chemosh. See the comment on Judges
11:24 for this principal deity of the Moabites.
A dedicatory stele depicting Chemosh and
dating to the ninth or eighth century B.C. has
been found at Shihan. As this god is described
in the Moabite inscription of Mesha, this
meter-tall stele portrays Chemosh as a divine
warrior, holding a spear and standing ready
to defend the Moabite people.
48:8. valley and plateau, topography in Moab.
The Moabite Plateau runs approximately
sixty miles north-south as its ragged edge borders
the Dead Sea valley on the west and the
Arabian desert on the southwest. It then extends
about fifteen miles east and west, with
an elevation of about three thousand feet. Cutting
through this plateau east to west is the
Wadi el-Mujib, which has been created by the
Arnon River. The southern border is marked
by another deep canyon, the Wadi el-Hesa
(Zered River). There is an extension of the plateau,
known as the “tableland of Medeba” to
the north that is more accessible since it does
not contain the deep canyons demarking the
south.
48:9. salting Moab. See the comment on Judges
9:45 when Abimelech salted the ground of the
destroyed city of Shechem. The Annals of the
Assyrian king Tiglath-Pileser I record how captured
the enemy stronghold of Hunusa and
sowed salt over its ruins while pronouncing a
curse on anyone who dared to rebuild the town
(compare Josh 6:26. The translation of Hebrew
JEREMIAH 48:11-34 680
s[its[ as “salt” is based on a Ugaritic parallel.
48:11. wine dregs. After the grapes have been
trod, the resulting juice was poured into large
storage jars (9 3/4 gallons), which were sealed
with clay, leaving only a small vent hole to
bleed off the fermentation gases. The fermentation
process was allowed to continue for forty
days, as the wine lay with its dregs or lees.
Jeremiah’s metaphor here relates to the fact
that the Moabites had never suffered deportation
and so their “processing” was not complete.
JEREMIAH 48:11-34 48:11-12. pouring from jar to jar. In order to
complete the wine-making process, the fermented
grape juice must be poured from its
original jars into fresh ones. This also involved
straining out the dregs so that the fermentation
could be completed and the flavor of the
wine could age in the underground storage
cellars, where a constant 65 degrees Fahrenheit
could be maintained. Wine cellars of this
type have been discovered at Gibeon and Tell
Qasileh. Finally, portions of the wine would
be poured into smaller jars for immediate
transport and consumption.
48:13. trusting in Bethel. It is likely that this
reference is to the Northwest Semitic deity Bethel,
attested in personal names and texts for
over a thousand years, including the vassal
treaties of Esarhaddon (c. 675 B.C.) and at the
sixth century B.C. Jewish military colony of Elephantine.
The comparison between Chemosh
and Bethel adds weight to this being a citation
of that god’s name. However, it also provides
a dual reference to Jeroboam’s sanctuary at
the city of Bethel (see 1 Kings 13:26-33; Amos
7:13).
48:15-16. invasion of Moab. The only source
currently available for a Babylonian invasion
of Moab is Josephus. He notes that five years
after the destruction of Jerusalem, in the twenty-
third year of Nebuchadnezzar’s reign (582/
581), the Babylonian king campaigned in
Transjordan, subjecting both Moab and Ammon
to his rule. Since hardly any of the Babylonian
Chronicles are preserved beyond 594,
this cannot be confirmed at this time.
48:18. Dibon. See comment on Numbers
21:30. This city north of the Arnon Gorge was
the Moabite capital during the ninth century
reign of Mesha.
48:19. Aroer. See the comment on Deuteronomy
2:36-37 for this city located southeast of
Dibon and right on the lip the Arnon Gorge.
48:20. Arnon. See the comment on Deuteronomy
2:24 for this deep river valley that bisects
Moab east-west.
48:21-24. towns of Moab. The tableland towns
mentioned for destruction include unidentified
sites (Holon) and some that are uncertain.
Jahzah (most likely Khirbet Medeiniyeh, on
the eastern edge of the Moabite Plateau), Beth
Meon (Ma’in, four miles southwest of Medeba),
Kerioth (possibly Khirbet Aleiyan, northeast
of Dibon), Dibon, Kiriathaim (possibly
el-Qereiyat, five miles northwest of Dibon),
Beth Diblathaim (possibly Khirbet Libb, eight
miles north of Dibon), Bozrah (possibly Umm
el-’Amed, east of Heshbon) are all mentioned
in the Mesha inscription. Beth Gamul only appears
in this text and may be identified with
Khirbet el-Jemeil, eight miles east of Dibon.
48:25. horn. In Mesopotamia the crowns of
gods and kings often featured horns as a sign
of their power and authority, particularly as it
relates to ferocity in war. This would explain
why the word horn is often synonymous with
strength. Another explanation is that here the
word means “bow.” This is based on one of
the materials used to construct the composite
bow (described in the Ugaritic epic of Aqhat)
and the phrase “to break the bow” found in
Jeremiah 49:35 and Hosea 1:5. There is possible
support for this usage in Greek and Egyptian
literature.
48:28. dove behavior. The flight of the Moabites
from danger is compared to the nesting
habits of rock doves. These birds relied on
placing their nests in fairly inaccessible cliff
faces and the crevices along the sides of gorges
like the Arnon to protect their young. The
shade afforded would also aid the young
birds until their plumage was complete.
48:31. Kir Hareseth. Identified with modern
Kerak (seventeen miles south of the Arnon
and eleven miles east of the Dead Sea), this
was a major Moabite site. It guarded a portion
of the King’s Highway as well as caravans
traveling east and west across the Moabite
Plateau.
48:32. Jazer and Sibmah. See comment on
Numbers 21:32 for Jazer. Sibmah has not been
positively identified, although Khirbet Qarn el
Qibsh and Bet Baal Meon have been suggested.
It must have been within the region commanded
by Heshbon and was apparently
known for its vineyards (see Is 16:8-13.
48:34. cites of Moab. For Heshbon see comment
on Numbers 21:25-28. For Jahaz see
comment on Numbers 21:23. For Horonaim
see comment on Jeremiah 48:3. Elealeh is located
one and a half miles northeast of Tell
Hesban at Khirbet el-’Al. Eglath Shelishiyah
has not been identified (see Is 15:5. Zoar (possibly
Safi, on the south bank of the Wadi
Zered) is the most southern point in this oracle
and would be near the Dead Sea. The waters
of Nimrim are usually identified with the
681 JEREMIAH 48:37—49:8
Wadi en-Numeirah, a stream that flows into
the Dead Sea at its southern end.
48:37. mourning practices. Each of the actions
described here are common mourning practices
in the ancient Near East. See the comments
on Leviticus 10:6-7; Isaiah 15:2-3; 32:11; and
Jeremiah 41:5 for further discussion of these
rituals and clothing styles.
48:40. eagle metaphor. This is an image of an
attacking bird of prey (Babylon), either an eagle
or a vulture. The “swoop” is not an easy
glide, but an all-out plunge to sweep up the
prey (in this case Moab) and carry it away
(compare Ezek 17:3-4.
48:41. Kerioth. This Moabite town is mentioned
in the Mesha Inscription as well as in
the oracle in Amos 2:2. Its exact location still
has not been determined, although some possibilities
are el-Qereiyat and Khirbet Aleiyan,
both in the Moabite tableland.
48:45. Heshbon, Sihon. For Heshbon see the
comment on Numbers 21:25-28, and for Sihon
see the comment on Numbers 21:24-30. Since
Sihon was an Amorite king of the Moab region
and his capital was at Heshbon, the reference
here must be to the territory he once
ruled.
JEREMIAH 48:37—49:8
49:1-6
Oracle Against Ammon
49:1. Ammonite situation at end of seventh
century. Although the Ammonite kingdom,
centered around the capital at Rabbah, was to
come under the control of the Babylonians,
there is no record of a general exile of its people
(v. 3). Inscriptional evidence from Tell
el-’Umeiri and Heshbon shows that the Ammonite
language continued to be used into the
Persian period. There is also a continuity of
architecture, with no major destruction levels
and the existence of administrative facilities
that show continuous use. In addition, there
was no disruption in the Iron II style pottery
produced even during the Persian period.
49:1. Molech. See comment on 1 Kings 11:5, 7
for this Ammonite god, written Milcom in the
Hebrew, not Molech. Coming as it does from
the word for “king,” the name probably refers
to this god as the head of the Ammonite pantheon.
He is most often associated with child
sacrifice but in this verse refers to the Ammonite
takeover of territory once controlled by
the Israelite tribe of Gad.
49:1. territory of Gad. See the comment on
Numbers 32:34-42 for the extent of Gad’s settlements
in Transjordan. They are principally
in Gilead and Bashan.
49:2. Rabbah. The capital city of the Ammonite
kingdom was located at Jebel Qal’a. It presently
is in the middle of the modern city of
Amman but has been surveyed and partially
excavated. Occupation at the site and in its vicinity
goes back to Paleolithic times. Although
it was occasionally subjected to Israelite rule
(see 2 Sam 12:26-31, during the sixth century,
the Ammonites attempted to expand their
rule northward after the destruction of Jerusalem.
49:3. connection of Heshbon, Ai and Rabbah.
The connection between Ammon and Moab in
this oracle is clear: both kingdoms and their
capital cities are put on notice of coming destruction.
However, the mention of Ai seems
out of place. The city of Ai (usually identified
with et-Tell) is located near Bethel in Israel
and has no direct relation to Heshbon or Rabbah.
It is possible, since this city name means
“the ruin,” that another Ai is the subject of Jeremiah’s
warning.
49:7-22
Oracle Against Edom
49:7. Edomite situation at end of seventh century.
Edom had become an Assyrian vassal
state in the reign of Tiglath-Pileser III and continued
under Assyrian rule until the death of
Ashurbanipal a century later. It is likely that
the Edomites submitted themselves to Nebuchadnezzar’s
rule in 605 B.C. Although some
Judean refugees may have found shelter in
Edom, they apparently remained passive as
Jerusalem was destroyed (see Ps 137:7 and
Obad 11. The Babylonian campaign against
Ammon and Moab in 594 seems not to have affected
Edom. It is likely that they remained unscathed
until the time of Nabonidus’s
campaign in 552.
49:7. Teman. This is a geographical name synonymous
with Edom Obad 9 or with the
northern section of that southern Transjordanian
kingdom, with its capital at Bozrah (see
Amos 1:12. It is likely that the nation of Edom
originated in this region and eventually was
able to expand to the south (see Ezek 25:13.
49:7. wisdom tradition in Teman. See the
comment on Obadiah 8. While various types
of wisdom are ascribed to ancient peoples, it is
possible that that of the Edomites originated
in their ability to adapt to their rugged physical
environment (see the comment on Obad 3
or their facility in dealing with the caravaneers
that regularly passed through their
land.
49:8. Dedan. This northwest Arabian oasis
(modern al-’Ula) served as a major caravan
stop during the sixth century B.C. Although it
JEREMIAH 49:13-34 682
is mentioned in conjunction with Teman in
Ezekiel 25:13, there is no clear evidence of
Edom’s control of territory that far south.
However, inscriptional and pottery evidence
do indicate that continual commercial activity,
resident merchants and possible political ties
may have existed. It is also possible that Edom
and the Arabs were being mentioned collectively
by the prophets (see Is 21:13.
49:13. Bozrah. Located just west of the King’s
Highway as well as by the western trade route
to the Wadi Arabah, Bozrah (modern Buseirah)
served as Edom’s capital. Excavations
confirm that there was no destruction during
Nebuchadnezzar’s reign, when Edom was
able to stay out of the conflicts that destroyed
Jerusalem. There is evidence, however, of a
cultural transition after 550, due to Nabonidus’s
campaign and the shift to Persian rule.
49:23-27
Oracle Against Damascus
49:23. Damascene situation at end of seventh
century. Following the collapse of the Assyrian
empire, it may be assumed that Aram (Syria,
of which Damascus was the capital)
regained temporary independence. However,
like all the other small states, it then would
have had to submit to Babylonian rule after
605. There is no extrabiblical evidence concerning
the role or status of Damascus or
Aram during the subsequent period, and no
large scale excavations have been possible in
the modern city. The fact that only Syrian cities
are mentioned in this oracle suggests that
the nation had been fragmented and that contingents
of troops from these sites have raised
the prophet’s and Yahweh’s ire against them.
49:23. Hamath and Arpad. The site of Hamath
is in central Syria on the Orontes River, about
130 miles north of Damascus. It has a long history,
going back to the third millennium Ebla
texts, as a commercial and administrative center.
Arpad (Tell Rifaat), was a regional center
in northern Syria, and like Hamath had a history
of influence until the Assyrian conquest.
Both sites are mentioned often in the Assyrian
Annals, but their power and intermittent revolts
were quenched by the end of the eighth
century. For more information see comments
on Isaiah 10:9.
49:27. fortresses of Ben-Hadad. As is the case
with Omri for the kingdom of Israel (Mesha
Inscription and Assyrian Annals) and David
for the United Kingdom and later for Judah
(Hazael Inscription from Tell Dan),
Ben-Hadad’s name is associated with the ruling
house of Aram. No king bearing that
name actually ruled during the seventh or
eighth centuries. However, it was traditional
to continue to use the founding ruler’s name
when referring to the nation or its resources.
JEREMIAH 49:13-34
49:28-33
Oracle Against Kedar and Hazor
49:28. Kedar. The Kedar are one of the north
Arabian tribal groups. The name appears in
Assyrian and Neo-Babylonian texts suggesting
that this was a particularly powerful
group. The reference here may be to Nebuchadnezzar’s
campaign into Arabia in
599-598 and may in fact refer as much to the
geographical limit of his army’s march as it
does to the people they had to deal with.
49:28. Hazor. This refers to the country of the
h[as[erim rather than to the city of Hazor in the
upper Galilee region. The desert tribesmen,
perhaps associated with those mentioned as
inhabitants of the Negev in Joshua 15:23-25,
would have been among the targets of Nebuchadnezzar’s
campaign to pacify and incorporate
the northern Arabian area.
49:33. jackals. It is quite common, especially
in Jeremiah (see 9:11; 10:33), for desolate or
uninhabited places to be referred to as the lair
of jackals (see Ps 44:19; Is 34:13. These scavengers
would only frequent the desert wastes.
What is particularly telling in this verse is that
Nebuchadnezzar’s campaign will transform
these already desolate desert regions into totally
uninhabitable places. Similar descriptions
occur both in Egypt in the visions of
Neferti, and in Mesopotamia, in the Sumerian
Lament over the Destruction of Ur.
JEREMIAH 50:1-39
49:34-39
Oracle Against Elam
49:34. Elamite situation at end of seventh century.
Occupying much of the Iranian Plateau
east of the Tigris River, the Elamite kings allied
themselves with the Babylonians for much of
the seventh century, as they both fought the Assyrians.
The Babylonian Chronicle details many
examples of their help, starting with the reign of
Merodach-Baladan. Ashurbanipal’s annals describe
the capture of the Elamite capital of Susa
in 640, the systematic pillaging of its treasures
and the seizure of their gods. The anger of the
Assyrians is seen in the treatment of the Elamite
king’s body. It was preserved in salt and
brought to Nineveh, where it was cremated and
the ashes were scattered to the winds. Despite
Assyrian hostility, another Elamite dynasty was
established after the death of Ashurbanipal and
continued to rule in Susa until the merging of
683 JEREMIAH 50:1-39
their territory with that of the Medes and Persians
under Cyrus in the mid-sixth century. This
latter situation was facilitated by Nabopolassar’s
alliance with the Medes prior to the Battle
of Carchemish and a resulting deemphasizing of
former ties with Elam.
50:1—51:64
Oracle Against Babylon
50:2. fall of Babylon. Jeremiah’s predicted fall
of Babylon did not actually occur until 539,
when Cyrus the Persian king captured the city.
Herodotus records that the Persians diverted
the waters of the Euphrates and thus entered
the Babylon by means of one of its many water
channels. Even then the city was not destroyed
or looted, since Cyrus was assisted in its capture
by disaffected priests of the chief god Marduk
and other Babylonian citizens who had
become dissatisfied with Nabonidus’s rule.
(The Cyrus Cylinder preserves the Persian version
of these events; see comments on Is 45:1;
48:14.) Since Jeremiah makes no direct mention
of Cyrus in his oracle, it may be assumed that
this material was written and edited prior to
the actual fall of Babylon. He had certainly
called for the destruction of the Babylonians
and the return of the exiles on other occasions
(see Jer 27:7; 29:10). It is therefore appropriate
that in this current set of oracles against the nations
that Babylon’s demise be targeted as the
greatest achievement of Yahweh and the greatest
good for the people of Judah.
50:2. Bel and Marduk. The title Bel was applied
to the supreme god of the Akkadian
pantheon, which until the beginning of the
second millennium B.C. was Enlil (the patron
of the city of Nippur). After the emergence of
Babylon as the chief city of Mesopotamia, the
title was transferred to its patron deity, Marduk.
Evidence of this succession to divine supremacy
can be seen in Marduk’s prominent
place in the Babylonian creation epic Enuma
Elish and in the prologue to the Code of Hammurabi.
In both instances, Marduk is said to
have achieved the rank of chief god through
his combative powers and the will of the other
gods. The name Bel Marduk then continues to
be used by the Assyrians and the Neo-Babylonians,
and his New Year’s festival is the celebration
of the renewal of fertility and life (see
comment on Is 46:1. Even the Persian king
Cyrus looked at his own accession to power
and the capture of the city of Babylon as having
been achieved through the assistance of
Bel Marduk. Connections in the northwest
Semitic pantheon with Bel are to be found in
the name Baal, also translated as “lord.”
50:9. alliance from the north. This is a piece of
irony that harks back to Jeremiah’s call narrative
Jer 1:14-15, where Babylon was the
threat from the north that was destined to
overwhelm Jerusalem. Now, in this oracle predicting
Babylon’s demise, they in turn are to
be destroyed by an alliance of forces from the
north. In fact this came in the form of the alliance
between the Medes and the Persians that
had been shaped over a period of twenty
years by Cyrus.
50:19. geographical designations. The restoration
of the exiles to Israel includes a resumption
of their basic economic activities,
herding and farming, and a restoration of the
covenant promise of fertility within the promised
land. Bashan and Carmel are both known
for their grazing, while the hill country of
Ephraim held rich vineyards and fields, and
Gilead served as both a farming area and pastureland.
The range of these place names fully
encompasses the boundaries of the northern
kingdom of Israel.
JEREMIAH 50:43—51:27 50:21. Merathaim. The term employed here by
Jeremiah is a play on words for Babylon or
Babylonia. It is based on an Akkadian term,
marratum, which is used for the marshy area in
southern Mesopotamia where the Tigris-Euphrates
delta merges with the salt waters of the
Persian Gulf. Thus this Akkadian word that actually
means “bitter” fits well with the prophet’s
oracle of doom against a people who had
made the Israelites bitter and now faced rebellion
and bitterness themselves.
50:21. Pekod. Again, Jeremiah is using an
Akkadian term as a synonym for Babylon.
Among the Aramean tribal groups inhabiting
Babylonia was one named the Puqudu. The
prophet references this tie while employing a
pun on the Hebrew word for “punish,” paqad.
It is possible that Jeremiah’s choice of the Puqudu,
who dwelt principally in the Sealands of
southern Mesopotamia and east of the Tigris
River, is a further taunt of a once powerful state
that has become fragmented and subject to the
rebellions of tribal groups within its domain.
50:38. idols going mad with terror. The theme
of taunting worthless idols is found elsewhere
in the prophets (see Is 40:18-20; Hos 8:4.
However, personifying them to the extent of
giving them emotions like fear and madness is
less common (see Is 19:1. It may be that Jeremiah
is drawing on allusions in the Gilgamesh
flood epic, where the gods who were
responsible for creating the flood waters became
frightened by them and “cowered like
dogs crouched against the outer wall.”
50:39. history of Babylon after 539. After the
capture of Babylon by Cyrus of Persia in 539,
JEREMIAH 50:43—51:27 684
the city’s native dynasty headed by Nabonidus
and his son Belshazzar was eradicated and a
Persian administrator was appointed to rule
there. Economic texts from the year of the takeover
indicate little disruption of trade or normal
activity, as the Persians made a smooth
transition. Each successive Persian king included
among his titles “King of Babylon” and
used the city as one of their official residences
(according to Xenophon). However, there were
periodic revolts in Babylonia that had to be
quelled (522-521 and again in 482-481). Fearing
future uprisings, Xerxes removed the eighteen-
foot golden statue of Marduk and destroyed
the Esagila temple. The final insult
came when the city was merged with the province
of Assyria for political purposes. When Alexander
seized the Middle East from Persian
rule, Babylon was thrown open to the young
conqueror and restoration of the Esagila Temple
commenced. The city fared poorly under
Alexander’s successors. Seleucus had a new
city, Seleucia on the Tigris, built north of Babylon.
This new city competed with Babylon and
in 275 B.C. was declared the royal city. The population
of Babylon was forcibly removed to
Seleucia, and Babylon became no more than an
archaic sacred site. By the first century B.C., its
desolation was complete.
50:43. Nabonidus in 540-539. Fearing the approach
of the Persians, Nabonidus had returned
to Babylon from his Arabian capital at
Tema in 543. He gathered the images of the
gods from his empire (reported on the Cyrus
Cylinder) and for the first time in ten years
conducted the New Year’s festival honoring
the god Marduk. According to his own
Chronicles, Nabonidus also restored the temple
of his personal god Sin. However, his
long absence from the city and the neglect of
its priesthood and gods by Nabonidus and
his coregent Belshazzar had taken a serious
toll. He could not prevent the fall of the city
of Babylon. Cyrus advanced against Babylon
in 539 B.C. and fought a victorious battle at
Opis, about fifty miles north-northeast of
Babylon on the Tigris in early October. On
the eleventh of October, Sippar (thirty-five
miles north of Babylon) surrendered, apparently
without a battle. On October 13 the city
of Babylon submitted, and the Persian army
marched into Babylon peacefully. Persian reports
claim that they were welcomed by the
local populace and that when Cyrus himself
entered the city on October 30, he was proclaimed
its liberator. This, however, is standard
conqueror’s rhetoric and may obscure
other facts. Classical sources suggest that after
the city was captured, the king was taken
away as a hostage and died in Persia.
51:1. Leb Kamai cryptogram. The phrase used
here is a form of cryptogram known as an atbash.
This literary device exchanges the letters
of the intended word with corresponding letters
counted from the other end of the alphabet
(another example occurs in Jer 25:25-26, where
Babylon, bbl, is replaced by Sheshak, shshk). In
English this would require replacing A with Z,
B with Y, C with X, etc. Thus New York might
be referred to as New Blip. In this passage the
name Chaldea is masked by using the consonants
lbqmy (Leb Kamai) for ksdym (Caldea).
Possibly this was done because of the dangers
involved in speaking the name of the enemy,
but more likely it is a form of taunting.
51:8. Balm as medicinal ointment. See the
comments on 8:22 and 46:11. Akkadian prescription
texts exist that take note of symptoms
and provide a list of herbs to be used
and instructions on how to administer them.
The healing balms or resins Jeremiah refers to,
however, may be a taunt of these medicines
and a reference to God’s healing power.
51:11. Medes. During the eighth and seventh
centuries, the Median tribes began to organize
as a result of their conflict with the Assyrian
empire. Eventually, they were able to form an
identifiable kingdom in northwestern Iran.
The kingdom of Media, led by their king
Cyaxares, then allied itself with the Neo-Babylonians
to eliminate the Assyrian empire’s last
hold on Mesopotamia. This alliance allowed
the Medes to expand their territory significantly.
The Babylonian Chronicle and Herodotus
record most of what is known about the
conflict between the Medes and the Persians.
It seems to have begun with a revolt by Cyrus
against his lord, Astyages, king of Media.
Once Cyrus had conquered the Median king
in 550, he then was able to take advantage of
Media’s gains to create a much larger empire
for the Persians almost immediately.
51:17. no breath in images. See comment on
10:14. Just as Isaiah taunts those who trust in
images made my human hands of wood, gold
or silver (see comment on Is 44:17-18, Jeremiah
ridicules them as lifeless frauds. This is just
the reverse of the Israelite God, whose breath
brings humans to life and restores the nation
from the “dry bones” of Ezekiel 37:5-10. Mesopotamian
rituals to activate a cult image include
the mouth-washing ritual, a reenactment
of the birth of the deity and the use of
holy water to open the mouth and eyes and allow
the statue to move, but nothing that is intended
explicitly to give it breath.
51:27. Ararat. The geographic region referred to
here is Urartu, a large area in eastern Asia Minor
685 JEREMIAH 51:27—52:34
near Lake Van. It united into a kingdom starting
in the ninth and continued to appear in Assyrian
and Babylonian records until the sixth centuries.
Its conflicts with the Assyrians were the result of
Urartian attempts to expand to the southwest
and enlarge its trading contacts as far as the
Mediterranean. During most of the early period
of the kingdom the Urartians built many cities,
and their manufactured goods were transported
as far away as Greece. They were finally overwhelmed
by the coalition of Medes and Scythians
in a campaign in 585 that swept through
their territory. Subsequently their territory was
added to the Persian empire.
51:27. Minni. This nation, summoned by Yahweh
to punish Babylon, is the Manneans, who
lived in the region just south of Lake Urmia in
the northern part of western Asia. These people
were caught between the territorial and
economic ambitions of Urartu and Assyria.
Assyrian texts mention them from the early
eighth century onward. Because they were allied
with Assyria at the time of the Battle of
Carchemish in 605, their territory was given to
the Medes and was eventually absorbed into
the Persian empire.
JEREMIAH 51:27—52:34 51:27. Ashkenaz. The Ashkenaz are mentioned
as the Ishkuza in the Assyrian Annals of Sargon
II and thereafter, and are referred to by
Herodotus as the Scythians. They occupied the
region around the Black and Caspian Seas in
northwestern Iran starting in the eighth century.
These horse-riding pastoralists may be the
most likely of the three nations to be a real
threat to Babylon in the sixth century. They are
mentioned in Babylonian and Persian texts as
fierce, even savage, fighters, who occasionally
allied themselves with the major powers but
also raided them quite often. The excavation of
their graves shows widespread contact with
Near Eastern and Greek sources as well as a native
art style known as “animal style.”
51:28. Medes. See comment on 51:11.
51:32. river crossings seized. Military objectives
always include control of the fords of
streams and rivers (see Judg 3:28; 12:5). In this
way, communication links are cut and armies
can no longer take the most direct route and
are prevented from flanking an enemy force.
One of the major fords across the Tigris came
under the control of the Persians when they
took the city of Opis a few weeks before Babylon
fell. They took Sippar on the Euphrates just
a few days later. By the possession of these two
cities the Persians could effectively cut off any
supplies coming down either the Tigris or Euphrates.
It would have been extremely demoralizing
to the Babylonians to hear that they
were becoming increasingly isolated from
their allies as well as the towns and villages
that supplied their food and raw materials.
This report might well be compared to the progressively
negative reports chronicled in the
Lachish Letters during Nebuchadnezzar’s 598
campaign in Judah.
51:32. marshes on fire. In addition to the wall
systems, towers and other typical defensive installations,
Babylon was also protected by a
number of ditches and pools, designed to slow
or stop enemy advance to the city. Within these
pools or bordering them were canebrakes. If
these were set on fire, they would have added
to the sense of peril for the city’s inhabitants,
and the smoke would have masked enemy
movements and intensified the breathing difficulties
of people downwind. The fires would
also have flushed out any sentries or advance
troops that the Babylonians might have stationed
along these water obstructions.
51:41. Sheshach. See comment on 25:26 for
this cryptogram.
51:44. Bel. See comment on 50:2 for this divine
title.
51:58. walls leveled, gates on fire. The main
defenses of an ancient city were the walls and
fortified gate area. Babylon had a defensive
system consisting of two walls surrounding
the city. The inner wall was twenty-one feet
thick, while the outer wall was over twelve
feet thick. Excavations have been unable to reveal
evidence of the gates in the outer wall,
but there were nine massive gates built into
the inner wall, each with the name of a god.
The Ishtar gate has been excavated and restored,
and is now in the Berlin Museum. It is
decorated with lions and dragons, and gives
some idea of the grandeur of the ancient city.
These walls and gates were constructed of a
combination of stone and mud brick. However,
in the gates there would have been rooms
that required the use of timber as beams and
scaffolding for the movement of troops. When
submitted to fire, the stone would weaken
and collapse (see Judg 9:42-49. With the walls
breached and systematically leveled, and the
gates in ruins, the physical and symbolic power
of the city would evaporate. In the Persian
conquest, however, the city was taken without
a fight as the Babylonians submitted peacefully
to the Persian army (see comment on 50:43).
LAMENTATIONS 1:1—2:1
52:1-34
The Fall of Jerusalem
52:1-27. the fall of Jerusalem. See comments
on 2 Kings 25:1-26.
52:31-34. Jehoiachin. See comments on 2
Kings 25:27-30.
LAMENTATIONS 1:1—2:1 686
L A M E N TAT I O N S
1:1-22
Despair and Distress: First Acrostic
Lament
LAMENTATIONS 2:3—4:3 1:1. acrostics. “Acrostic” is a literary form in
which the first letter in consecutive lines form a
pattern. In alphabetic acrostics the pattern is
the alphabet (the first line begins with the first
letter of the alphabet, the second line with the
second letter, etc). Other forms of acrostic
might spell out a message or a name (for instance
of the scribe who composed the work or
of the deity being honored). There are a number
of acrostics in the book of Psalms. Psalm
119 is the most complex in that each letter of
the Hebrew alphabet is represented by eight
consecutive lines. All Hebrew acrostics in the
Bible are alphabetic acrostics. In Lamentations
the first four chapters are all alphabetic acrostics.
In chapters one and two each verse begins
with the appropriate letter and contains three
lines. In chapter three there are three lines that
start with each letter. In chapter four each verse
starts with the appropriate letter and contains
two lines. Chapter five has the appropriate
number of verses for an acrostic but does not
contain one. The seven examples of acrostics in
Mesopotamian literature are name/sentence
acrostics (since Akkadian was syllabic, there
was no alphabet and therefore no alphabetic
acrostics) and generally date to the first half of
the first millennium. Egyptian examples offer
numerical sequences or complex messages that
involve both horizontal and vertical patterns.
They are more dependent on puns to accomplish
their stylistic objective. Acrostics depend
on writing and therefore would not be composed
orally. They are intended to be read, not
just heard, because of the importance of the visual
element. This is especially clear in the
Babylonian examples, where a variable sign
needs to be read with one value in the poem
but with a different value in the acrostic. Some
of the Babylonian examples also contain a pattern
in the last sign of each line. Another variation
is found in those examples where the
acrostic is repeated each stanza.
1:3. chronology. Although Judah’s deportations
had begun a decade earlier, the event
that is the focus of the book is the destruction
of the temple and the city of Jerusalem, along
with the general deportation and exile that occurred
in 586 B.C.
1:4. pilgrimage feasts. There were three pilgrimage
festivals in the Israelite calendar: the
Feast of Unleavened Bread, the Feast of Weeks
and the Feast of Tabernacles. Under normal
circumstances the roads would be filled with
pilgrims traveling to Jerusalem during those
times. They were occasions for joy and celebration.
In troubled times, few would have
taken the risk, and now there was no city or
temple to come to.
1:10. pagans in sanctuary. There were very
strict regulations about non-Israelites gaining
access to the temple courts (see Deut 23. Only
priests had any access to the sanctuary, and
that was limited. The care taken to preserve
the sanctity of God’s dwelling place had been
frustrated in desecration.
2:1-22
Yahweh’s Anger: Second Acrostic
Lament
2:1. footstool. The footstool of God’s throne
LAMENTS OVER FALLEN CITIES IN THE ANCIENT WORLD
As the fall of Jerusalem became a pivotal point in the history, theology and literature of Israel, the fall of
Ur (to an army from the east) at the end of the Ur III Dynasty (about the year 2000) served in the ancient
Near East as an illustration of the divine abandonment of a city, resulting in its destruction. The lamentations
that memorialize the weeping and the theological reflection on those two great falls are preserved in
their respective literatures. Two separate works lament the fall of Ur (known as The Lament over the
Destruction of Ur and The Lament over the Destruction of Sumer and Ur). Other city laments exist for Nippur,
Uruk, Eridu and Ekimar (though the last three of these are fragmentary). These date to the twentieth century
B.C. Unlike the biblical Lamentations, each of the ancient Near Eastern works includes a decision of
the gods to restore the city. Literarily they played a role in the attempts to legitimize a new dynasty.
The major theme of these works is that the gods have abandoned the city, thus exposing it to destruction
at the hands of the enemy. In poetic detail the distress of the population is described–loss of land and
homes, death of loved ones, exile and captivity. This despair is reflected in the wondering questions of
why they have been treated in this way by the gods and how long their condition will persist. When
explanations are offered, the fall of the city is not blamed on offense but simply reflects the fact that
change and the shifting of political power is inevitable.
687 LAMENTATIONS 2:3—4:3
was the cherished ark of the covenant (see
comment on 1 Chron 28:2. As the most sacred
relic of their faith, it was considered that
which Yahweh would most jealously protect.
If even that held no sway, nothing would be
guarded from his anger.
2:3. horn. Horns symbolized strength, but
they also represented leadership. The latter
would fit better with the end of verse 2. It was
common in Mesopotamia for kings and gods
to wear crowns featuring horns. Sometimes
the sets of horns were stacked one upon another
in tiers. The winged lion from Ashurnasirpal’s
palace has a conical crown on its
human head with three pairs of tiered horns
embossed on it. In the Sumerian Lament over
the Destruction of Sumer and Ur the description
of the dismantling of the deity’s throne includes
the line “Its mighty cows with shining
horns were captured, their horns were cut
off.”
2:8. measuring line of destruction. The measuring
line was used to determine the area of
landholdings, where boundaries were drawn,
and what territory belonged to which landholder
(private or city), but none of these explain
the connection to the walls and ramparts
in this verse. From the use of this metaphor in
2 Kings 21:13 and Isaiah 34:11, it can be assumed
that it represents a typical action connected
with military conquest. A besieging
army would not have the leisure to do such
measuring during the battle, so this must refer
to the demolition phase. It was rare for city
walls to be totally demolished, and from Nehemiah
we know that Jerusalem’s wall was
not totally demolished. However, many sections
of wall could have suffered damage due
to siege machines, battering rams and sapping
operations. Plumb lines would have been
used to help determine segments of wall that
were no longer stable, and the measuring line
would have been used to delineate how much
of which sections would need to come down.
2:9. gates and bars. In the Sumerian laments it
is the gates and bars of the temple that are
thrown down as part of the desecration of the
temple. Here it is the city’s gates and bars. For
further discussion of the functions of bars in
the gate structure see comment on Judges
16:3.
2:15. clapping hands. Gestures and body language
take on different meanings in different
cultures. In current Western society, clapping
hands can be used to show appreciation, to
summon subordinates or children, to get
someone’s attention, to accompany music or
to express frustration (one clap). There were
also several functions in the ancient world.
Clapping could be used in praise Ps 47:1 or
applause 2 Kings 11:12, but in these verses a
different verb is used. The verb used here designates
a gesture of anger or derision (Num
24:10; Job 27:23. Variations may exist in the
precise movement involved: compare the different
significations in Western culture of (1)
striking the palms together parallel to the
body on a horizontal plain (applause); (2)
slapping the palms together in a roughly vertical
movement (frustration); and (3) striking
the palms together perpendicular to the body
while alternating which hand is on top and
which is on bottom (as if knocking the dust
off). It is unclear precisely what motion is conveyed
here.
2:19. heart poured out like water. Their oppressors
clap their hands (spq kappayim, v. 15),
but here Israel is encouraged to pour out like
water (shpk kammayim) their hearts. Pouring
out water is an act of worship (libation).
2:20. cannibalism. Cannibalism is a standard
element of curses in Assyrian treaties of the
seventh century. It was the last resort in times
of impending starvation. This level of desperation
could occur in times of severe famine (as illustrated
in the Atrahasis Epic) or could be the
result of siege (as during Ashurbanipal’s siege
of Babylon, about 650 B.C.) when the food supply
had become depleted, as anticipated in the
treaty texts. Siege warfare was common in the
ancient world, so this may not have been as
rare an occasion as might be presumed.
3:1-66
Hope in God’s Faithfulness: Third
Acrostic Lament
3:15. bitter herbs and gall. Gall (wormwood)
is a bitter-tasting shrub used for medicinal
purposes and also occasionally to brew a
strong tea. The word translated “bitter herbs”
occurs only elsewhere in the Passover passages.
It is related to an Akkadian word for lettuce,
but since the noun is simply drawn from
a word for “bitter” there are numerous other
possibilities.
3:16. teeth broken with gravel. The second
phrase would suggest that the teeth were broken
by shoving the face hard into the gravel
rather than forcing someone to chew gravel.
4:1-22
Sin’s Results: Fourth Acrostic
Lament
4:3. ostriches. There is still controversy over
whether “ostrich” is the proper translation of
this Hebrew word. Ostriches occur in hunting
LAMENTATIONS 4:5—5:13 688
scenes in Egyptian paintings as well as on cylinder
seals, and inhabited many of the regions
of the ancient Near East. The alternative translation
preferred by some is “eagle-owl.” The
ostrich identification would correspond with
the inattention to the young attributed to the
ostrich (different word) in Job 39:16. Casual
observation could make the ostrich appear
heartless since it lays its eggs in the sand and
often leaves the nest to hunt for food.
4:5. delicacies. With the rarity of this word, it
must provisionally be concluded that it refers
not to a specific food or dish but generally to
the delicacies of any sort that would have
graced the royal table.
4:5. nurtured in purple. Again the allusion is
to royalty, as the color of the garment indicates.
Blue/Purple dye was very expensive
(see comment on Num 4:6 and Esther 8:15,
and its use was restricted to the ceremonial
garments of only the highest ranking civil and
religious leaders.
4:10. cannibalism. See comment on 2:20.
4:17. expected help from allies. In 597 when
Nebuchadnezzar undertook his punitive raid
against Jerusalem, Egypt was the principle
ally on whom Judah relied. Later that year,
Nebuchadnezzar put Zedekiah on the throne.
He almost immediately began meeting with a
coalition of the small western states to stand
together against Nebuchadnezzar (see comment
on Jer 27:3. In 595 a new pharaoh,
Psammeticus II, took the throne of Egypt. He
enjoyed an early military success against the
Nubians in the south, and one papyrus reports
that his success was celebrated with a
victory tour in Palestine. There was cause to
expect his support against Babylon. It is uncertain
which nations were actually part of the
alliance when it finally took shape. As it
turned out, Egypt’s army was routed in its
confrontation with the Babylonians in 588 (see
Jer 37:5-7, and it would appear, based on
Psalm 137:7, that allies such as the Edomites
threw their support to Babylon when it became
clear that Jerusalem was about to fall.
4:21. Edom’s role. Edom had become an Assyrian
vassal state in the reign of Tiglath-Pileser
III and continued under this rule until the
death of Ashurbanipal a century later. It is
likely that they submitted themselves to Nebuchadnezzar’s
rule in 605. Although some
Judean refugees may have found shelter in
Edom, the Edomites apparently remained
passive as Jerusalem was destroyed (see Ps
137:7 and Obad 11. The Babylonian campaign
against Ammon and Moab in 594 seems not to
have affected Edom. It is likely that they remained
unscathed until the time of Nabonidus’s
campaign in 552.
4:21. Uz. Uz, the homeland of Job, is identified
with Edom and northwest Arabia in Esau’s
genealogy Gen 36:28.
LAMENTATIONS 4:5—5:13
5:1-22
Joy Is Gone: Nonacrostic Lament
5:6. Egypt and Assyria. From the beginning of
the seventh century, Judah had been under
Assyrian control. Manasseh was a loyal vassal
for most of his fifty-five years. During the time
of Josiah, Judah experienced a glimpse of independence
as the mantle was shifting from
Assyria to Babylon. During that interim,
Egypt began to exercise more control in the region.
Jehoiakim, son of Josiah, had been put
on the throne by the Egyptians in 609 and remained
loyal to them until Nebuchadnezzar’s
domination made that impossible. After the
fall of Ashkelon to Nebuchadnezzar in 604 Jehoiakim
paid tribute to Babylon for a few
years. But when Nebuchadnezzar failed in his
attempted invasion of Egypt in 601, Jehoiakim
again sided with Egypt and stopped sending
the yearly tribute east. Thus in 597 when Nebuchadnezzar
undertook his punitive raid
against Jerusalem, Egypt was the principal
ally on whom Judah relied. It can fairly be
said then that Judah had been totally dependent
on Egypt and Assyria—and that goes
back a century or more.
5:12. princes hung by their hands. The Hebrew
text is ambiguous regarding whether the
princes are hung “at the hands of the enemy”
or are hung “suspended from their own
hands.” There is no precedent for the latter.
Hanging implies execution and was generally
used after the execution had taken place. Victims
were usually hung by being impaled.
The practice was most commonly used on rebellion
leaders or members of the royal house
1 Sam 31:10. The practice of impaling the
bodies of their defeated enemies was commonly
used by armies in the ancient Near
East. For instance, the Assyrians considered it
a psychological ploy and a terror tactic (as depicted
on the walls of their royal palaces). See
also the comment on Esther 2:23.
5:13. toiling at millstones. Grinding grain
into flour was usually done with millstones
and was the job of the lowest members of society.
One of the basic “appliances” of any
ancient household would have been the
handmill (called a saddle quern) with two
stones for grinding: a lower stone with a concave
surface and a loaf-shaped upper stone.
The daily chore of grinding grain into flour
involved sliding the upper stone over the
689 LAMENTATIONS 5:13—EZEKIEL 1:3
grain spread on the lower stone. Larger milling
houses often served as prison workhouses
in Mesopotamia, but each prisoner still
used a handmill for grinding. The large rotary
mill that could be powered by donkey or
slave labor was not invented until after the
Old Testament period. The palace at Ebla had
a room containing sixteen handmills inferred
to be a place where prisoners ground grain.
Grinding houses would include prisoners of
war, criminals and those who had defaulted
on their debts.
5:13. loads of wood. Wood was a constant necessity
for keeping the fires of the kitchens
supplied. Palace, temple and the upper class
employed the services of slave labor to man
the system. Even children were capable of
helping transport and distribute the wood.
5:16. crown. Crowns are worn by royalty as a
symbol of their status and authority. As a result
the word was extended to refer to the abstract
concept of the dignity and honor that
are the natural accompaniment of status and
authority. In this passage the reference is not
to an actual crown that Israel wore but to the
dignity and honor.
E Z E K I E L
1:1-28
The Chariot Throne Vision
LAMENTATIONS 5:13—EZEKIEL 1:3 1:1-2. chronology. The fifth year of Jehoiachin’s
reign would have been the year 593
B.C., at the end of the month of July (the
fourth month). This chronology takes into
account Jehoiachin’s accession to Judah’s
throne during the siege of Jerusalem, which
according to the Babylonian Chronicle began
in November/December 598. There has
been a great deal of speculation regarding
the meaning of “in the thirtieth year,” because
593 is not the thirtieth year of anything.
A common suggestion is that this
simply refers to Ezekiel’s own birth date
and qualifies him to speak on these matters
since he has officially reached the age required
for admission into the working
priesthood Num 4:30.
1:1. Kebar River. Rather than being an actual
river, the Kebar was a canal that diverged from
the Euphrates River north of Babylon and continued
for sixty miles southeast until it rejoined
the Euphrates near Erech. The network of irrigation
and transport canals was known as the
“waters of Babylon” Ps 137:1. It served as a
means of extending the arable land of southern
Mesopotamia and provided water to small settlements
along its course (see comment on 3:15).
1:1. apocalyptic visions. Apocalyptic literature
is characterized by visions filled with
the imagery associated with God’s manifold
powers as creator. A divine messenger usually
interprets the message that is conveyed
to the prophet (see Rev 1:1-3. There are
some pieces of Akkadian literature that
show prototypes of some of the characteristics
of biblical apocalyptic, but nothing that
is very close (for closest connection see sidebar
on Akkadian apocalypses at Dan 11.
Apocalyptic literature is most recognizable
in its use of rich symbolism that draws
heavily on mythological motifs. In prophetic
literature the symbols are rarely interpreted.
Often the visions themselves do not
symbolically represent a foretold happening
but serve as occasions for a message concerning
what God is going to do. Most
scholars now consider Ezekiel’s prophetic
visions as being influential on later apocalyptic
literature (see Dan 7—12 and Zech
8—14). For instance, his vision of God enthroned
in a shining chariot has been incorporated
into Daniel 10:5-6 and the pseudepigraphal
1 Enoch 14:18.
1:2. Jehoiachin’s exile. Along with most of the
royal court and many of the influential or
wealthy members of Judean society, Jehoiachin
was taken into exile when Jerusalem fell
to Nebuchadnezzar’s army in 597 (see 2 Kings
24:8-17). Babylonian ration lists include mention
of quantities of oil being supplied to the
“king of Judah” along with other high-ranking
prisoners of war and dependents of the
royal household. Eventually, in 561 B.C., during
the reign of Nebuchadnezzar’s successor,
Amel-Marduk (the biblical Evil-Merodach),
Jehoiachin was freed from his imprisonment
(probably house arrest) and allowed the freedom
of the king’s court (see 2 Kings 25:27-30.
He died in exile, bringing an official end to the
Judean monarchy.
1:3. exilic community. The exilic community,
of which Ezekiel was a member, was a relatively
small group in 593 B.C.—perhaps ten
EZEKIEL 1:4-18 690
thousand persons. However, looking at Nebuchadnezzar’s
list of deportees in 2 Kings
24:14-16, it would appear that they comprised
the military, political and religious leaders as
well as craftsmen who could be employed in
the Babylonian king’s numerous building
projects. The trained soldiers were also probably
pressed into service in the Babylonian army.
It was only after 587 that a large portion of
Judah’s population joined their fellows in Mesopotamia.
This policy of deporting hostages
and large segments of a rebellious nation was
widely used by both the Assyrians and the
Babylonians. The Babylonian practice of settling
the exiles in self-contained villages is
demonstrated in texts from Nippur. While it
was a traumatic event for the people of Judah,
they were encouraged to settle into their new
situation (see Jer 29:4-23. Textual evidence
from the Persian period (fifth century B.C. Murashu
texts) suggests that they followed this
advice, starting businesses, working farms
and creating an identity for themselves in exile.
EZEKIEL 1:4-18 1:4. elements of theophany. A theophany consists
of a manifestation of God’s presence to a
human (see the classic example in the Sinai
theophany of Moses in Ex 3. This may occur
in person, although God’s person is never actually
described in any detail, and there is always
a great sense of dread on the part of the
human involved (see Gen 28:16-17; 32:24-30).
Fear is generated by the power evidenced in
God’s “glory” (kabod), a divine attribute also
found in Mesopotamian epics (there called
melammu). The purpose of a theophany is often
to call a human to serve the deity. Thus
Elijah, although already serving Yahweh as a
prophet, is called to greater tasks during his
meeting with God on Mount Horeb (1 Kings
19). The major prophets each have a theophany
that marks the beginning of their ministry.
For instance, Isaiah’s vision Is 6 encompasses
the Jerusalem temple and harks back to
Moses’ experience, and Jeremiah’s call narrative
has coronation overtones Jer 1. In Ezekiel’s
case the appearance of God is described
as overwhelming and mysterious. There are
symbols of God’s power implicit in the divine
chariot, the accompanying creatures and the
dominance of all of nature’s forces. Naturally,
once chosen, prophets must ultimately accept
their mission, although they generally try to
provide excuses.
1:5. winged, upright creatures as throne
guardians in ancient Near East. There are numerous
examples from ancient Near Eastern
art of winged creatures with human faces, especially
from the Assyrian palaces and temples
of Nimrud and Nineveh, but most of
these are quadrupeds. Among these are the
massive guardian figures uncovered in the remains
of the Nimrud palace of the Assyrian
king Sennacherib. One is a winged bull with a
human head, and the other has the body of a
lion with a human face. Ashurnasirpal’s palace
at Kalhu contains figures of this type strategically
placed at the entrance to palaces and
temples and in throne rooms. Their huge size
(eight feet high) was designed to intimidate
all who entered. Syro-Phoenician art contains
similar images of winged sphinxes (lion’s
body, eagle’s wings and human head). Upright
(biped) composites are less attested.
Four-winged, eagle-headed human figures are
portrayed in the Ninurta temple at Nimrud.
Achaemenid Persian iconography depicts upright
creatures that have four wings, human
heads and bull legs and hooves.
1:6, 10. four-faced creatures. There does not
seem to be any exact Near Eastern parallels to
these multifaced creatures. Though eagle, bull
and lion faces are all common on composite
creatures (in fact, these are the only beasts so
featured in Mesopotamian art), there are few
examples of multiple faces on the same creature.
One example exists that has a lion head
with a human head perched on top of it. Only
the far-removed Roman god Janus provides
an attenuated model, with one face looking
forward and one backward. The purpose of
these creatures is also multifaceted. By being
able to look in all four directions, the creatures
serve the same function as the wheels of the
chariot (v. 17), which could travel in any of the
four directions. Both represent the power of
the deity to be present anyway and to be
aware of all events on earth. In addition, the
animal bodies represented here (lion, eagle,
bull/ox) all have parallels in Near Eastern art,
and each symbolizes specific powers or attributes
that signify the omnipotence of God:
the lion indicates strength 2 Sam 1:23; the eagle
indicates speed and gracefulness Is 40:31;
the ox indicates fertility Ps 106:19-20.
1:15-18. wheel technology. Naturally a chariot
with wheels facing all four directions could
not travel effectively in any direction. However,
the purpose of the image is found in its
symbolic value of attention to all of the corners
of the world—God’s omnipresence. In
addition, the chariot is actually upheld on the
outstretched wings of God’s four-faced creatures
and flies through the air. There is, however,
a sense of motion implicit in having the
wheels in place. This is based on a comparison
with the winged-bull figures that guarded entranceways
in Assyrian palaces. Many of them
691 EZEKIEL 1:22—3:14
have a fifth leg to suggest that though the figure
is frozen in the relief, it is actually dynamic
and in motion. Assyrian art also provides
examples of wheeled chariots with high rims
and multiple spokes that may be the origin of
this image in Ezekiel. The wheels sometimes
feature thick rims made up of concentric
bands, as well as spokes. The depiction of a
“wheel within a wheel” may thus represent
greater stability for the chariot, as multiple axles
and tires do for modern trucks. The description
of “eyes” within the wheels finds its
explanation in Babylonian terminology where
the word “eyes” is used for oval gems. Semiprecious
stones were embedded in the rims to
sparkle and dazzle onlookers.
1:22. expanse over the heads. Above the
heads of the four creatures is a platform sparkling
like crystal or ice. Ancient Near Eastern
glyptic art and sculpture contain images of
winged creatures holding up a pillar, a throne
or a platform. For instance, in the seventh-century
Assyrian palace at Nineveh, miniature
sphinxes served as column bases. Similarly, a
twelfth-century Phoenician wheeled cult
stand depicts a human-faced, lion-bodied,
winged figure. Its wings and head appear to
be holding up one side of the stand. More significantly,
first-millennium Mesopotamian
texts speak of three levels of the heavens, each
of which feature pavements of different colored
stone. The lower heavens are said to
have a platform of jasper, usually associated
with a glassy, translucent or opaque appearance.
In these texts the pavement of the middle
heavens is lapis lazuli (see comment on Ex
24:10) and holds up the dais of the god Bel
(Marduk).
1:26. throne chariot. Since the gods in the ancient
Near East often participated in processions,
there were vehicles used for their
transport. Engraved cylinder seals from the
end of the third millennium show a deity
standing in a four-wheeled chariot/cart
drawn by a composite quadruped with a lion’s
head and wings. Assyrian reliefs show
wheeled thrones for both kings and gods that
also feature poles for bearers to use to carry
the throne.
1:26-28. appearance of throne and figure. The
dazzling character of this vision can only be
compared to a rainbow or a fiery visage. This
would be in keeping with the Mesopotamian
concept of melammu (“clothed with power”)
as it regularly appears in the description
of Mesopotamian gods (for instance, Marduk
in the Enuma Elish creation story). In Mesopotamian
texts of this general period, a platform
in the middle heavens made of lapis lazuli (a
better interpretation of the word translated
sapphire in v. 26) supports a cella and dais of
Bel. The cella is said to shine with the appearance
of glass and crystal. The description of
the elements of this vision conform to the conventions
of the motifs familiar in Mesopotamia.
EZEKIEL 1:22—3:14
2:1—3:15
Ezekiel’s Call
2:6. briers, thorns and scorpions. Call narratives
for prophets generally follow a set pattern.
When the chosen prophet makes excuses
and shows apprehension, God provides reassurances
(see Jer 1:7-8. In Ezekiel’s case the
use of unusual terms (these particular words
translated briers and thorns appear only in
Ezekiel) is somewhat confusing. However,
what may be implied is that God is building a
protective wall around the prophet made of
stinging thorns. It has been plausibly suggested
that “scorpion” here refers to a type of
bush rather than the stinging creature.
3:1-3. eating a scroll. The imagery associated
with Ezekiel eating the scroll presented to him
by God is part of his call narrative and his acceptance
of his mission. The words on the
scroll must be internalized. They are also empowering
in much the same way that God’s
touching Jeremiah’s mouth empowered him
to speak his prophecies Jer 1:9. There are no
direct ancient Near Eastern parallels. It is possible
that consuming a piece of parchment or
papyrus with an incantation or the name of a
god was part of the ritual practices of either
Egypt or Mesopotamia. The term asakku,
meaning “set aside for the gods” or taboo, is
used in the Mari texts and other Old Babylonian
texts in reference to not “consuming”
what belongs to the gods.
3:9. imagery of hard forehead. Comparison
with Akkadian usage of the same term suggests
that Ezekiel’s forehead is being compared
with the hardest of stones. It is unlikely
to be a diamond since there is no attestation of
diamonds in the ancient Near East for another
century after Ezekiel.
3:14. transported by the spirit. In Hebrew the
word for spirit can also mean wind. As early
as Sumerian usage the word for wind/spirit
was also used in connection with dreams and
visions. The god of dreams was named “the
winds.” In Akkadian the name of the god who
brought dreams was Zaqiqu, which is derived
from the word for wind/spirit. Additionally,
in a dream or vision, it was believed that the
“spirit” of the person arises and may move
around. In later literature the pseude-
EZEKIEL 3:15—4:9 692
pigraphal book of 1 Enoch describes the antediluvian
patriarch being transported by
angels to the garden of Eden, where he served
as a “watcher” of the doings of humanity and
recorded them in a book.
3:15. Tel Abib. Technically, the name Tel Abib
(Babylonian til abubi) means a place created by
the flotsam and jetsam of a flood. A “tell” is
the term used for any ruined city site. Thus
the exiled families of Judah might have been
set in a place that had been destroyed, either
by war or flood, and expected to rebuild it and
bring the Nippur area on the canal Kebar back
into production. There is also an excellent
dual meaning, since the people of Judah had
been swept here by the tide of Babylonia’s
military victory.
3:16-27
Ezekiel the Watchman
3:22-26. results of Yahweh’s hand (mute).
Some have suggested physical ailments, from
aphasia to schizophrenia, as the cause of
Ezekiel’s problems. Several commentators
have also suggested either a conscious decision
on Ezekiel’s part to limit his role as mediator
between the people and God, or a divine
restriction on his speech (either one being divinely
imposed). Ezekiel’s experience is comparable
to that described in Akkadian
incantation texts, which speak of being
“touched by a god” and struck dumb. This
material would have been familiar to the
prophet and provided him with an excellent
parallel to the nature of his prophetic state
rather than a physical diagnosis. The sense of
paralysis (cf. 4:8) and the inability to speak
were well-known symptoms of supernatural
overpowerment in the ancient world. Incantations
sought to impose such conditions, and
demonic oppression was characterized by
them. In one piece of Babylonian wisdom literature
(Ludlul Bel Nemeqi), an individual who
cannot understand why he is suffering describes
his condition as including his lips being
struck dumb and his arms and legs being
stiff and paralyzed. His suffering is all attributed
to the “heavy hand of Marduk.”
EZEKIEL 3:15—4:9
4:1—5:17
Sign-Act Prophecies of Coming
Destruction
4:1. sign acts. In the Mari texts from over a
millennium earlier than Ezekiel, prophets
were already using symbolic actions and
wordplays as a medium for their prophetic
message. In one instance a prophet devoured
a raw lamb to announce an imminent danger
that could devour the land. Forms of street
theater are employed by Isaiah Is 20—traveling
naked) and Jeremiah Jer 19—execration
ritual following a procession) to engage their
audience and demonstrate through their actions
how serious the threat is to the people.
4:1. clay tablets used for maps. While it is rare
to find a clay tablet that contains a map image,
there is a Kassite period (fifteenth century
B.C.) map of the city of Nippur. It shows canals
radiating from the Euphrates River and suggests
that these water channels into neighborhoods
divided the city. The map shows two
parallel lines and indicates three gates and the
city walls. Temples and storehouses also are
marked on the drawing. A world map was
found near the site of Sippar dating to the seventh
century B.C. A river surrounds the circular
disk of the world, and mountains are
drawn at the top of the image. Babylon, Assyria
and other cities, regions and nations are
identified on the map.
4:2. siege strategies. All of the strategies described
here are typical of Assyrian and Babylonian
siege engines and techniques. They are
often depicted on palace walls in Nineveh and
Babylon. See the comments on Jeremiah 6:6
and Isaiah 29:2 for siege works and ramps.
Battering rams are sometimes attached to portable
towers that are wheeled up to city walls
or gates. The glacis, a slope built diagonally
against the wall, was constructed to prevent
effective use of the ram. Camps were erected
all around a city to prevent the escape of the
inhabitants. One of the most graphic examples
of this still in existence is the remains of the
Roman camps built all around the fortress of
Masada during the revolt of A.D. 70.
4:3. function of iron pans. The Israelites
baked their bread and prepared grain offerings
on griddles laid over an open fire or
placed into an earthen oven. The rich would
have been able to afford copper or iron griddles,
while the poor would have used ceramic
disks.
4:3. symbolism of iron wall. Iron in earlier periods
was counted among the precious metals.
Although more commonly used in the sixth
century B.C., it still would have been considered
a prized object because of its strength
and durability. Since Ezekiel is directing the
symbolic siege, he must represent God. The
iron wall is then understood to be the barrier
between God and the people of Jerusalem. It
signals that they may expect no help in the
coming siege from the Divine Warrior Yahweh.
4:9. ingredients of bread. The items listed
693 EZEKIEL 4:10—6:3
here from which Ezekiel is to make his loaf of
bread include some common grains (durum
wheat, barley and emmer wheat). These
grains were part of the diet of all the peoples
of the ancient Near East, and there are cognate
words in Akkadian and Ugaritic for each of
them. Millet is a summer grain. The unusual
items in this recipe are beans and lentils.
While these vegetables were used for soups
and occasionally ground up and mixed with
wheat to make a crude bread, that would have
been unusual. D. Block suggests plausibly
that Ezekiel’s mixture is symbolic of a siege
bread made from whatever could be scraped
from the bottom of all of the food bins.
4:10. amount of food. The fact that Ezekiel’s
food has to be weighed out and eaten at a particular
time signals that this is the hard rationing
that would have been necessary during a
siege. Twenty shekels would be equivalent to
eight ounces of food. That amount of calories
would keep him alive, but it would also significantly
weaken him. The weakness of a
starvation diet mirrors conditions in Jerusalem.
4:11. amount of water. Water rationing would
also be necessary during the siege, since the
people would be dependent on the supply in
cisterns (see the comment on Jer 38:6 and the
pool deriving from the Siloam tunnel. Ezekiel’s
ration is one-sixth of a hin or two-thirds of a
quart per day. The extremely hot conditions
during the summer and fall of 588 would have
severely taxed the besieged people of Jerusalem.
Such a small water ration would have further
contributed to their misery.
4:12, 15. fuel for fire. The typical fuel in areas
like Mesopotamia and Palestine was dried animal
dung or cakes made from the waste pulp
of crushed olives. Trees were too precious to
be cut for cooking and warming. Ezekiel,
however, is horrified when God commands
him to cook using human dung, an unclean
substance that must be buried away from human
habitation Deut 23:12-14. He was a
priest and this act would defile him; he simply
cannot bring himself to obey. Thus God compromises
by allowing him to cook over animal
dung.
5:1. sword as razor. A sword would have been
an awkward instrument to shave the beard
and head. Though “sword” is the usual translation
of this Hebrew word, it can be used for
other sharp implements, including axes, daggers
and chisels (cf. 26:9 and Josh 5:2. In
Ugaritic, an implement described by this
word is used to carve roast meat. A general-
purpose translation like “blade” would be
preferable. The choice of this word may have
been dictated by the desired reference to the
use of the sword by the Babylonians to shame
and conquer Jerusalem.
5:2. use of hair in offerings. Cutting or shaving
the hair is most often associated with rituals
of mourning (see comment on Is 15:2.
However, when a Nazirite vow has been completed,
the law commands that the hair that
has been dedicated during the period of the
vow is to be cut and placed as a sacrifice in the
fire Num 6:18. In ancient thinking, hair
(along with blood) was one of the main representatives
of a person’s life essence. As such it
was often an ingredient in sympathetic magic.
This is evident, for instance, in the practice of
sending along a lock of the presumed prophet’s
hair when the prophecies were sent to the
king of Mari. The hair would be used in divination
to determine whether the prophet’s
message would be accepted as valid.
5:10. cannibalism. One of the terrible results
of a long siege of a walled city was food shortage.
It sometimes became so severe that the
inhabitants of the city restored to cannibalism
(see comment on 2 Kings 6:29. For instance,
the Assyrian annals of Ashurbanipal describe
his siege of Babylon 650-648 B.C. and the desperation
of the starving people who were reduced
to cannibalism. There are also a
number of Mesopotamian treaties that contain
a curse that calls for the violator of the treaty
to feed on his own family or his own people
(as in the Ashurnirari V’s treaty with Mati’ilu
of Arpad). Biblical versions of this type of
curse can be found in Leviticus 26:29 and
Deuteronomy 28:53-57.
5:17. famine and wild beasts. These two punishments
are related only as part of a typical
group of punishments that deity is inclined to
send (two more, plague and bloodshed, occur
in the second half of the verse). As early as the
Gilgamesh Epic in Mesopotamia, the god Ea
had reprimanded Enlil for not sending lions to
ravage the people rather than using something
as dramatic as a flood. The gods used
wild beasts along with disease, drought and
famine to reduce the human population. A
common threat connected to negative omens
in the Assyrian period was that lions and
wolves would rage through the land. In like
manner, devastation by wild animals was one
of the curses invoked for treaty violation (see
also Deut 32:24.
EZEKIEL 4:10—6:3
6:1—7:27
Prophecies of Judgment Against
Israel
6:3. high places. See the comment on 1 Sam-
EZEKIEL 6:5—7:18 694
uel 9:12 for these local places of worship often
associated with Canaanite or false religious
practices.
6:5. bones scattered around altars. There are
three significances that combine to give this
action meaning. The first concerns the exposure
of the corpses of the dead. For the importance
of proper burial, see the comments on
Joshua 8:29 and 1 Kings 16:4. The second concerns
desecration of the holy sites. In Israelite
thinking, contact with the dead rendered
someone or something unclean. Sacred sites
could therefore be permanently contaminated
if they were made repositories for that which
was unclean (see comment on 2 Kings 10:27.
The third significance concerns assigning responsibility
for the fate of the Israelites who
have perished. Their death is on the heads of
these idols and altars that did nothing to save
them. For yet one more significance, see the
comment on verse 13.
6:11. body language. Gestures and body
language take on different meanings in different
cultures. In current Western society,
clapping hands can be used to show appreciation,
to summon subordinates or children,
to get someone’s attention, to
accompany music or to express frustration
(one clap). There were also several functions
in the ancient world. Clapping could be
used in praise Ps 47:1 or applause (2 Kings
11:12), or as a gesture of anger or derision
Num 24:10; Job 27:23. Variations may exist
in the precise movement involved: compare
the different significations in western culture
of (1) striking the palms together parallel
to the body on a horizontal plain
(applause); (2) slapping the palms together
in a roughly vertical movement (frustration);
and (3) striking the palms together
perpendicular to the body while alternating
which hand is on top and which is on bottom
(as if knocking the dust off). Ezekiel is
instructed by God to perform a series of
symbolic gestures (clapping, stomping his
foot and uttering an exclamation) that display
God’s wrath. Stomping one’s foot is often
a sign of frustration or anger, as in the
Ugaritic Epic of Aqhat. In that tale the hero
refuses to give his bow to the goddess Anat,
telling her hunting weapons are for men.
She is so angry that she violently stamps her
foot and goes off in a rush to seek revenge
from the gods. The exclamation (NIV:
“Alas”) that is used indicates that someone
will get what’s coming to them (“you’ll be
sorry!”), reinforcing this scene of impending
divine punishment.
EZEKIEL 6:5—7:18 6:13. slain around altars (provided no sanctuary).
False altars can offer no right of sanctuary.
Just as God scoffs at those who put their
trust in other gods as if in a rock of “refuge,”
Deut 32:37, now Yahweh denies them the
safety ordinarily extended to those who approach
or grab hold of the altar (compare 1
Kings 1:50-51).
6:13. spreading tree and leafy oak. The degree
to which idolatry has spread is emphasized
in this reference to cultic shrines beneath
the branches of every spreading oak (see the
comment on Deut 12:2-3 on Canaanite “outdoor
shrines”). Hosea 4:13 also uses this image
of hilltop and leafy glade as places of idol
worship.
6:14. desert to Diblah. The geographic range
here, like the more familiar “from Dan to
Beersheba,” expresses God’s ability to punish
the Israelites from one end to the other of
their territory. The desert refers to the wilderness
around Beersheba. Diblah appears in
the Septuagint and is a variant of Riblah,
which was in the land of Syro-Hamath just
south of Kadesh 2 Kings 23:33. Its mention
here may refer to the city’s use by Nebuchadnezzar.
It was the headquarters for his army’s
campaign during his siege of Jerusalem
in 588-586 B.C.
7:2. four corners. The idea of the whole earth
is implied by this reference to the “four corners”
of the land. A similar expression is
found in Malachi 1:11 and the royal Phoenician
inscription of Azitiwadda (730-710 B.C.)
from Karatepe. These texts express universal
rule and power by referring to the land “from
sunrise to sunset.” The Assyrian annals of
Shalmaneser III state that the “totality of the
countries” have been placed in his hands. The
phrase used here and elsewhere in Assyrian
texts, as in Ezekiel, refers to the four corners of
the earth as the king’s domain.
7:13. seller will not recover land. The extent
of the doom pronounced upon the nation is
such that even the Jubilee year will not be celebrated
(see the comment on Lev 25:8-55. Ordinarily,
property that had been sold to satisfy
debts could be redeemed during the Jubilee,
thereby restoring the grants of lands that were
first made after the conquest (the Code of
Hammurabi contain similar clauses regarding
redemption of land). Now the “divine lease”
has been revoked, and there will be no economic
advantage for buyer or seller in the age
of destruction to come.
7:18. sackcloth. Sackcloth, one of the traditional
signs of mourning and repentance, was
made of goat or camel hair and was coarse
and uncomfortable. In many cases the sackcloth
was only a loin covering. This custom
695 EZEKIEL 7:18—8:3
not only set a person aside with a mark of separation
from normal life, but as the sackcloth
chaffed the skin, it also served as a continual
reminder of the pain of loss.
7:18. shaved heads. Although this practice is
condemned in Deuteronomy 14:1 (perhaps as
part of the ancestor cult—see the comment on
Deut 14:1-2, shaving the head as a sign of
mourning was very common (see Job 1:20 and
Jer 48:37. It also occurs as part of the purification
ritual for the diseased Lev 14:8-9 and in
the law of the Nazirite Num 6:9. In Mesopotamia
shaving off half the hair was used as a
punishment intended to bring public humiliation.
7:23. chains. Captives are usually depicted in
Egyptian and Mesopotamian art bound in
chains. This is the case in a relief found in the
Ramesseum at Thebes picturing Asiatic, Ethiopian
and central African captives being paraded
before Rameses II. A similar scene of
captive Canaanite and Philistine prisoners is
carved into the wall of the mortuary temple of
Rameses III at Medinet Habu.
7:24. sanctuaries desecrated. Mention of the
desecration of the temple in Jerusalem (Ps
74:7) and of Josiah’s systematic destruction of
the high places throughout his domain and at
Bethel 2 Kings 24:8-15 indicates that sanctuaries
were not safe from the hand of avenging
or crusading rulers. Ancient texts from Old
Babylonian Mari and the Persian period
Cyrus Cylinder describe the destruction of
temples and the taking of sacred images as
“hostages.” In Ezekiel’s vision the false altars
and shrines erected by the Israelites will now
be swept away and destroyed by an avenging
God.
7:26. vision, law, counsel as means of deliverance.
The prophetic vision offered a message
from God that might at times bring encouragement
or hope of deliverance. The priest’s
instruction here is possibly ritual instruction
intended to point the way toward appeasing
divine wrath. The counsel of the elders was
believed to be a channel for divine wisdom
leading to proper decisions. In a time of upheaval
and destruction, the land is left without
direction from God or regarding God. All
of the traditional means of providing guidance
are lost or ineffective (see these groups of
counselors in Jer 26:7-17. Just as the Visions of
Neferti, a twentieth-century B.C. Egyptian seer,
describe how “officials no longer administer
the land” and “those who could speak have
been expelled,” now Judah faces a future
without the counsel needed to plan and make
decisions (compare Saul’s dilemma in 1 Sam
28:6).
EZEKIEL 7:18—8:3 8:1—11:25
Transported to Jerusalem in a
Vision
8:1. chronology. Fourteen months after his initial
vision calling him to serve as a prophet,
Ezekiel now experiences a new vision that
will dramatically demonstrate the decadence
of Jerusalem’s religious state. Based on the calendar
used for Ezekiel 1:1, the date of this vision
would be September 17-18, 592 B.C.
8:2. figure of metal and fire. A divine apparition
that confronts Ezekiel is similar in its brilliance
to the one in his call narrative (Ezek
1:26-27). In both instances he uses qualifiers
and the combination of blinding fire and shining
metal or electrum. It is the magnificence of
God’s or a divine messenger’s glory that is being
conveyed here. This follows the pattern of
the dangerous nature of contact with the divine
found throughout ancient Near Eastern
literature (see the comment on Ezek 1:26-28.
8:3. transported in visions. Since Ezekiel will
not physically leave the exile, it is necessary
for him to be transported in a vision to Jerusalem,
where he can witness the city’s abominations.
There is little in the literature of the
ancient Near East to provide information on
visions or visionary experiences. In one interesting
text, A Vision of the Netherworld (seventh
century), an Assyrian prince sees Nergal, king
of the netherworld, seated on his throne, with
lightning flashing from him. The text does not
say how the prince was transported, but it
does mention that he is dragged by his hair to
Nergal. A parallel to spiritual transport might
be found in the Mesopotamian hero Adapa’s
appearance before the divine assembly. His
patron god, Ea, causes him to “take the road
to heaven,” and Adapa has the opportunity to
gaze from that vantagepoint “from the horizon
of heaven to the zenith of heaven.”
8:3-16. temple complex topography. The rectangular
temple structure (facing east) is surrounded
by a walled inner courtyard. Outside
of this wall is the outer courtyard. The wall is
lined with chambers used for various purposes.
Ezekiel first is set down in his vision outside
the north gate leading from the outer
courtyard into the inner court. From this outer
courtyard, Ezekiel could look through the
gate at the altar that dominated the inner
courtyard. The gates leading into the temple
precincts were added after Solomon’s original
construction of the temple 2 Kings 15:35. The
hole near the gateway (v. 7) area may have led
into one of those chambers lining the courtyard
wall, perhaps a storage room that had
been transformed into a shrine where the sev-
EZEKIEL 8:5—9:2 696
enty elders stood in their own separate niches
and worshiped idolatrous images. The next
scene (v. 14) is outside a gate in the same wall
further to the west, where women would be
allowed. Then at verse 16 Ezekiel is led into
the inner court of the temple where he will
view a further abomination in the area between
the porch of the temple and the altar.
EZEKIEL 8:5—9:2 8:5. idol of jealousy. The image of Asherah
that Manasseh set up in the temple complex is
referred to in a similar way 2 Chron 33:7, 15.
Though this should not be considered the
same image, it could easily be another Asherah.
This is further suggested by the fact that
the word used for “image” here is an unusual
one that is thought to be a loan word from
Phoenician or Canaanite. According to the
second commandment of the Decalogue, any
image that was the object of worship would
provoke Yahweh’s jealousy.
8:10. wall decorations as objects of worship.
The text specifies these as images carved in relief
on the walls. This art form was well
known in Assyria and Babylon. Verse 12 additionally
suggests that each of the seventy was
worshiping in front of a separate niche where
an image was engraved. The fact that these
carvings were of animals suggests some connection
to Egyptian mortuary practices. Animals
were not typically the objects of worship
in Canaanite or Mesopotamian practice. But
the Egyptians used apotropaic rituals to ward
off various creatures from the tombs of their
ancestors, and incense was used throughout
the ancient Near East in apotropaic contexts.
The decoration of the walls of houses in Mesopotamia
with images of ants and cockroaches
may also have been apotropaic.
8:14. mourning for Tammuz. Like other fertility-
oriented “dying gods,” the Sumerian demigod
Tammuz spent part of the year in the
underworld (representing the dry, unproductive
seasons) and then came back to life during
the time of rains, planting and harvesting.
The Mesopotamian ritual that formed part of
his worship begged the gods to restore Tammuz
and the land’s fertility. It included a series
of laments (based on those initiated in the
epic story by his wife Inanna and his mother
and sister). The women who performed these
laments would wail and shed tears (a symbolic
gesture of the need for rain). The fact that
Ezekiel describes women performing this ritual
before the gates of the temple in Jerusalem
may reflect either the adoption of this fertility
god as a substitute for Yahweh or wailing for
Yahweh as a dying and rising fertility god using
Tammuz lamentation liturgy. This adds a
Mesopotamian heresy to the Canaanite- and
Egyptian-style heresies in the two previous
scenes.
8:16. sun worship. Evidence of official sun
worship in ancient Israel seems to be tied primarily
to the reign of Manasseh. The horses
and chariots of the sun that he set up were destroyed
by Josiah when he attempted to
cleanse the temple complex of foreign religious
influence (see comment on 2 Kings
23:11). Place names such as Beth Shemesh, Ein
Shemesh and Mount Heres Josh 15:7; Judg
1:35) also attest to the popularity of sun worship.
Perhaps it is not coincidental that the
chapter is dated to the time of the autumn
equinox when the sun would be at the angle
to shine directly into the temple at sunrise.
While Egypt, Canaan and Mesopotamia all
had sun gods (Amun-Re, Shemesh and Shamash
respectively), it is more likely that this
is syncretistic worship of Yahweh as a sun
god. This would complete the series of scenes
that portrayed Canaanite worship (v. 5),
Egyptian worship (v. 10-11), Mesopotamian
worship (v. 14) and syncretistic worship of
Yahweh (v.16).
8:17. branch to the nose. There is an Akkadian
expression (laban appi) that refers to a gesture
of humility used to come contritely before deity
with a petition. When this act is portrayed
in art, the worshiper has his hand positioned
in front of his nose and mouth, and is sometimes
shown with a short cylindrical object in
his hand. From the Sumerian tale called Gilgamesh
and the Land of the Living there is some
evidence that what is held is a small branch
cut off a living tree. This would suggest that in
Ezekiel the people are putting on a show of
humility. It must be admitted, however, that
these connections are very hazy and the significance
may lie somewhere else entirely.
EZEKIEL 9:2—10:4 9:2. six slaughterers. While there is an obvious
parallel between this vision of divinely directed
executioners and the “Destroyer” in
the Passover narrative Ex 12:23, the motif
of seven destroyers is best exemplified in the
eighth-century Neo-Babylonian Myth of Erra
and Ishum. In this ancient poem the god Anu
begets seven deities (Sebitti, associated with
Pleiades) and gives them to Erra to serve “as
his fierce weapons.” These merciless beings
spare no one, killing all in their directed path
and thus functioning as the tools of chaos and
violence. The poem, like Ezekiel’s vision, provides
a religious explanation for the destruction
and humiliation of a major city (Babylon),
but here there are only six rather than seven,
the seventh having been replaced by a scribe
(see next entry).
9:2. record-keeper. The motif of a divine
697 EZEKIEL 9:2—10:4
record-keeper is found in the Gilgamesh Epic
where Belet-Seri kneels before Ereshkigal (the
queen of the underworld in Akkadian belief)
and reads out the names of mortals who will
die. But the scribal writing kit carried by the
man here would evoke the image of Nabu, the
god of scribes and scribe of the gods. Nabu
was one of the most popular Babylonian gods
of the period, as is demonstrated by his appearance
in many of the names (e.g., Nebuchadnezzar).
He is the one who keeps the
accounts on the tablet of life, just as the scribal
personage here in Ezekiel is doing.
9:2. writing kit. The ancient scribe typically
carried a writing case that would serve as a
palette when he was writing and also stored
his pens and containers of ink (usually both
black and red ink). In this passage, the term
used for the writing kit included an Egyptian
loan word (qeset) that identified it as a particular
style of palette, with slots for the pens and
two hollowed-out places to store ink. These
palettes appear in numerous Egyptian tomb
paintings. The pen was a rush or reed cut to a
point that could serve as brush or point depending
on the shape of the letter being
drawn. Ink was made from a mixture of carbon
and gum. Red ink had iron oxide added
to produce the color needed for rubrics or the
lines on the scroll. Completing his kit would
be a knife to sharpen his pens Jer 36:23.
9:2. bronze altar. The bronze altar was part of
the furnishings of the original temple complex
created by Solomon (see comment on 2 Chron
4:1). It had sat in front of the temple “between
the new altar and the temple,” and had then
been moved to the north side to make room
for the idolatrous altar erected by Ahaz (2
Kings 16:14).
9:3. glory of the Lord above the cherubim.
There is an association between God’s “glory”
and the ark of the covenant as early as the
Samuel narratives (see comment on 1 Sam
4:3-4). In Ezekiel God’s presence is tied to the
“glory”—a physical manifestation that also
plays on the image presented of the ark of
God enthroned between the wings of the cherubim
(for the iconography of the ark, see comment
on Ex 25:10-22.
9:4. marks on the forehead. The action of the
scribe conjures up several parallels. The mark
is the Hebrew letter taw, the last letter of the
Hebrew alphabet, which was used as a signature
in some periods of Israelite history (Job
31:35). In the script used during Old Testament
times it was either an X shape or a +
shape. It may represent God’s ownership of
the remnant of the people who deserved to
survive the coming destruction (a sentiment
also expressed in the Egyptian Visions of Neferti).
Jewish tradition continued to employ this
sign as a mark of the righteous from the Dead
Sea Scrolls, through the intertestamental period
and into rabbinic traditions. Certainly,
marking those who will survive God’s wrath
is comparable to the blood on the doorpost
during the Exodus event Ex 12:11. The same
mark used in Ezekiel was early associated
with the blood mark on the doorposts at Passover,
but its resemblance to a cross made that
connection unpopular among the rabbis in
the post-Christian era.
10:1. throne of sapphire (lapis lazuli). The
mention of God’s throne is a reiteration of
1:26. At least since Roman times, based on the
writings of Pliny, sapphire has actually denoted
lapis lazuli. It remained common until the
end of the medieval period to employ the
term sapphire when referring to the deep blue
of lapis lazuli. The word sapphire comes from
the Sanskrit and was borrowed into Latin. Lapis
lazuli, a combination of minerals including
felspathoid, sodalite and lazurite, comes
from the mountains of Afghanistan. It is a brittle
stone and has been used for jewelry, in mosaics
and to decorate furniture. Its sparkling
character, a desirable quality for decorative
purposes, is the result of pyrite fragments
blended with the stone. In Akkadian texts this
stone was commonly associated with the
dwelling place of the high god.
10:1. cherubim. See the comment on Exodus
25:18-20 and 26:1-6 for the decorative appearance
of cherubim in the tabernacle and on the
lid of the ark of the covenant. In the Jerusalem
temple two cherubim were made from olivewood
and overlaid with gold (see 1 Kings
6:23-28). The significance of the iconography
in each of these instances is to be found in the
idea of God’s presence being upheld on the
wings of the cherubim. The close association
of God and the cherubim may be related to
the image of Canaanite and Mesopotamian
gods riding or standing on the backs of animals
(i.e., Baal astride a bull). It should also be
noted that the winged beasts of Assyrian art
may have also had some influence on the biblical
depiction of the cherubim (see the comment
on Ezek 1:5. In chapter 1 these creatures
were not identified as cherubim, but here they
are placed in that category. This is logical since
cherubim were most commonly portrayed as
the guardians of divine property or presence.
10:2. wheels. See comment on 1:15-18.
10:4. radiance of the glory of the Lord. See the
comments on Ezekiel 1:4 and 1:26-28 for discussion
of the kabod or “glory” of God and
how it compares to the concept of melammu,
EZEKIEL 10:9—12:6 698
“divine brilliance,” that appears in Mesopotamian
literature. For a comparison with Egyptian
and Akkadian religious texts dealing with
the radiance of the gods and the danger to humans
who see this divine light, see the comments
on Exodus 13:21-22 and 33:18-23.
10:9. chrysolite. As in 1:16 the semiprecious
stone mentioned is tarshish. Most interpreters
identify it as either beryl or topaz, both of
which would have reflected the light and provided
the sense of translucent brilliance in this
text.
10:12. full of eyes. See comment on 1:15-18 for
the discussion of the wheels “full of eyes.”
EZEKIEL 10:9—12:6 10:14. four faces. See comment on 1:6.
10:15. Kebar River. See comment on 1:1.
10:18. importance of the threshold. Entranceways
have great symbolic significance in the
biblical world. They serve as a place of judgment
Deut 22:20-21 as well as a legal site
where acts of submission and worship may
take place 1 Sam 5:4; Ezek 46:1-2. They also
mark the point of entry and exit from a private
home or, as in Ezekiel, from the realm of
sacred space to the secular world.
10:19. east gate. This would be the gate of the
outer court of the temple. While the temple
complex had an east-west orientation, it is unclear
how closely tied to this sacred precincts
were the buildings and courtyards of the royal
palace. It is possible that the gate Ezekiel is referring
to in this case is one of those that connected
temple and palace. If this is the case,
then its significance is heightened as Yahweh
prepares to abandon both the religious community
and the secular authorities to their
fate.
11:1. leaders. All of these names appear on
seals from this period, but with the exception
of Pelatiah, it is unlikely that the seals should
be related to the individuals named in this
verse. The Pelatiah seal possibly refers to this
individual, but there can be no certainty. For
more about seals and persons named on them,
see the sidebar in Jeremiah 32.
11:3, 7, 11. metaphor of cooking pot and
meat. Ezekiel refutes the claims of Jerusalem’s
new rulers that they have created a safe haven
in the city for the people. He turns this
around, transforming the pot (Jerusalem)
from a tightly sealed storage jar into a cooking
pot in which the people (see Mic 3:3 and their
false rulers will be broiled over the flame of
Yahweh’s anger (compare Ezek 22:18-22.
11:18. images and idols. See the comments on
images in 8:5 and 8:10.
11:19. heart of stone. The concept of a heart of
stone would have had a couple of associations
in the ancient world, mostly from Egypt. First
of all, in Egyptian beliefs it was the heart that
was weighed in judgment to determine
whether or not the afterlife could be attained.
If it was weighed down with guilt and sin, the
results could be disastrous (see comment on
Ex 8:11. A heart of stone would be a heavy
heart. More important is the imagery connected
to the mummification process. From New
Kingdom times on, the heart was removed
from the mummy and placed in a canopic jar,
as the other important organs were. This was
done because the Egyptians believed that the
heart might betray the individual when he
came to judgment and thereby jeopardize the
afterlife. The heart was replaced with a stone
carved in the shape of a dung beetle. In Egypt
this insect was the symbol of eternal life. By
transplanting it inside the mummy in place of
the heart, they believed they were securing
the renewal of the person’s life and vitality. In
contrast, Yahweh is going to bring his people
back to life by returning to them hearts of
flesh that will not betray them. The imagery of
an unhardened heart would be apt in that
verses 17-20 suggest a new exodus and a new
covenant.
11:23. mountain east of the city. The mount to
the east of the temple complex would be the
Mount of Olives. From here one can look
down on the temple mount and the city. From
a vantagepoint in Jerusalem, this would be the
limit of how far one could look to the east.
Whether the implication is that God is going
to sit outside the city and watch (compare Jon
4:5), or whether it is from here that he returns
to heaven (it is the traditional site of the ascension
of Christ as well, though New Testament
support is slight).
EZEKIEL 12:10—13:14
12:1-28
Prophecy of the Exile
12:5. digging through the wall. As depicted in
Assyrian reliefs, a number of different measures
were used to breach the defenses of a city
under siege. Among these was undermining
or drilling through the city walls. Ezekiel,
since he was digging from the outside of his
wall inward, therefore took on the role of the
Babylonians, who were working, at God’s
command, to break through into the city.
12:6. covering the face. There were occasions
when the face was covered in mourning or
shame, but those use a different verb than the
one used here. It is likely that covering the
face here symbolizes the fate of the king he is
representing (vv. 12-13).
12:6. sign to Israel. Ezekiel’s enacted prophecy
provided God’s sign of the coming destruc-
699 EZEKIEL 12:10—13:14
tion of Jerusalem and the exile of the people.
By performing this set of actions, Ezekiel became
the message. Sign-acts often go even further,
as the prophet’s life itself becomes a sign
(see Is 8:18; Jer 16:2; Hos 1.
12:10. prince in Jerusalem. At the time Ezekiel
was speaking, Zedekiah was the ruler of
Jerusalem. He was the third son of Josiah to sit
on the throne, although his power to rule was
strictly curtailed and under the supervision of
Nebuchadnezzar (see 2 Kings 24:15-17. The
fact that Ezekiel refers to Zedekiah as “prince”
(Hebrew nasi’) instead of as king (Hebrew melek)
is an indication that he does not consider
him the true successor of David.
12:13. net, snare. The image of God snaring
his enemies in a net is a common one in ancient
Near Eastern art. Among the most
graphic is the Stele of the Vultures, which depicts
the Sumerian god Ningirsu holding a net
of woven reeds in his left hand. Imprisoned
within the net are the soldiers of Umma who
had attacked Eannatum, the king of Lagash.
Egyptian art from the reign of Necho II portrays
the pharaoh gathering his foes in a gigantic
net (see Hab 1:14-15.
12:13. land of Chaldeans. The Chaldeans are
first mentioned in Mesopotamian sources in
the ninth century B.C. Although related ethnically
to the other Aramean tribes of southern
Babylonia, they had a distinct tribal structure.
As the Assyrian empire began to weaken,
Chaldean leaders, including Nabopolassar
and Nebuchadnezzar, eventually
gained their independence and established
the Neo-Babylonian dynasty after 625 B.C.
The areas that they controlled and within
which they settled the exiles from Judah
ranged from all of southern Mesopotamia to
the region west of Haran on the upper reaches
of the Euphrates River.
12:13. will not see it, there he will die. This
statement was fulfilled in the blinding of King
Zedekiah after the capture of Jerusalem by
Nebuchadnezzar’s troops. Although he
would be taken into the exile and would
spend the rest of his life a prisoner, Zedekiah’s
eyes were destroyed after he was forced to
witness the execution of his children (see 2
Kings 25:7). The practice of gouging out a
prisoner’s eyes appears in the Assyrian Annals
of Ashurnasirpal II in the ninth century
and those of Sargon II in the eighth century.
This was simply one of several terror tactics
employed to frighten and humiliate their enemies.
12:18. anxious eating and drinking. Since eating
and drinking are the most basic activities
of daily life, the mood at the table often reflects
current conditions. At the Passover, the
Israelites were to eat their meal “in haste” as a
reflection of their readiness to leave. Here the
anxiety betrays the threat they are living under.
12:24. flattering divinations. The task of the
diviner was to determine the will of a god or
gods through various ritualized actions—the
examination of sheep entrails, consultation
with the dead 1 Sam 28:8 or the study of the
astrological configurations. All of these practices
were forbidden by Israelite law (see the
comment on Deut 18:10-13 because of their
association with false gods and false religions.
Naturally, a diviner would wish to please his
paying clients and thus might be inclined to
flatter or seduce them with his manner and
statements (compare Prov 26:24-26. Such desirable
predictions were out of place and to be
considered similar to those condemned by Jeremiah
(see Jer 27:9-10.
EZEKIEL 12:10—13:14
13:1-23
False Prophets
13:10. flimsy wall covered with whitewash.
Ezekiel uses an analogy similar to that in Jeremiah
6:14 and 8:11. In both prophets reality is
covered up and people delude themselves
into believing that a wound is not serious or a
wall is sturdy. It reflects the tendency to hide
structural problems with cosmetic solutions.
Mesopotamian law codes also deal with unscrupulous
builders and homeowners who
neglect repairs or attempt to hide unsafe
workmanship (see both the Laws of Eshnunna
and Hammurabi’s Code).
13:11. God’s destructive forces. The flimsy
walls, held together by layers of plaster, cannot
withstand the forces of nature unleashed
by God. As in Isaiah 28:2 and 30:30, rain
with accompanying high winds and destructive
hailstones was to be considered God’s
voice, thundering out an answer and indictment
on Judah. A similar image is found in
the Sumerian Lament over the Destruction of
Ur. In this recitation of misery, the poet describes
how the god Enlil withheld the gentle
winds that bring the rains needed for
their crops. In their place were the desert
winds (sirocco) that evaporated all the moisture
from the ground and raging storm
winds that collapsed buildings and whistled
alarmingly through the gates of abandoned
cities.
13:14. foundation laid bare. God’s wrath is so
strong that the symbolic wall constructed of
deceptive prophecy is to be totally razed to its
bare foundations. Its foundation will be seen
EZEKIEL 13:18—16:3 700
for what it is: self-interest and self-advancement
rather than the word of God. Foundations
usually consisted of a few courses of
stone laid in trenches.
13:18. sewing magic charms on wrists. The
practice described here is a bit uncertain since
the Hebrew term kesatot only appears in this
chapter (vv. 18 and 20). It is possible that it is
related to the Akkadian kasitu, “binding magic.”
Babylonian incantation texts describe how
persons wishing to bind others to their will
made bands that they wore on their arms or
wrists, empowering them with an oath. Perhaps
these false female prophets were employing
something similar, or perhaps Ezekiel
was simply comparing their influence to a
practice known to him from Babylonia.
13:18. various length veils. Again, an Akkadian
word, possibly sapah~u (“to loosen”),
may be the basis for the item mentioned here.
If it is a parallel to the wristbands previously
mentioned, then the “veil” might have been
worn around the neck as another magic device
to bind people to the woman’s will. Certainly,
a form of “attachment” is intended.
Whatever paraphernalia are referred to in
this verse, it is generally accepted that it indicates
the presence of a familiar type of witchcraft
that attempts to control its victims.
14:1-23
Judgment Against Idolatry
14:1-3. elders coming to inquire. The elders
served as the authorities for the exiles. They
came to Ezekiel as supplicants seeking counsel
and an oracle. The gesture of sitting before
him (at his feet) indicates his role as teacher
and spokesperson for God. There is some
question whether they sincerely accepted his
authority or were simply curious about what
he could offer as a word of God.
EZEKIEL 13:18—16:3 14:14. Noah, Daniel, Job. While Noah and Job
are easily identified as righteous sages of antiquity,
it has seemed unlikely to many interpreters
that Ezekiel would place a
contemporary prophet, Daniel, in this group.
This chapter, however, likely dates from the
late 590s. By that time Daniel had been in
Babylon for almost fifteen years and would
have been in his late twenties or early thirties.
His success had come early (see comment on
Dan 2:1, so he had been in a high position in
the court for a decade. Nevertheless, Daniel
does not mesh easily with the profile of the
other two. First, both of them are non-Israelites.
Noah lived during the flood and prior to
Abraham. Job was from Uz, usually located
around Edom. A Babylonian wisdom document
that contains arguments on suffering
similar to those in the book of Job suggests a
long tradition for his character. Seeking a
highly reputed character from antiquity, some
interpreters have considered it possible that
the Daniel mentioned here refers to Danil, the
wise king of ancient Ugarit who was the father
of the hero Aqhat. Like Deborah (Judg
4:5), Danil sat beneath a tree hearing the cases
of his people, dispensing justice to widows
and orphans. Since he is not associated with
Yahweh worship, however, it would be difficult
to envision Ezekiel giving Danil such an
elevated status. As in the case of the marking
of the innocents in Ezekiel 9, these three great
wise men, known for their individual righteousness,
could only save themselves during
the coming catastrophe. The implication that a
certain number of righteous persons is necessary
to save a city from God’s wrath (see Gen
18:23-32; Jer 5:1 is thus set aside in the face of
Judah’s violations of the covenant.
14:15. wild beasts as judgment. In the passage
from verses 15-20, God posits a variety of
means to punish the people of Judah for their
crimes and thus cleanse the land of its impurity.
With respect to using wild beasts as the instrument
of God’s wrath, see the comment on
5:17.
15:1-8
Analogy of the Vine
15:2-7. vine parables and metaphors. Like
Isaiah in the “Song of the Vineyard” Is 5:1-7,
Ezekiel uses the vine as a metaphor for Judah
(see also Ezek 17:5-10. In each case the uselessness
of the vine versus a branch or a tree
well rooted is the justification for its destruction.
A similar image appears in an Egyptian
wisdom piece, the Instruction of Amenemope.
There too a plant that serves as the metaphor
for fools who speak without thinking is uprooted,
burned and destroyed because it soon
withers and has no value once uprooted. The
metaphor of a city as an unproductive plant is
known from the Myth of Erra and Ishum
(known copies date to the eighth century) in
which Marduk laments Babylon. He says that
he filled it with seeds like a pine cone, but no
fruit came from it, and he planted it like an orchard
but never tasted its fruit.
EZEKIEL 16:3-12
16:1-63
Analogy of the Discarded Woman
16:3. ancestry in land of Canaanites. Biblical
references to Jerusalem describe it originally
as a Jebusite city Josh 18:28. David captured
701 EZEKIEL 16:3-12
it and transformed it into the Israelite capital
2 Sam 5:6-10. Mention of Jerusalem is also
found in nineteenth- and eighteen-century
B.C. execration documents from Egypt and the
fourteenth-century El Amarna texts. By making
this identification, Ezekiel attempts to set
aside the people’s pride in Jerusalem as their
city as God begins to lay out the indictment
against Judah.
16:3. father an Amorite, mother a Hittite. This
passage operates on two levels. First, it is correct
to tie Jerusalem, at least the Jebusite city,
to Amorite and North Syrian Hittite political
origins. This is established by its mention in
the El Amarna texts. However, on a symbolic
level, in confronting Jerusalem with its mixed
ancestry (tying it to three of the seven major
inhabitant groups of Canaan listed in Ex 3:8,
God identifies the place and the people as utterly
corrupt. When the land was conquered,
it was the responsibility of the Israelites to purify
it of its idolatrous traditions Deut 7:1-5,
but instead the people became just like the nations
they were supposed to displace.
EZEKIEL 16:13-25 16:4. treatment of a newborn. All of the actions
described here would ordinarily be
those of the midwife. She would cut and tie
off the umbilical cord, rinse the placenta off
the newborn, clean the baby’s skin with salt
water and finally wrap it in a blanket. The
child would then be presented to the parents
to be named. However, in this case the child is
not accepted as a member of the household
and instead is abandoned in a field, where its
fate is left up to God. In the ancient world the
role of the midwife in preparing the birthing
room and caring for the newborn is often attributed
to deity, especially in metaphors. In a
segment of the Babylonian Atrahasis Epic the
fertility goddess Mami is the midwife of the
gods who brings humanity into being. In the
Egyptian Hymn to the Aten, the sun god presides
as midwife over the lands of Egypt each
morning. The midwife rituals involved provide
for the physical needs of the child as well
as making a symbolic transference from the
realm of the womb to the living world.
16:5. child exposure. Both classical and ancient
Near Eastern sources make mention of
infanticide. Graphic evidence of this from the
Roman-Byzantine period has been found in
recent excavations at Ashkelon, where the remains
of a hundred infants who had been disposed
of in a sewer drain were uncovered.
Infanticide was usually employed to get rid of
female or malformed children. This was done
as a means of either population control or economic
necessity, since many villages were
barely able to feed and care for healthy children
and adults. The fact that the infant’s parents
“cast it out” into a field has legal
implications as well. They are renouncing all
legal claims to the child and leaving it up to
God and/or another person to “adopt” and
thus save the child’s life. Among the examples
of this practice are Moses’ exposure in the
Nile (though this was not total abandonment;
his sister was instructed to watch and see
what would happen; Ex 2:1-10 and the birth
legend of Sargon of Akkad.
16:8. covering nakedness with corner of garment.
This is a legal and symbolic gesture by
the husband that he intends to provide for the
needs of his wife. It is further confirmed by
the taking of an oath (berît). Another example
of the practice is Boaz’s expansive covering of
Ruth on the threshing floor when he agrees to
serve as her advocate before the village elders
Ruth 3:9.
16:9. ointments. As part of the marriage ritual,
a “day of bathing” and anointing occurred
that symbolized the transference of care of the
young woman from her parents to her husband.
Old Babylonian documents attest to this
ceremony, and it may also be at the heart of a
Middle Assyrian law in which a man pours oil
over the head of a woman who is about to become
a part of his household. This gesture
stands in stark contrast to the lack of care given
the infant child in Ezekiel 16:4.
16:10. embroidered dress. Among the bridal
gifts is embroidered cloth for her gown. Only
the finest cloth was embroidered, and it was
considered a prize in war Judg 5:30 as well
as a luxury item suitable for trade with other
countries Ezek 27:16. On a more practical
level, both Hammurabi’s Code and the Lipit
Ishtar Code from Mesopotamia list oil, grain
and clothing as the items that husbands are required
to supply their wives.
16:10. leather sandals. Ordinary sandals were
made from woven fibrous material, secured
with leather thongs Is 5:27. For footwear to
be entirely made of leather would be a luxury
and a signifier of both wealth and power. Fine
leather sandals are represented on Shalmaneser
III’s Black Obelisk panels (ninth century
B.C.) and on wall paintings from the time of
the Assyrian king Sargon II (721-705 B.C.).
16:11-12. jewelry. The full array of jewelry
provided by the husband consists of many of
the types of jewelry regularly used to adorn a
woman’s body and head (compare the more
complete list in Is 3:18-23. Like the bride gifts
for Rebekah Gen 24:22, there are arm bracelets,
possibly with animal heads at each end.
The necklace may have been a strand of beads
or linked metal rings similar to those in Assyr-
EZEKIEL 16:13-25 702
ian reliefs or the Nimrud ivories depicting
royal Assyrian women. The nose ring again
follow the style of Rebekah’s adornment (Gen
24:22), and the earrings were probably ovoid
loops inserted into pieced ears. Most striking
of all is the golden crown or tiara that completes
the ensemble of a ruler’s wife and has
parallels in both Egyptian and Assyrian art.
16:13. fine foods. Just as Yahweh has provided
the Israelites with food throughout their history,
now, in this marriage metaphor, Yahweh as
the bridegroom and husband provides Jerusalem
the bride and wife with the very best
quality flour, honey and olive oil. These staples
are listed in the Mesopotamian law codes
as the items due a wife for her daily maintenance.
In this case, however, special provision
is made to insure that she receives the very
best with which to make her bread—something
that will then serve as a charge against
her when she offers these items to other gods
Ezek 16:19.
16:15. prostitution in the ancient world. In
ancient Mesopotamia a distinction can be
drawn between commercial prostitution and
“sacral sexual service” (as G. Lerner terms
it). The term h~arimtu is used for both in cuneiform
texts (for instance it is a h~arimtu who
“civilizes” Enkidu in the Gilgamesh Epic),
but there is a difference in social status as
well as purpose. The sacral sexual service
provided at the temple was tied into the sacred
marriage ritual that insured fertility for
the land. There were various levels of priestesses,
from the high priestess, who represented
the goddess Ishtar/Inanna and was said
to be “visited” by the god Marduk each
night, to cloistered female orders and more
public figures like the naditu, who could own
property, conduct business and even marry.
The fact that commercial prostitution occurred
near temples is based on the same
considerations that brought prostitutes to
frequent taverns and the city gate—high traffic
areas mean more customers. Both temple
sacral servants and prostitutes accepted payment,
but the former were expected to dedicate
these offerings to the gods. What is
particularly incongruous about the bride
Jerusalem is that she is said to pay her lovers
for their favors, an obvious reference to idolatry
and the rejection of the covenant with
Yahweh. For further discussion see comment
on Deuteronomy 23:17-18.
16:16. garments used to make high places.
Once again the double meaning in the text refers
both to the high places (bamôt) where idolatrous
worship took place as well as to the
gaudily decorated beds of prostitutes on
raised platforms. Similarly, Isaiah 57:7 describes
making one’s bed on a lofty hill where
sacrifice is made to idols. Proverbs 7:16-17
warns that the harlot’s bed is covered with enticingly
colorful and expensive garments
(compare Ezek 23:17—choice colored linens
like those that God had given to the bride
Jerusalem in Ezekiel 16:10.
EZEKIEL 16:27—17:1 16:17. male idols. Mesopotamian sacred texts
contain exact descriptions for fashioning an
image of the god. There were additional rituals,
including the “opening of the mouth” ceremony,
which animated the image so that it
could serve as a repository of the god’s power
and presence. Since this is specifically a male
idol in Ezekiel, it is possible that an exact replica
of a god is meant (usually featuring a
crown or raised spear). However, it is also
possible that a bull (compare the golden calf
in Ex 32:2-4 or a phallic symbol was created.
Using precious metals to create an idol is also
found in the story of Micah in Judges 17:4-5.
16:20. human sacrifice. For previous discussion
of child sacrifice to Molech, see the comments
on Leviticus 18:21 and Deuteronomy
18:10. In this instance, children, the gift of Yahweh
as part of the covenantal agreement, are
being “fed” to the gods who have become
Jerusalem’s “lovers.” This follows the line of
reasoning that had begun with creating the
image, dressing and anointing it, and then
providing it with meals. All of these rituals
have Mesopotamian counterparts in descriptions
of their temple service, where two meals
a day were served to the images of the gods. It
was more specifically Phoenician and Canaanite
practice, however, to offer children as sacrifices
to the gods.
16:24. built a mound. To demonstrate her desire
to play the role of the prostitute, Jerusalem
constructed mounds (Hebrew geb) in
prominent places. These may have been stylized
representations of the harlot’s bed (see
Prov 7:16-17 that served as the prostitute’s
“shingle,” advertising her presence and her
profession.
16:24-25. shrine in every square. The term
employed here, ramâ, is not the usual one for
shrine. It appears elsewhere as a platform (1
Sam 22:6), and like geb, may have simply
been the symbol used to advertise the presence
of a prostitute in that place. The fact that
it is constructed in a public square simply
makes good business sense. The woman
would have wanted as high a traffic flow as
possible in order to insure her commercial
success. Taking it back to the metaphor of
Jerusalem’s idolatry recalls the multiple altars
and shrines erected by Solomon for the
703 EZEKIEL 16:27—17:1
gods of his foreign wives 1 Kings 11:4-8. For
shrines on every street corner see the comment
on 2 Chronicles 28:24.
EZEKIEL 17:3-22 16:27. territory reduction. When the treaty obligations
of an ally or vassal are not fulfilled, it
is the prerogative of the overlord to take punitive
action. For instance, when Hezekiah of
Judah refused to pay his annual tribute to the
Assyrian king, Sennacherib, the latter states in
his Annals that Hezekiah’s territory was reduced
and given to other vassal kings to administer.
In this passage, a double meaning is
expressed in the use of the word h[oq for “territory.”
It usually refers to a regular allotment of
food Prov 30:8, but here in a covenant context
it connotes that portion which the nation
assumes belongs to it but is in fact a gift of
God.
16:26-29. Egypt, Assyrian, Babylonia. As
Ezekiel expounds on the theme of the evil that
comes from foreign entanglements, he cites, in
chronological order, countries that have seduced
Judah away from Yahweh. These alliances
have subsequently brought ruin upon
the nation. It was Egypt’s political meddling
that the Rabshakeh (NIV: “field commander”)
chided Hezekiah about in Isaiah 36:6. More recently,
Zedekiah’s apparent alliance with
Psammeticus II had brought Nebuchadnezzar’s
armies to besiege Jerusalem (see the
comment on Jer 37:5-8. The Assyrians had
imposed vassalage on Judah, but Ahaz had
freely submitted himself, providing even
more political and social assistance to the Assyrian
cause (see 2 Kings 16:3-9. Finally, in
Ezekiel’s time the king of Judah continued the
long-standing relationship with the Chaldeans
that had begun in Hezekiah’s time with
the envoys of Merodach-Baladan (2 Kings
20:12-19). The reference to a “land of merchants”
may be Ezekiel’s astute judgment that
Judah once again was simply a pawn in the
economic and political game of the Near Eastern
superpowers.
16:36. children’s blood. This is a reiteration of
the charge made in verse 20 that Jerusalem
has sacrificed her children on the altars to other
gods. As is noted in Psalm 106:38-39, not
only is this considered an abomination, but it
also would be considered the shedding of “innocent
blood,” one of the worst possible sins
(see 2 Kings 21:16; Jer 26:15.
16:45. father an Amorite, mother a Hittite.
See the comment on Ezekiel 16:3. Ezekiel’s
reference is not only to these Canaanite peoples
but also to the intermarriage that must
have taken place over the centuries between
them and the Israelites.
16:46. Samaria and Sodom. The warning is
quite clear here. Both Samaria, the capital of
the northern kingdom of Israel, and Sodom
were destroyed, having been judged corrupt
by God (see Gen 19:12-25 and 2 Kings 17:5-18.
The reference to Samaria as the older or “big”
sister may refer to its relative importance as
the capital of ten tribes. It was constructed by
Omri 1 Kings 16:24 in the ninth century and
thus was much “younger” than even David’s
Jerusalem. God may have chosen Sodom simply
because of the tradition of its destruction
Amos 4:11. As a city, it probably predated
Jerusalem’s founding, but it was probably
smaller in terms of size, given the ease with
which it is said to have been captured in Genesis
14:8-11.
16:57. Edom and Philistia. Given the apparent
alliance between the Edomites and the
Chaldeans at the time of Jerusalem’s siege (see
Ps 137:7, they would be in a position to gloat
over or even loot Judah once the Babylonians
had conquered the capital (see the comment
on Jer 49:7. Philistia during the seventh century
vacillated between antagonism and alliance
with the Babylonians. Ashkelon, for
instance, was sacked and burned by Nebuchadnezzar
in 604 B.C. In any case, Jerusalem’s
capture in 597 and destruction in 587
would have been the basis upon which other
states could chide the people of Jerusalem,
considering that city to be the new Sodom and
evidence of God’s righteous anger against a
corrupt and disobedient nation.
17:1-24
Eagles and the Vine
17:1. allegories and parables in ancient
world. It was a common rhetorical device in
ancient storytelling to use allegories and parables
to make a point or create an image that
would be more understandable or expressive
to the audience. This is especially true in ancient
wisdom literature and in prophetic texts.
For instance, in the twentieth-century B.C.
Egyptian Dispute Between a Man and His Ba a
despondent man’s soul tells him a parable
about death and its unpredictability. Another
Egyptian text, the Instruction of Ankhsheshonqy
(eighth century B.C.), uses a vacant house and
an unmarried woman as allegories for waste.
The Egyptian Love Songs (thirteenth century
B.C.) are filled with allegories comparing the
various attributes of a beautiful woman to a
lush marsh, a lotus bud and mandrake blossoms.
In the prophetic visions of the Egyptian
sage Neferti (twentieth century B.C.), he describes
the invasion of Egypt as marked by the
nest of a “strange bird” in the marsh and the
EZEKIEL 17:3-22 704
appearance of desert herds drinking from the
Nile. The images conjured up by these short
tales and wordplays enhance enjoyment and
drive home the author’s point.
17:3. animal and tree fables. Among the most
popular types of fables were those in which an
animal talks (see the comment on Num
22:28-31) or trees have a conversation or perform
some action (see comment on Judg 9:8.
There are several examples of this in ancient
Near Eastern literature. For example, there is a
dialogue between a thorn bush and a pomegranate
tree in the Assyrian Words of Ahiqar
(eighth century B.C.) over their relative merits.
In the thirteenth-century Egyptian Tale of Two
Brothers his cows warn the younger brother,
Anubis, that his jealous brother Bata planned
to kill him.
17:4. land of merchants. See Ezekiel 16:29 for
the previous reference to the “land of merchants”
as equivalent to Babylonia. King Jehoiachin,
perhaps the “topmost shoot” in this
allegory, had been taken into exile in 597
along with his royal court. Babylonian ration
lists show that they were held under house arrest
in the city of Nippur.
17:4. city of traders. Although the Phoenicians
are more often associated with trade, their role
was actually more as “middlemen,” while the
bankers and merchants who supplied the
goods for transport were based in the cities of
Mesopotamia (see Is 23:8. It was the Chaldean
commercial empire that had, through the
military efforts of the king, been able to absorb
all aspects of business into their control.
This is a theme that is found in many Mesopotamian
annals in which a king makes an expedition
“to the sea” and gains control of the
“Cedars of Lebanon.”
17:6-7. vine parables. See the comment on
Ezekiel 15:2-7. The initial efforts of the gardener
to care for his vine, planting it near abundant
water in fertile soil, are rewarded by lush
growth. However, at the appearance of the
second eagle, the vine seems to reject the gardener’s
attentions and loses its purpose. It
sends out tendrils toward the second bird as if
seeking another, unnecessary, water source.
This failure to respond as expected makes the
parable similar to the “Song of the Vineyard”
in Isaiah 5:1-7.
17:12. deportation of king and nobles. The interpretation
of the parable of the eagle and the
vine is the taking of Jehoiachin and his royal
court as hostages by Nebuchadnezzar after
the city of Jerusalem was captured in 597 B.C.
2 Kings 24:6-17. Like the well-cultivated
vine, Jehoiachin is treated with dignity, and
the ration lists from Nebuchadnezzar’s official
records prove that he was well fed. If the model
of Daniel and his three friends could be
used here, it seems likely that Jehoiachin and
his advisers were being assimilated into Babylonian
culture so that they could eventually be
restored to Jerusalem to serve as the king’s
loyal administrators Dan 1:3-5.
17:13. member of royal family. After capturing
Jerusalem in 597 B.C., the Babylonian
Chronicle records that Nebuchadnezzar took
King Jehoiachin, son of Jehoiakim, as his hostage.
Nebuchadnezzar then installed Jehoiachin’s
uncle, the third son of Josiah, on the
throne of Judah. His name was originally Mattaniah,
but the Babylonian king renamed him
Zedekiah as a gesture demonstrating his puppet
status 2 Kings 24:17.
17:15. Zedekiah’s rebellion and deal with
Egypt. Despite the example of 597 and the deportation
of Jehoiachin, Zedekiah entertained
ideas of rebellion against the Babylonians. He
met with envoys from Edom, Moab, Ammon,
Tyre and Sidon early in his reign Jer 27:3 and
apparently had dealings with Pharaoh Psammeticus
II (see the comment on Jer 34:21. See
the comment on Jeremiah 37:5-8 for discussion
of the troop movements of the Egyptians.
Pharaoh Apries made at least a brief response
to Zedekiah’s plea for help, but it did not prevent
the fall of Jerusalem.
17:17. ramps and siege works. Although the
portion of the Babylonian Chronicle that has
survived does not contain a description of the
siege of Jerusalem (see 2 Kings 25:1, a similar
operation is described in Sennacherib’s Assyrian
Annals from 701 B.C. It may be assumed
that plans were laid for a long siege, since a
great deal of time-consuming labor went into
the construction of ramps and towers. See the
comments on Jeremiah 6:6 and Ezekiel 4:2 for
discussion of siege technology.
17:18. oath and covenant. Zedekiah’s fate is
attributed to his failure to honor his oath or
treaty obligations. Treaties between nations
typically contained a list of curses that will be
inflicted on the party that violates the covenant
between them. These treaties were
signed under oath to the respective deities.
That way, if the treaty were violated, it would
become the responsibility of the country’s
own god(s) to punish the oath-breaker.
17:22. planting a cedar sprig. Just as the great
eagle first plucked the topmost shoot from the
cedar in verse 4, now Yahweh (identified as
the eagle) will take a tender sprig and plant it
on a high mountain. Following this line of reasoning,
the Davidic house will be allowed to
continue through the line of Jehoiachin. Similar
horticultural metaphors for the revival of
705 EZEKIEL 17:23—19:14
the Davidic House are found in Isaiah 11:1
and Jeremiah 23:5.
17:23. cosmic tree where animals find shelter.
The concept of the cosmic tree or the “one
tree” is common to many peoples and traditions.
It stands as a representation of beauty
and fertility, drawing its sustenance from the
waters of the earth and providing shelter and
food to all creatures that shelter under its
bows. In ancient Near Eastern sources its symmetry
and stability provide a check against
death and a promise of the continuance of existence.
Thus in Assyrian art is found a stylized
tree of life that may have represented the
role of the king to care for his people (see comment
on Dan 4:10-12.
18:1-32
Responsibility for Sin
18:5-9. negative confession from the Book of
the Dead. Since the soul or ka of the dead
Egyptian was to be examined by Osiris, the
god of the underworld, a primer to prepare a
person for this “final exam” was created, entitled
the Book of the Dead. Its form, often
painted on or carved into tomb walls, has its
origins in early dynastic periods (2500 B.C.),
and it continued to be refined at least until 500
B.C. One of the most popular sections was a
declaration of innocence in the form of a negative
confession. Examples include “I have not
sinned against my neighbors” and “I have not
mistreated cattle.” A similar document appears
in Job 31.
18:6. eating at mountain shrines. Presumably
this is a charge of idolatry at local high places
(bamôt). However, there is no parallel from
biblical or ancient Near Eastern law to help illumine
this practice. It might be compared to
the giving of Jerusalem’s children as food to
the gods in 16:20 and to the charge that the
people of Judah are willing to “worship on every
high hill” throughout the land. A similar
condemnation of the use of hilltop shrines can
be found in Hosea 4:13.
18:6. idols of the house of Israel. It would appear
that Ezekiel is using a stock phrase
coined during the late monarchy or perhaps
during the exile to refer to the extreme impurity
associated with idol worship. His language
is intentionally vulgar and
characterizes the idols in the crudest possible
way—they are best likened to feces or stools
of excrement.
18:8. usury in ancient Near East. Consistent
with biblical law, Ezekiel considers the practice
of charging interest on a loan an unrighteous
act. See the comment on Exodus 22:25
for further explanation of money lending
practices in the ancient Near East and the
comment on Deuteronomy 15:1-11 for discussion
of the financial systems that existed in
these areas of the ancient world.
18:20. individual responsibility in the ancient
Near East. While the social structure of
the ancient Near East was primarily oriented
toward the group (tribe, clan, family), there is
a strand of individual responsibility that appears
in literary and philosophical works.
Among the examples of this is a statement in
the Gilgamesh Epic. The Mesopotamian god
Ea berates the chief god Enlil for bringing on
the great flood without just cause: “On the
sinner impose his sin, on the transgressor impose
his transgression.”
18:31. new heart, new spirit. See comment on
11:19.
EZEKIEL 17:23—19:14
19:1-14
Lament over the Princes of Israel
19:1. laments in ancient Near East. Laments
may be personal statements of despair, such
as that found in Psalm 22:1-21, dirges following
the death of an important person (David’s
elegy for Saul in 2 Sam 1:17—27 or communal
cries in times of crisis, such as Psalm 137. The
most famous lament from ancient Mesopotamia
is the Lament over the Destruction of Ur,
which commemorates the capture of the city
in 2004 B.C. by the Elamite king Kindattu. It
contains eleven stanzas, each describing a facet
of the city’s demise and the end of the ruling
dynasty (compare Lam 2:9. Subsequently
the work would have been employed prior to
and during the rebuilding of the city’s walls
and public buildings. For more information
see the sidebar in the book of Lamentations.
19:1-9. lion hunting, lion symbolism. Because
of the many references in Israelite Is 5:29;
Nah 2:11-12, Egyptian and Assyrian texts to
the royal associations of lions, it is not surprising
to find Ezekiel employing this image.
There are numerous examples of lion hunting.
It was a royal sport as well as a necessity
when a beast became a man-eater (as on the
ninth-century Assyrian plaque of Ashurnasirpal
II depicting a Nubian being devoured) or
a threat to villages (as in one Mari text, where
a pit was used to trap the animal). The symbolism
in this “lament” refers to two of the
last kings of Judah (most likely Jehoahaz and
Jehoiakim). This is probably a play on Jacob’s
blessing of his son Judah in Genesis 49:8-12, in
which he refers to him as a “lion cub.”
19:10-14. vineyard analogy. There is a strong
parallel between this symbol in Ezekiel and
EZEKIEL 20:1-26 706
the “Song of the Vineyard” in Isaiah 5:1-7. In
both instances God’s wrath against the vineyard
is the result of failed expectations. Neither
plant performed its proper role. Isaiah’s
vineyard produced “bad fruit,” while Ezekiel’s
vineyard grew “high above the thick foliage,”
but there is little mention of fruit. All of
its energy had gone to extending its branches
farther and farther, a symbol for the hubris of
the nation of Judah and her kings (Jehoiachin
and Zedekiah). The fate is the same for these
vineyards. They both become wastelands,
dried by the winds, broken down with no root
or branch remaining. Ezekiel in this way provides
the basis for a lament over the end of the
nation’s independence and the setting aside of
God’s covenant with the House of David. See
the comment on Ezekiel 15:2-7.
20:1-49
Indictment, Judgment and
Restoration
20:1. chronology. Based on the year in which
Jehoiachin and his court were taken into
Babylonian exile, this date formula would correlate
to August 15, 591 B.C. It is possible that
it could refer to 593 if one were counting from
the beginning of the year when Jehoiachin became
king in Jerusalem.
20:1. inquiring through a prophet. Oracles
were sought in troubled times. In Babylonian
religious practice the occurrence of an omen
might lead someone to go to a prophet or
priest to ask for an interpretation. At other
times a historical event would have made it
desirable to have a word from God. It may be
that the elders hoped to demonstrate their
trust in Yahweh by this act. However, there is
also evidence in Jeremiah of representatives of
the king Jer 21:1-2 seeking out the prophet
and virtually ordering him to speak an oracle
of salvation for Jerusalem. There is no indication
in the text of what may have motivated
this visit to the prophet. Since the speech of
Ezekiel goes back to the wilderness situation
and makes frequent reference to Israel’s early
history with Egypt, it may well be a potential
agreement between Egypt’s pharaoh, Psammeticus
II, and Judean king Zedekiah that
prompted concern among the elders. It is believed
that Psammeticus made overtures to
Zedekiah in 592.
EZEKIEL 20:1-26 20:5. swearing with uplifted hand. There are
many references in the Bible to taking an oath
by raising up a hand to heaven (see Deut
32:40; Dan 12:7. Ezekiel uses the phrase ten
times, with God being the one to take an oath
by raising the hand. Among the extrabiblical
examples of this gesture are Mari texts that refer
to “touching the throat” and an eighth-century
Aramaic inscription of Panammu I in
which an accused person is commanded to
take an oath and lift both hands up to god.
20:6. milk and honey. This description goes
back to Exodus narratives and refers to the
bounty of the Promised Land for a pastoral lifestyle,
but not necessarily in terms of agriculture.
Milk is the product of herds, while honey
represents a natural resource, probably the
syrup of the date rather than bees’ honey.
Egyptian texts as early as the Story of Sinuhe
describe the land of Canaan as rich in natural
resources as well as in cultivated produce.
20:12. Sabbaths as a sign. While the individual’s
sign of participation in the covenant was
circumcision, the sign of Israel’s corporate
participation in the covenant was the keeping
of the Sabbath. Like circumcision, the keeping
of the Sabbath was a continuous obligation required
of each generation. Unlike circumcision,
it was not an individual’s one-time act
but an attitude to be consistently maintained
and periodically expressed in action. Instead
of repeating the reasoning of the ten commandments—
the Sabbath was to be celebrated
as a commemoration of God’s creation—
the Sabbaths (the plural perhaps signifying all
of the sacred holidays of Israel) are here cited
to remind the people that they are the chosen.
No other people have received this sign, and
thus, with the laws, they become both gift and
insignia of membership in the covenant community
as established in Exodus 31:13.
20:25. statutes and laws that were not good.
The Hebrew terms used here are extremely
important to a proper understanding of Ezekiel’s
controversial statement. This is not a reference
to the Law given at Sinai, and the word
“Torah” is not used. The word NIV translates
as “statutes” is the same word that in verse 24
is translated “decrees,” except that there it is
feminine (as usual) rather than masculine (as
here). The word NIV translates “laws” is the
word for God’s judicial decisions. The consequence
of Israel’s unfaithfulness, then, was
that God decreed events that were not in their
favor, and he made judicial decisions that
threatened their survival. This resulted in
God’s use of forces that devastated Israel,
such as war, famine, plague and foreign
armies.
20:26. sacrifice of firstborn. Following
Ezekiel’s theme of the indisputable power
of God to command creation, the decree to
sacrifice the firstborn here plays off of the
statement in Exodus 13:2 that all firstborns,
human and animal, belong to God. This is
707 EZEKIEL 20:28—21:22
demonstrated by the tenth plague in Egypt
Ex 13:14-16 but is mitigated or “redeemed”
through sacrifice Ex 34:20 and
by the sacrificial act of circumcision (Gen
17:9-14; Ex 22:29. Within Phoenician and
Canaanite religion, however, the sacrifice of
the firstborn is a common practice (see the
comment on “passing children through
fire” as part of Molech worship in Deut
18:10). Closer to Ezekiel’s time, kings Ahaz
and Manasseh are both accused of child
sacrifice 2 Kings 16:3; 21:6). Since these
men as descendants of David and participants
in the “everlasting covenant” with
Yahweh 2 Sam 23:5 were the guardians of
the Law and the enforcers of divine and civil
decree, their detestable actions in this regard
could easily fit the image of “bad
laws” in Ezekiel 20:25.
20:28-29. illicit worship. Ezekiel continues to
contrast God’s adherence to the covenant
promise of “land and children” with the Israelites
misuse of these gifts. Each of the four
worship practices listed here, with the possible
exception of offering libations, reflects activities
associated with Yahweh worship.
However, they are described as illicit because
they clearly are aimed at “feeding” other
gods, a regular aspect of Mesopotamian and
Canaanite religion. Instead of making offerings
that create a “pleasing aroma” (see Gen
8:21) and demonstrate proper action toward
God, this food and drink is tied to the belief
that the gods require regular meals (seen in
the famished gods in the Gilgamesh flood epic).
See the comments on Ezekiel 6:13 for other
condemnations of idolatrous worship
practices and the use of high places and sacred
groves.
20:32. serving wood and stone. The prophets
regularly taunt other nations as well as the Israelites
for serving gods made of metal, wood
and stone (see Jer 51:17-18; Hos 8:4. Archaeologists
have discovered stone molds in which
molten metals were poured to mass-produce
idols. The assumption is that these images
then took on the presence of the gods they
represented through rituals such as the “opening
of the mouth” incantation found in Babylonian
religious texts.
20:46. forest of the southland. The term for
south or southland used here is Negev, usually
associated with the desert region to the south
of Judah. In this case, Ezekiel seems to simply
be using it as a direction marker (see Ezek
40:2; 46:9 for other examples of this). Since the
area of the Negev is unforested, the suggestion
that the “forest” mentioned here is Jerusalem
makes good sense.
EZEKIEL 20:28—21:22 21:1-32
Yahweh’s Sword: Babylon
21:3. enemy armies as divine punishment. As
early as the end of the third millennium, the
invasion of armies is interpreted as the intentional
actions of a patron deity who has been
angered by the behavior of the people (the
Gutian invasion that brought an end to the
empire of Agade in the Curse of Agade). In Mesopotamia
this traditional theology is represented
also in Cyrus’s rhetoric concerning the
overthrow of the Babylonians because of Marduk’s
displeasure with Nabonidus.
21:18-20. roads to Rabbah and Jerusalem. The
movements of the Babylonian army are discussed
in this command to draw a map in the
sand. Ezekiel traces the troop movements to a
crossroads, most likely Damascus, and from
there the decision has to be made on whether
to divide the army into two groups or proceed
together. If the omens suggest it, they will
travel south on the King’s Highway (Num
20:17) to the Ammonite capital city of Rabbah
(twenty-three miles east of the Jordan River).
Given other portents, they may turn west
through the Golan region north of the Sea of
Galilee. The army may travel south to Beth
Shan, then west through the Valley of Jezreel
to Megiddo and then south along the coastal
highway. Or they may take a more direct
route south along the Jordan River to Jericho
before turning west into the Judean Hill
Country to besiege Jerusalem.
21:21. travel omens. Given the gravity of the
situation, Nebuchadnezzar’s decision to seek
guidance from the gods is easily understood.
Standing at the crossroads, a significant spot
for divine action (see Jer 6:16, he employs
various means of divination, casting lots to
determine which enemy city (Rabbah or Jerusalem)
should be attacked first. Each technique
is designed to determine the god’s will. One
remarkable parallel appears in a Mari text in
which an inquiry is made to determine which
of three routes should be taken.
21:21. arrow omens and liver omens. Nebuchadnezzar
employs belomancy, shaking up
a group of arrows and then choosing one. He
also consults the images of the household
gods that he has brought with the army. The
text here refers to teraphim, which are now
considered to be images of the ancestors rather
than images of deities (see comment on Gen
31:19). Finally, he has his diviner priests examine
a sheep liver (hepatoscopy). This practice
was so common that clay models of the livers
were created as teaching tools by apprentice
priests.
EZEKIEL 21:22—23:3 708
21:22. battering rams, ramps and siege
works. See the comment on Ezekiel 4:2 for the
use of these engines and methods of siege
warfare.
21:26. king’s headgear. Based on descriptions
in Mesopotamian texts and artistic renderings
on Assyrian palace walls, it seems that the
“crown” of a king was in fact more like a turban.
A cloth was wound around the head several
times, and it in turn was encrusted with
jewels and golden ornaments and elaborately
embroidered with symbols of the king’s majesty.
Ezekiel, in calling for Zedekiah to remove
his headgear, is commanding the king
to relinquish his primary symbol of power because
he no longer deserves to wear it.
21:28. Ammonites. Like Judah, Ammon had
been engaging in anti-Babylonian activities,
probably at the urging of the Egyptians. The
omen mentioned in 21:20 directed Nebuchadnezzar
to attack Jerusalem first instead of the
Ammonite capital of Rabbah, modern Jebel
Qal’a. It presently is in the middle of the modern
city of Amman but has been surveyed and
partially excavated. Occupation at the site and
in its vicinity goes back to Paleolithic times.
Although it was occasionally subjected to Israelite
rule (see 2 Sam 12:26-31, the Ammonites
attempted to expand their rule
northward after the destruction of Jerusalem.
Josephus notes that five years after the destruction
of Jerusalem, in the twenty-third
year of Nebuchadnezzar’s reign (582/581
B.C.), the Babylonian king campaigned in
Transjordan, subjecting both Moab and Ammon
to his rule. Since hardly any of the Babylonian
Chronicles are preserved beyond 594,
this cannot be confirmed at this time.
EZEKIEL 21:22—23:3
22:1-31
Indictment Against Jerusalem
22:6-12. list of crimes. The bill of indictment
read by Ezekiel condemns the people of Judah
and their leaders for a set of crimes that violate
the basic elements of the Holiness Code in Leviticus
18—20. These range from failure to honor
one’s parents to profaning the Sabbath and exhibiting
various lewd behaviors. Lists such as
this are also found in Jeremiah’s temple sermon
Jer 7:6-11 and in Amos’s oracle against the nation
of Israel Amos 2:6-12. This theme of moral
and religious corruption also is found the
twentieth-century B.C. Egyptian Dispute Between
a Man and His Ba, which charges that “everyone
is a thief, there is no love among
neighbors . . . everyone chooses evil.” Many
similar offenses also occur in the listing in
Babylonian absolution rituals (shurpu).
22:18. dross in the furnace. In the smelting
process, silver is separated from lead and other
alloyed metals (copper, tin and iron)
through a two-stage process. During the second
stage, after all vestiges of sulfur have
been removed, the silver is liquefied, while
the lead dross floats on the surface and can be
skimmed off. Ezekiel’s metaphor suggests a
further purification of Judah is necessary (the
exilic experience) so that the dross of its lawless,
covenant-breaking nature can be removed
by God’s hot wrath (see Mal 3:1-4. See
comment on Jeremiah 6:28.
22:20. metallurgy. The refining process continues
with God placing several metals, including
the silver that represents Judah, into the
furnace. Divine breath is used instead of bellows
to increase the oxygen level and thus the
heat of the fire. The fact that the blacksmith
does not always use bellows can be seen in an
Egyptian painting depicting a metalworker
blowing air through a pipe into a furnace.
While each metal is in the furnace, it, like the
exiles, exists in an intermediate state, being
transformed, purified or alloyed with another
metal. The furnace here and elsewhere is thus
a crucible of social and religious change designed
to be God’s vehicle to purify a wayward
nation. For more information about
furnaces of this period see comment on Daniel
3:6.
22:28. false visions and lying divinations. As
in his previous condemnation of the false
prophets Ezek 13:6-9, Ezekiel charges them
with fabricating visions and divinatory revelations
for their own purposes. Jeremiah
makes the same indictment of prophets who
prophesy lies in Yahweh’s name Jer 29:8-9.
See the comment on Ezekiel 13:10 for another
example of prophets “whitewashing” the
truth with their false statements. Babylonian
baru priests were in charge of reading omens,
but they could be shamed or dismissed for
making a false prediction. Failures, however,
could also be blamed on failure to follow
proper ritual procedures.
23:1-49
Lewd Sisters
23:3. prostitution in the ancient Near East.
See the comment on Ezekiel 16:15 for discussion
of prostitution in the ancient world. The
comment on Deuteronomy 23:17-18 provides
a fuller description of cultic prostitution.
Ezekiel’s references, however, are to the idolatry
of Israel and Judah, as they took “lovers”
(i.e., other gods) in Egypt and from the Assyrians
(compare Hosea’s marriage metaphor
709 EZEKIEL 23:3-24
with his wife Gomer in Hos 1-3).
23:3-5. Egypt and Assyria historical references.
The political jockeying for power between
Egypt and Assyria meant that both Israel and
Judah had to maintain contacts with these superpowers.
The flirtations that Ezekiel condemned
were reflections of the political
accommodations forced on the smaller states.
There were numerous contacts between Israel,
Judah and the pharaohs of the Twenty-Fifth
Dynasty in Egypt, including diplomatic exchanges
and possible alliances (such as the
one that temporarily brought Egyptian troops
to the aid of besieged Jerusalem in 597). Evidence
of Israel’s ties with Assyria can be
found in the portrayal of Jehu bowing before
Shalmaneser III on the Black Obelisk and an
inscription from the annals of Tiglath-Pileser
III in which Menahem pays tribute. Judah also
had to submit to Assyrian power, as in Ahaz’s
cry for help during the Syro-Ephraimitic War
2 Kings 16:7-9 and Hezekiah’s ransoming of
Jerusalem from Sennacherib’s army (2 Kings
18:13-16). Additionally, most of Manasseh’s
fifty-plus years of reign were spent in submission
to Assyrian overlords.
23:6. clothed in blue. Archaeological evidence
has demonstrated that the murex snail was
collected in great quantities off the coast of
Phoenicia as a source of a prized purple dye
(see Ezek 27:7. Since large numbers of snails
were necessary to extract enough dye from
their hypobranchial glands to make it a commercial
enterprise, the cost of the dye would
have been high (for more information see
comment on Num 4:6. Thus the fact that
these military officers were clothed in blue
suggests both high rank and wealth.
23:6. mounted horsemen. Cavalry units were
employed by the armies of Assyria and Babylonia
(mentioned in the ninth-century Assyrian
annals of Tukulti-Ninurta II). However, the
Hebrew term used here is more suggestive of
charioteers because of its parallel Akkadian
word (Heb. paras\im and Akk. Paras\s\annu).
Note the contribution of King Ahab’s two
thousand chariots to the force that met the Assyrian
king Shalmaneser III at the Battle of
Qarqar in 853 B.C.
EZEKIEL 23:3-24 23:14. men portrayed on a wall. One of the
standard means of decorating the walls of Mesopotamian
palace gates and walls was with
the figures of soldiers, kings and symbolic
beasts (such as the dragons on the Ishtar Gate
in Babylon). For instance, the Assyrian palace
in Nineveh has preserved scenes of siege warfare,
hunting and royal and divine figures.
Much of what we know about the appearance
and clothing of the soldiers and military techniques
and weapons come from these reliefs.
Although much of the paint has now worn
away, it is evident that these figures were once
brightly colored, in some cases larger than life,
and undoubtedly intimidating to subject peoples.
Such power by association might have
also been enticing to the leaders of Judah, as
Ezekiel suggests.
23:14-15. Chaldean dress. It is unfortunate
that most of the wall paintings and reliefs are
either Assyrian or Persian, thereby leaving us
less informed on the details of Babylonian
dress. Working from the drawings we do
have, these men must have been clothed in
embroidered and ornamented belts (see Is
5:27). Babylonian soldiers are portrayed with
caps or headbands with long tassels at the
ends.
23:15. chariot officers. Assyrian and Babylonian
chariots generally carried three men: a
driver, the commander who wielded bow and
spear, and a shield bearer, who also handed
weapons to the commander as needed. The
Akkadian term for this individual was s\als\u,
and this may be a cognate for the Hebrew
s\alîs\îm used here (the Hebrew root makes it
likely that there is some connection to
“three”). An alternative suggestion has been
that the term refers to an officer of the third
rank.
23:15. Chaldea. Babylon during the sixth century
was ruled by a non-native dynasty of
Chaldeans. They had first appeared in the
ninth century in the areas south of Babylonia.
While their tribal structure was similar to that
of the neighboring Arameans, they were a distinct
group. By the time of Ezekiel, to name a
person a Chaldean (kasdim) was to acknowledge
that person’s high social status.
23:23. Pekod, Shoa and Koa. While these ethnic
names refer to Babylonian allies inhabiting
the Trans-Tigris region, they also have a chilling
meaning: “Punishment, War Cry and
Shriek.” Pekod is an Aramean tribe (see Jer
50:21) mentioned in Tiglath-Pileser III’s annals.
Shoa probably refers to the Suti, prominent
as a difficult tribe to manage for the
Amorite kings of Mari. Koa is presently unknown,
although some equate them with the
Guti.
23:24. armor and equipment. Charioteers, as
portrayed in Assyrian reliefs, wore pointed
helmets or turbans and chain mail over their
upper torso, and were protected by round
shields. Infantry, while not as heavily armored
due to the need for greater flexibility and
speed, carried large round shields. Their
clothing was girded with a cross belt and they
protected their heads with conical-shaped hel-
EZEKIEL 23:25—24:7 710
mets. Each warrior fought with spears,
swords, axes or maces (see the list for Uzziah’s
infantry in 2 Chron 26:14.
23:25. face disfigurement. While it was not
uncommon for conquerors to disfigure some
of their captives, it is also possible that the
marriage metaphor is extended here to the
punishment for the unfaithful Oholibah/
Jerusalem. Ezekiel may have been familiar
with the Middle Assyrian Law Code or some
similar legislation regarding the husband’s
rights to punish his wife. According to these
Assyrian laws, the husband may cut off his
wife’s nose and mutilate the adulterer’s face
and turn him into a eunuch.
23:37. child sacrifice as food. On this charge
of human sacrifice, see the comment on Ezekiel
16:20.
23:38. defiling sanctuary. Child sacrifice, the
shedding of innocent blood, had defiled the
hands of the people of Jerusalem and yet they
have the temerity make these offerings to other
gods and then enter Yahweh’s sanctuary
(compare Jer 7:9-11. Sanctuary defilement
was a very serious charge. It brought jeopardy
to the individual and the city (since they
risked destruction by an offended deity), but
more significantly, it could drive the deity
away. By bringing their impurity there they
have defiled God’s holiness, making it impossible
for the divine presence to remain (see
Ezek 10.
23:38. desecrated sabbaths. See the comment
on Ezekiel 20:12 on the significance of the sabbaths
as a sign of the covenant relationship.
Just as the violation of the temple’s sacred
space could result in the loss of God’s presence,
the violation of sacred times could jeopardize
the equilibrium that God’s presence
maintained. The temple was the place for God
to take up his repose. It was a place of perfect
equilibrium. The sabbath of the people was
set aside for them to mirror this equilibrium in
their lives and reflect on the source of this
equilibrium. To fail to keep the sabbath was to
threaten to undo the equilibrium and move
toward chaos. Desecration of these holy days
and events violates the heart of the covenant
agreement and, as with any treaty in the ancient
Near East, makes the penalty or curse
clause operative.
23:40. painted eyes. Women throughout the
ancient Near East regularly enlarged and
darkened their eyes with a mixture compounded
of olive oil mixed with malachite
(green) or galena (black; see comment on
2 Kings 9:30. Babylonian sources mention eye
paint that included stibnite, antimony trisulphide.
Decorated palettes were used to grind
the ore and mix it for application. These palettes
have been found at many Iron II sites in
Israel, including Megiddo.
23:41. elegant couch. The adulteress Jerusalem
is portrayed in much the same light as the
prostitute in Proverbs 7:10-23. Both seduce
their lovers with an inviting couch, incense
and persuasive words. Prior to the Hellenistic
period, all references to the couch are associated
with a sleeping chamber (see 2 Sam 4:7; Ps
6:6), not the banqueting room.
23:41. incense and oil on table. As part of the
anticipated sexual activity, the adulteress
Jerusalem has perfumed her bedchamber with
incense (see Song 1:3; 4:10) and has sweetsmelling
oils at hand for anointing her hair
and bodies Esther 2:12. Similar images are
found in the Egyptian love songs discovered
by archaeologists in the Karnak temple complex
in Luxor.
23:42. Sabeans. Whether the text refers to the
Arabian tribal group known as the Sabeans
(see Job 1:14-15; Joel 3:8, or to drunk leaders
of small nomadic tribes, the point is to highlight
the indignity of an adulteress whose lovers
are ruffians and foreigners.
EZEKIEL 23:25—24:7
24:1-27
The Cooking Pot
24:1. chronology. Basing his dating scheme on
the accession year for Zedekiah (596 B.C.),
then the date for the beginning of siege of
Jerusalem by Nebuchadnezzar’s army would
be January 5, 587 B.C. (the tenth day of the
tenth month [Tebet] of Zedekiah’s ninth year;
alternatively, this has been reckoned at January
15, 588).
24:3. cooking pot. The pot is usually a
wide-mouthed ceramic jar, though here it is
made of copper (v. 11). When manufactured for
temple use, the vessel would be made of silver
or gold. Available in various sizes, they could
be used over a fire if placed on a platform or
tripod of stones as in the narrative in 2 Kings
4:38. For the use of a cooking pot as part of a
prophetic oracle, see Jeremiah’s “boiling pot”
in Jeremiah 1:13.
24:6. pot and the lots. Ezekiel probably describes
the contents of the pot (choice pieces of
meat, v. 4), rather than the pot itself, as tainted
or diseased. The casting of the lot would be
done to decide which pieces would be reserved
for special use (perhaps to be gifts to
the temple). But in this analogy, though they
were choice pieces of meat, they had gone bad
and were not eligible for holy use.
24:7. pouring out blood. Because blood was
the essence of life, it was not to be consumed
711 EZEKIEL 24:10—25:12
by the Israelites. See comments on Deuteronomy
12:16 and Leviticus 17:11,12. Here, however,
the issue is not the consumption of blood,
but the exposure of blood. When the blood of
an animal was shed and poured out, it was to
be covered with earth Lev 17:13. Exposed
blood would “cry out” for vengeance (Gen
37:26).
24:10. spices. In recipes from eighteenth-century
B.C. Babylonia, seasonings for meat dishes
and stews included salt as well as onions, leeks,
mint and garlic. In these ancient preparations,
the cooks added distinctive flavor with anise,
coriander, cumin and dill. Given the metaphorical
nature of this meal, the well-cooked meat
may even refer to bodies being prepared for
burial with spices.
24:10. charring bones. The meat is cooked so
thoroughly that it easily comes off the bones.
The bones then are broken so that the marrow
will mix with the other ingredients and add flavor
to the broth. Once this has been poured off,
what remains is a virtually useless mass of carbonized
bits. For easy disposal they will be
burnt so completely that they literally fall apart
and can be scattered over the refuge heap (compare
Ezek 22:15. A thorough job of purification
or destruction could be drawn from this metaphor.
24:17. acts of mourning. For other examples
of mourning practices, see the comments on
Leviticus 19:28 and Deuteronomy 14:1-2. Like
Jeremiah Jer 16:5-7, Ezekiel is commanded
not to engage in the usual expressions of
mourning. In fact, he is told to put on a festive
turban and wear his sandals as if nothing unusual
had happened.
25:1-7
Oracle Concerning Ammon
25:1. oracles against foreign nations. See
comment on Jeremiah 46:1.
25:2. Ammonites in early sixth century. Although
Ammon felt free to taunt Jerusalem
over its siege and destruction (see Ezek 21:28,
Nebuchadnezzar did eventually turn his forces
against this Transjordanian kingdom. According
to Herodotus, the campaign against
Ammon occurred in 582 B.C. and resulted in
widespread devastation of the area. Whether
there was a significant deportation of its population
has now come into question because
of the discovery of seal impressions dating to
the Persian period. They indicate a continuity
of the Ammonite culture and political existence
as late as the fourth century B.C. See the
comment on Jeremiah 49:2.
25:4. people of the East. As in Jeremiah 49:28,
this nomadic group is associated with the
peoples of the Midianite desert region (see
Judg 6:3. Their caravans carried goods from
the various states of Transjordanian and Palestine,
and they were a target of invading
armies Is 11:14. In this case, however, these
tribal people will now inhabit the lands of
the Ammonites. This is reminiscent of the
Egyptian Visions of Neferti, which also mentions
“desert herders” settling in formerly
populated areas.
25:4. fruit and milk. The standard benediction
is that one should enjoy the fruit of one’s own
labors/vineyards Ps 128:2; Is 3:10. In this
case, however, what has been worked for will
become the property of invaders (compare
Ezek 23:29. Both agricultural and herding
products will be confiscated and the full range
of the economy shattered.
25:5. Rabbah. See comments on Jeremiah 49:2
and Ezekiel 21:18-20.
EZEKIEL 24:10—25:12
25:8-11
Oracle Concerning Moab
25:8. Moab in the early sixth century. Moab
was among the states represented at Zedekiah’s
strategy meeting in 597 B.C. Jer 27:3. Although
it apparently survived and served as a
place of refuge for Judeans fleeing Nebuchadnezzar’s
destruction of Jerusalem in 587, its
role as a potential troublemaker in the region
was not forgotten. Josephus records a later
campaign by the Babylonian king in 582-581
to reduce both Ammon and Moab. There is
not sufficient evidence to demonstrate how effective
this campaign actually was, but, like
Ammon, the nation of Moab probably survived
to become a part of the Persian empire
at the end of the sixth century.
25:9. towns. Each of these towns were part of
Moab’s western line of defense. Beth Jeshimoth
(Tell ’Azeimeh) lies in the Shittim Valley north
of the Dead Sea. Baal Meon, mentioned in the
Mesha Stele, is generally identified with Khirbet
Ma’in, four miles southwest of Madaba and
thirteen miles southeast of Beth Jeshimoth. Kiriathaim
is also listed in the Mesha Stele and
presumably is located on the Moabite Plateau
Josh 13:19. It has been identified with several
sites, including el-Qereiyat and Jalul, but there
is no consensus on its location.
EZEKIEL 25:9—26:7
25:12-14
Oracle Concerning Edom
25:12. Edom in the early sixth century. Edom
apparently stayed neutral or pro-Babylonian
Ps 137:7 during the conflicts that led to the
EZEKIEL 25:13—26:11 712
destruction of Jerusalem. Jeremiah 40:11 indicates
that Edom did accept Judean refugees
after 587 B.C. Nebuchadnezzar apparently did
not extend his Transjordanian campaign of
582 as far as Edom, but his successor, Nabonidus
recorded in his Chronicle a siege of the
Edomite city of Bozrah in 552 B.C. Archaeological
excavations at Buseira and at Tell
el-Kheleifeh indicate destruction levels during
this period followed by a quick rebuilding
and a resumption of economic activity along
the southern range of the King’s Highway.
25:13. Teman and Dedan. For descriptions of
these cities see comments on Jeremiah 49:7
and 49:8.
25:15-17
Oracle Concerning Philistia
25:15. Philistia in the early sixth century. The
omission of the cities of Philistia from the list
of states represented at Zedekiah’s meeting in
597 Jer 27:3 suggests that this area was firmly
in the control of the Babylonians at that
time. This region had been badly weakened
by the late-seventh-century campaigns of Pharaoh
Psammeticus I as Assyrian control
waned there (see Jer 25:20; Zeph 2:4. The sons
of the king of Ashkelon are recorded in Babylonian
ration lists dating to 592, indicating
their hostage status. When the Philistine states
joined in the Judean revolt of 588, Nebuchadnezzar
deported them and apparently settled
them near Nippur. By the Persian period, little
of the indigenous Philistine population remained
in Philistia.
25:16. Kerethites. Ezekiel creates a poetic parallelism
between Philistines and Kerethites,
while it is still unclear whether these two peoples
are actually related ethnically or historically.
The Kerethites are most often associated
with the island of Crete, and it would appear
these people became mercenaries shortly after
their migration to the southern coast of Palestine
near Gaza (see 1 Sam 30:14; 2 Sam 8:18.
26:1—28:19
Lament and Oracles Concerning
Tyre
26:3. Tyre in the early sixth century. After
Egypt’s defeat in 605 B.C., Tyre was the main
foe of Babylon in western Asia. It was the
leading city in Phoenicia and renowned for its
maritime trade. Standing out from the coast
approximately six hundred yards from the
mainland, the island city of Tyre and its harbor
were secure from anything but a sustained
siege. The waters were also deep enough to allow
for heavily laden ships to approach and
offload their cargoes. Dedicated to commercial
activity, Tyre was supplied with food and
other essentials by its sister city of Ushu. Tyrian
fleets established colonies around the Mediterranean,
including those on Cyprus and the
North African city of Carthage, to draw on the
resources of these areas, especially metals, and
to funnel goods back and forth between the
eastern and western Mediterranean. Throughout
this region there is archaeological evidence
of Phoenician metalwork and pottery,
indicating the extent and longevity of trade
relations. The principal exports were cedar
wood, fabrics and dyes, and glasswork. According
to Josephus, Tyre and its king, Ethbaal
III, were involved in numerous coalitions and
conspiracies against the Babylonians.
26:7. Nebuchadnezzar’s siege of Tyre. According
to Josephus the Babylonian siege of
Tyre lasted thirteen years (c. 586-573 B.C.). A
Babylonian text claims that Nebuchadnezzar
was present during the siege. Apparently the
long siege ended with a treaty stipulating that
the Tyrian royal house was to be deported to
Babylon. Although the king of Tyre was allowed
to stay, he was under the control of a
Babylonian commissioner. Tyre’s power was
effectively exhausted by the long siege.
26:8. siege works and ramps. The writer has
an intimate knowledge of siege warfare. One
constructed siege mounds and ramps up
against the city wall of the city to be besieged.
There is plentiful evidence of siege ramps on
Assyrian wall reliefs, and a siege ramp has
been uncovered at the city of Lachish that was
used by the Assyrians in their successful conquest
of the Judean fortress. Tyre was especially
difficult to conquer because much of the
city was on an island near the coast.
26:8. raising shields. A roof of shields was
constructed over the battering ram to protect
the attackers when the ram was brought up to
the city walls.
26:9. battering rams. Battering rams were often
depicted by the Assyrians as large wooden
wheeled machines used to break apart the city
gates.
EZEKIEL 25:13—26:11 26:10. Babylonian use of cavalry and chariotry.
The Chaldeans were renown for their use
of cavalry and chariotry, inheriting the use of
both from the Assyrians (see comment on Jer
6:23). The Assyrians often depicted horsedrawn
chariots in the midst of battle on wall
reliefs.
26:11. strong pillars. The strong pillars are
probably a symbolic expression signifying the
end of resistance. However, Herodotus mentioned
emerald and gold pillars that adorned
713 EZEKIEL 27:3-19
the Heracles (Melqart) temple at Tyre. Assyrian
wall reliefs depict two external pillars on a
Tyre temple.
27:3. Tyre’s merchant city status. Tyre had
two major sea ports, a natural harbor to the
north and an artificial one to the south. By this
time, Tyre served as a middleman for the
Mediterranean world, transferring products
to and from distant ports for at least half a
millennium.
27:5. pine trees from Senir. The type of the
tree mentioned is probably of the juniper variety,
the eastern savin. According to Deuteronomy
3:9, Mount Senir was the Amorite name
for Mount Hermon in the southern portion of
the Anti-Lebanon range east of the Baka Valley.
The Assyrians called it Saniru.
27:5-7. shipbuilding materials. The shipbuilding
materials listed here were of the
highest quality in the eastern Mediterranean.
Pine and fir were preferred by the Egyptians
for masts and yards. The hardwood oars lining
both sides of the Phoenician biremes
(ships with two racks of oarpullers on each
side) were of the most durable wood. Inlaid
ivory came from Kittion on the island of Cyprus.
Variegated linens from Egypt were in
high demand throughout the region. The dyes
used for the awnings were the most expensive.
27:7. Elishah. The location of the islands of Elishah
is uncertain. Elishah was a son of Javan
Gen 10:4. The name was applied to a Tyrian
colony famous for its dyes. Elishah is probably
the Alashiya of the Amarna tablets, usually
designated as Cyprus. Seven Amarna
tablets mention a king of Alashiya, who wrote
letters to the Egyptian monarchs in the thirteenth
century B.C.
27:8. Sidon and Arvad. Sidon and Arvad were
Phoenician cities that lay on the Mediterranean
coast north of Tyre. Arvad was about
110 miles north, while Sidon was about 25.
They appear at this time to have been subordinate
to Tyre. Both cities were often mentioned
in the Amarna letters and Assyrian annals.
27:9. Gebal. Like Sidon and Arvad, Gebal (or
Byblos) was a Phoenician city on the Mediterranean
coast north of Tyre, about sixty miles
away. It was apparently in a subordinate position
to its southern neighbor. Byblos was a
trading partner with Egypt in the third millennium
B.C. and figured prominently in the Amarna
texts and Assyrian annals.
27:10. Persia, Lydia, Put. In listing Persia, Lydia
and Put, Ezekiel was signifying the peoples
living at the outermost parts of the
known world. Persia was in western Iran and
Lydia in central Turkey, while Put may referred
to the Libyans west of Egypt.
27:11. Arvad, Helech, Gammad. The city of
Arvad has already been encountered in verse
8. Helech (Hebrew, “your army”) is unattested
elsewhere in the Old Testament as a toponym.
It has, however, been associated with Hilakku
(Cilicia in southeastern Turkey) in the Assyrian
annals. The location of Gammad is uncertain,
but it may be equated with Qumidi in the
Amarna tablets, possibly north of Tyre on the
Mediterranean coast.
27:12. Tarshish. Tarshish was associated with
metal industries. The annals of the Assyrian
king Esarhaddon associate a place called Tarsisi
with Cyprus and other islands. There was
also a Tartessus mentioned in classical sources
as a Phoenician colony in western Spain.
27:13. Greece, Tubal, Meschech. Javan (or
Ionians) was the biblical designation for the
Greek world. Tubal (Taballu) was the Assyrian
designation for a central Anatolian kingdom.
Like Tubal, Meschech (Mushku) was listed as
a central Anatolian kingdom in the Assyrian
annals. Both Anatolian states had bad relations
with Assyria.
EZEKIEL 27:3-19 27:14. Beth Togarmah. Beth Togarmah was
most likely the capital city of Kammanu, a
central Anatolian kingdom. It was known in
Hittite sources as Tegaramara, and in Assyrian
sources as Til-Garimmu.
27:15. Rhodes. The mention of Rhodes here is
problematic in the earliest manuscripts of the
Old Testament. Others read Danuna, a region
north of Tyre mentioned in the Amarna letters.
27:16. Aram. Aram refers to the Syrian hinterland
from Upper Mesopotamia in the north to
Damascus in the south.
27:17. Minnith. Minnith was an Ammonite
region in the Transjordan mentioned in Judges
11:33. Eusebius, the fourth-century A.D. church
historian, identified it with the town Maanith,
four miles from Heshbon.
27:18. Helbon, Zahar. Helbon is identified
with the Assyrian Hilbinu, modern Helbun,
ten miles north of Damascus. Zahar (or Sahar)
was probably the wilderness of es-Sahra,
northwest of Damascus.
27:19. Greeks from Uzal. Uzal is probably
equated with Izalla, a site in the Anatolian
foothills of Cilicia. Greeks (or Ionians) may
have had a relationship with the town, but
this is otherwise unattested.
27:19. Cassia and Calamus. The city of Damascus
traded in qiddu (probably cassia), a costly
perfume native to east Asia. Calamus was
an aromatic grass used in perfume, cosmetics,
flavoring and medicine. This particular type
of calamus probably came from India.
EZEKIEL 27:20—28:14 714
27:20. Dedan. Dedan was a central Arabian
oasis where Tyre received its special riding
gear. It is identified with the modern site of
al-Ula, which is situated on the frankincense
road from Yemen to Palestine.
27:20. saddle blankets. The term here translated
as “saddle blankets” is probably derived
from an Akkadian root referring to “a covering
for a horse.”
27:21. Kedar. See comment on Isaiah 42:11.
27:22. Sheba and Raamah. For Sheba, see
comment on Isaiah 60:6. Raamah is mentioned
in the Old Testament only in conjunction with
Sheba. It may be associated with Rgmt (the
vowels of the ancient name are not certain), a
city in the district of Najran in central Arabia.
27:23. Haran, Canneh, Eden, Sheba, Ashur,
Kilmad. All these areas were to the north and
east of Tyre. Haran was situated on the Balikh
River in Upper Mesopotamia. Canneh is probably
Assyrian Kannu, the location of which is
unknown. Eden is Bit Adini, an Aramean state
west of the Balikh River in Syria. Ashur was
the name of the old capital city of Assyria, as
well as the name of the primary god of Assyria.
Kilmad is otherwise unknown.
27:24. merchandise. The merchandise listed
here is very rare and exotic. Many of the
words are hapax legomena, that is, words that
occur only here in Scripture. Cognates with
Akkadian have helped somewhat in shedding
light on their meaning. The “choice garments”
are specially crafted garments of some type.
They are accompanied by expensive bluepurple
and embroidered cloaks. They are followed
by a coat or mantle, woolen garments,
and a multicolored coat.
27:25. ships of Tarshish. Although verse 12
denotes a specific region for Tarshish (i.e.,
Spain), the designation “ships of Tarshish”
seems to imply a Phoenician provenance similar
to what is found in Isaiah 23:1-18. Thus
they may have been ships bound for Tarshish.
28:2. ruler of Tyre. The king of Tyre at this
time was Ethbaal III, although nothing in this
oracle is known to be specifically about him.
The text claims that the prince is claiming
equality with the patron deity of Tyre,
Melqart, a fact unattested in extrabiblical literature.
28:3. Daniel. Some perceive this person to be a
famous extrabiblical character known from
the Ugaritic Epic of Keret. But the Ugaritic Danil
was not particularly known for great wisdom.
The biblical Daniel was probably well
known to Ezekiel because of his exceptional
gifts. For more information see the comment
on 14:14.
28:12. lament. There are numerous laments or
funeral dirges in the Old Testament and in ancient
Near Eastern literature. They are often
directed towards cities or nations, but there
are also laments concerning the death of individuals.
In this case the “lament” is a sarcastic
piece of mocking literature. See comment on
19:1.
EZEKIEL 27:20—28:14 28:12. seal of perfection. Assyrian royal epithets
included the titles “perfect man” and
“perfect king.” The term was also used in divine
attributes. Here the king is likened to a
finely carved stamp seal (see sidebar in Jer 32.
These were often made from semiprecious
stones and served both as a mark of identity
and a protective amulet.
28:13. list of precious stones. In Exodus
28:17-20 and 39:10-13 the high priest’s breastplate
contains twelve precious stones, many
of which are repeated here. A gem-studded
garment would be a very clear indication of
his grandeur, but there is no indication here
that a breastplate is intended. Kings sometimes
wore gem-encrusted headbands. Jeweled
pectorals or breastplates are known from
the ancient world as well. The identification of
a number of these gemstones is problematic.
Thus modern translations have not agreed on
the nature of the nine gems. Carnelian is preferable
to ruby; topaz is possibly the yellow-
green olivine called peridot; the third is
not diamond (NASB) or emerald (NIV), but it is
a hard stone of some sort; the fourth is likely a
yellow stone (D. Block suggests Spanish gold
topaz); for the fifth, onyx is normal and probable;
the sixth is commonly regarded as some
sort of jasper; the seventh is lapis lazuli (with
the NIV note); the eighth is very uncertain; and
the last is believed by most to be emerald.
28:14. cherub. The term cherub(im) occurs over
ninety times in the Old Testament in reference
to heavenly creatures. They appear to be
winged beings but are greatly varied. There
are examples of cherubim with many faces,
bovine faces, aquiline faces and human faces.
They are described in a way to correspond to
various forms of composite beasts depicted in
ancient Near Eastern art, especially in Assyria.
Because of their composite animal and human
features, they were apt symbols of divine
presence, both in Israel and in surrounding regions.
Here it is undoubtedly a reference to
the guardian of the tree of life in Genesis 3:24
(see comment there). Likening the prince of
Tyre to a cherub suggests that he was entrusted
with the stewardship of divine property.
The natural resources of this region, especially
the cedar forests, were often considered the
property of the gods in Mesopotamian sources
(for instance, the Gilgamesh Epic). Artifacts
715 EZEKIEL 28:14—29:1
also support the picture presented here. Cherubim
are frequently depicted on the carved
ivories of this period, and at times the king is
portrayed as a cherub. The carvings can be
jewel-studded, and decorations feature flowers
and mountains. For more information on
cherubim, see comments on 10:1 and Exodus
25:18-20.
28:14. holy mountain. The concept of holy
mountains was common in the ancient world.
Ancient Near Eastern thought, not unlike that
familiar from Greek mythology, visualized a
mountain height as the dwelling place of deity.
There would have been little difference in
their minds between the tops of mountains
and the heavens. Baal’s home was purported
in Ugaritic literature to be Mount Zaphon. In
Israelite terms the two most significant sacred
mountains were Mount Sinai and the Temple
Mount in Jerusalem. While there is no parallel
in ancient Near Eastern thinking suggesting a
paradise on a mountain, the garden of Eden
functions as a paradise largely because it is
the place of God’s presence, a cosmic Holy of
Holies. The holy mountain is then very appropriate
as a parallel to Eden, for both concern
God’s presence. In Ezekiel 31:16 the forests of
Lebanon and the garden of Eden are again associated.
28:14. fiery stones. There are numerous connections
possible for understanding the “fiery
stones.” In the realm of iconography they are
represented as the decorative ornamentation
on some of the ivory pieces (see comment on
“cherubim” above). In mythology, it should be
noted that there is a palace of fused gemstones
described in Ugaritic texts. In legend, Gilgamesh
encounters on his journeys a grove
where the trees and bushes are full of precious
stones. Any of these could offer a context for
the picture given here by the text.
28:16-17. Satan connection. From early on in
church history there has been an interpretive
tradition understanding this passage as an account
of the fall of Satan. Though this same
type of interpretation in Isaiah 14 was fervently
denied by well-respected exegetes such as
John Calvin (who bluntly ridiculed it), it has
persisted into modern times. From a background
standpoint, it must be noted that Satan
is never portrayed as either being a cherub
or being with the cherub in the garden in any
passage of Scripture. Furthermore, Israel’s understanding
of Satan was far more limited
than that found in the New Testament. Even
in Job, Satan is not a personal name but a
function (see comment on Job 1:6. “Satan”
does not become identified as the personal
name of the chief of demons until about the
second century B.C., and he does not take up
his position as the source and cause of all evil
until the unfolding of Christian doctrine. Consequently,
the Israelites could not have understood
this passage in this way, and no New
Testament passage offers a basis for departing
from the Israelite understanding of it. In the
context, it is a metaphorical description of the
high stewardship entrusted to the prince of
Tyre (as significant as the cherub’s role in the
garden). Rather than treating this sacred trust
with reverence and awe, he exploited it to his
own benefit—as if the cherub of the garden
had opened a roadside fruit stand. He was
therefore discharged from his position, relieved
of his trust and publicly humiliated.
28:18. desecrated sanctuaries. In Ezekiel, the
temple of Israel is desecrated when it is despoiled
by the Babylonians Ezek 7:21-22.
Something can also be “desecrated” by failing
to treat it as holy. Since it is unlikely that Ezekiel
would consider the sanctuaries of Tyre as
holy, it is more likely that in this passage the
prince is charged with pillaging sanctuary
treasuries or misappropriating temple funds.
EZEKIEL 28:14—29:1
28:20-26
Oracle Concerning Sidon
28:21. Sidon in the early sixth century. The
great trading city of Sidon had been defeated
by the Assyrian king Sennacherib in 701 B.C.,
who deposed Luli for joining an anti-Assyrian
coalition. Under Abdimilikutti, Sidon again
revolted against Esarhaddon of Assyria in 677
B.C. The city was destroyed to its foundations
and its king was beheaded. The Assyrians rebuilt
the city and named it Kar-Asarhaddon,
and it became the center of Assyria’s administration
of the area. In Jeremiah 27:3 envoys
from Sidon were included in the conspirators
that met in Jerusalem in 594. A few years later
Sidon was forced to submit to Nebuchadnezzar
of Babylon, and many of its people were
deported. There is no account of the details,
but some Sidonian exiles are known from the
city of Uruk in Babylonia in this period. Herodotus
reports that in 588 the Egyptians fought
against Sidon in an attempt to gain control of
the Phoenician coast, but it is likely that Sidon
was already a Babylonian vassal at this time.
29:1—32:32
Oracles and Laments Concerning
Egypt
29:1. chronology. Though compared to the
date given in 24:1 this appears to be one year
later, it has often been concluded by commen-
EZEKIEL 29:2-18 716
tators that the notation in 24:1 was made in accordance
with an nonaccession year system
rather than an accession year system (see comments
on 24:1; Jer 26:1; and Dan 2:1. If this is
so, this oracle was given only two days after
the siege of Jerusalem began. This is more
likely, because the Egyptian response to the
siege took place that first summer.
29:2. Egypt in the early sixth century. In the
early sixth century B.C. Egypt was under the
Saite or Twenty-Sixth dynasty. With the fall of
Assyria, Egypt attempted to control the Levant
as it had done in previous centuries.
However, Nebuchadnezzar of Babylon was
able to fill the power vacuum in the area, decisively
defeating Egypt at the Battle of
Carchemish in 605 B.C. The Egyptian pharaoh
Psammeticus II (595-589) had spent
much of his reign attempting to regain the territory
in Phoenicia and Palestine that Nebuchadnezzar
had taken away from Necho II
(610-596) at Carchemish. Apries (Hophra)
came to the throne in 589. During the early
summer of the first year of the siege of Jerusalem,
he dispatched an army into Palestine.
This required the Babylonians to temporarily
lift their siege. This, plus an Egyptian fleet that
sailed to Tyre and quickly took control there
(mentioned by the Greek historian Herodotus),
forced Nebuchadnezzar to withdraw
from Jerusalem. The Egyptians, however,
were quickly defeated (possibly near Gaza)
and the siege resumed by late summer.
29:3. identity of pharaoh. The reigning monarch
in Egypt at this time was Apries (Hophra),
who ruled 589-570 B.C. However,
Ezekiel is most likely addressing the office of
pharaoh in general, rather than any particular
monarch.
29:3. monster among the streams. For the
metaphor of Egypt as a monster of chaos see
comment on Isaiah 30:7. More concretely, the
word used here could easily be used in reference
to a crocodile. There are probably elements
of both intended here.
29:4. fish metaphor. The Greek historian
Herodotus described the procedure of catching
crocodiles in the Nile. The hunter baited a
hook with pork, letting it float in the middle of
the river. On the banks of the river, the hunter
began to beat a live pig. Upon hearing the
cries of the pig, the crocodile went after the
sound, meeting the pork, which it swallowed.
In the meantime the hunter pulled the line,
which included the hook and crocodile.
29:6. staff of reed metaphor. Whether used as
a cane or a crutch, the reed will only collapse
and cause physical damage rather than offering
reliable support. The Assyrians claimed
the same about Pharaoh in Isaiah 36:6. The
prominence of reeds in Egypt made this a very
apt metaphor for depending on Egypt. More
specifically, the pharaoh held several scepters
that represented his power and office. The was
scepter was forked at the bottom, and the top
handle was carved in the shape of a dog’s
head. The heqa scepter was shaped like a shepherd’s
crook. Though these were generally not
made of reed, tomb discoveries have confirmed
that at least in one instance a reed staff
was included among the staffs of Pharaoh.
29:10. Migdol to Aswan. Migdol (“tower”)
was the name of several military stations in
Egypt’s northeastern frontier. Although we
cannot be certain just which one is mentioned
here, the term marks the northeastern border
of Egypt. Syene (modern Aswan) was just
north of the first cataract of the Nile, the traditional
southern border of Egypt (the border of
Cush/Nubia). Thus, Migdol to Aswan was
the entire length of Egypt.
29:11-12. forty-year desolation and exile. Forty
years was the period in which one generation
flourished and died off. Thus it was a
period of temporary national punishment. In a
Moabite inscription, Mesha of Moab claimed
that Israel occupied his land for forty years.
There is some evidence of Nebuchadnezzar
undertaking an invasion of Egypt in his thirty-
seventh year (568), but there is no information
concerning what success he might have
had or whether there was any deportation of
the population. Memphis was captured by the
Persian king Cambyses in 525, and Pharaoh
Psammeticus II was taken captive. Egypt then
came under Persian control through most of
the Achaemenid empire, with a brief period of
revolt and independence around 460.
29:14. Upper Egypt. Upper Egypt (or the land
of Pathros) designated all of Egypt south of
Memphis. An ancient Egyptian tradition asserted
that the nation had originated in the
south in Upper Egypt. Esarhaddon of Assyria
claimed to be the king of Musur (north Egypt)
and Paturisi (Pathros).
EZEKIEL 29:2-18 29:14-15. lowly and weak kingdom. The term
“lowly and weak kingdom” appears to denote
that Egypt will be relegated to vassal status.
Although we are not told to whom the nation
will be subject, the historical record is clear
enough. Conquered by Cambyses in 525,
Egypt became a Persian vassal for the next
two centuries.
29:17. chronology. The date is April 26, 571,
one or two years after the end of the siege of
Tyre.
29:18. Nebuchadnezzar’s siege of Tyre. See
comment on 26:7.
717 EZEKIEL 29:18—30:14
29:18. head rubbed bare, shoulder raw. Nebuchadnezzar’s
soldiers will have bare heads
and raw shoulders because of the burdens put
upon them in order to throw up earthworks to
attack the city of Tyre. The siege ramps used
to build a slope up to the walls required tons
of dirt. Additionally, there was an attempt to
build a causeway out to the island portion of
the city. Dirt would have been carried in baskets
on the head and on the shoulder.
29:18. no reward. Soldiers usually received
booty in the form of persons, animals and possessions.
However, Tyre was able to get an exemption
from destruction by yielding to
Babylon. Thus there was no pillaging of the
city.
29:19. Nebuchadnezzar and Egypt. It was inevitable
that Nebuchadnezzar would eventually
have to invade and attempt to conquer
Egypt. The Medes had united the territory
east of the Tigris, effectively cutting Babylon
off from direct trade with the east, and the
Egyptians, with their Phoenician allies, were
constantly causing political and commercial
problems in the west and along the Arabian
trade routes. An extended (thirteen-year according
to the fourth-century Greek historian
Menander) siege bottled up Tyre and devastated
much of Phoenicia (584-571). A fragmentary
portion of Nebuchadnezzar’s annals
from his thirty-seventh year, Herodotus and
Ezekiel 29:19-21 refer to the invasion of Egypt
in 568, but no details are given other than victories
over desert tribes. It is likely that some
Babylonian garrisons were installed in the
fortresses of the Sinai following this campaign.
29:21. horn metaphor. The horns of an animal
were considered tokens of their power and
thus were a figure of strength. Many of the deities
of Mesopotamia were depicted with
horns. Thus, making a horn to sprout signifies
a return of Israel’s power. Additionally, it
must be noted that the crowns of kings also
often featured horns, and a horn could therefore
refer more specifically to a king (see comment
on Dan 7:7.
30:4. Egypt connected to Cush. Cush, the
neighboring country to the south of Egypt,
known as Nubia, had had relations with its
northern neighbor since the beginning of recorded
history. Egypt had a dominant trading
relationship with Cush for many centuries
and occasionally conquered the area. By the
mid-eighth century, however, the Cushites
had been successful in conquering Egypt, and
they ruled the land for nearly a century.
30:5. geography. The first three areas listed
(Cush, Put and Lud) are also mentioned in
Ezekiel 27:10. Cush (Nubia) was adjacent to
Egypt on the south; Put (Lybia) was adjacent
to the west. Lydia was to the north across the
Mediterranean and was a frequent ally of
Egyptians against various enemies to the east.
Arabia could refer to the Arabian peninsula to
the southeast, but it would be unusual for this
Hebrew word to be used that way. It is more
frequently used to refer to a mixed assortment
of ethnic groups. It is known that the Egyptians
during this period used mercenaries
from throughout western Asia and the eastern
Mediterranean. Kub (NIV: Libya) is an unknown
area probably also within modern Libya.
The “land of the covenant” is a reference to
soldiers of an unnamed country, probably
Judah, which had a military relationship with
Egypt at this time and probably supplied mercenaries,
as did all of these other lands. Jeremiah
is aware of a Jewish settlement in Egypt
(see comment on Jer 44:1.
30:6. Migdol to Aswan. See comment on
29:10.
EZEKIEL 29:18—30:14 30:9. messengers to Cush in ships. The term
here for “ships” (an Egyptian loan word) refers
to military boats rather than reed boats or
merchant ships. Nubia felt that having Egypt
as a buffer zone offered a certain amount of
protection from any of the powers from the
east that would arise. Though the Egyptian
pharaoh Psammeticus II campaigned against
Nubia in 593, it is not attack from Egypt that is
threatened in this passage. The Persian king
Cambyses invaded Nubia in 525, and from
that time it was counted as part of the empire.
Nubians served as mercenaries in the Persian
army.
30:10-11. Nebuchadnezzar and Egypt. See
comment on 29:19.
30:12. sell land. In the ancient world the concept
of selling something did not emphasize
“getting money” as it might in today’s economy.
Rather the emphasis was on the transfer
of ownership. In Akkadian the word for sell is
also the word for give. Ruth 4:3-5 shows that
flexibility in the Hebrew term used here as
well. As a result, it is not pertinent to ask what
Yahweh is receiving in return. That is not the
issue. He is transferring possession of the land
from Egypt to Babylon.
30:13. images of Memphis. Memphis was the
royal residence during this period and the
center of the cult of the god Ptah. It was the
city in which kings were enthroned. Ptah was
one of the few deities that did not have an animal
head. He was a creator deity and patron
of the craft guilds.
30:14. Pathros. This is a reference to Upper
Egypt; see comment on 29:14.
EZEKIEL 30:14—31:3 718
30:14. Zoan. Zoan (Hellenized as Tanis) was a
town in the eastern Nile Delta, an important
administrative center in the eighth and seventh
centuries B.C.
30:14. Thebes. Thebes (or No-Amon in Egyptian)
was the main city of Upper Egypt and
had been the capital of the nation for centuries
during the New Kingdom. It was surrounded
by a spectacular array of monumental sacred
precincts.
30:15. Pelusium. Sin was an important fortress
town in the northeast frontier of the Delta
region usually identified with Pelusium. It
held a strategic position in Egypt’s defense
against invaders from Western Asia.
EZEKIEL 30:14—31:3 30:17. Heliopolis. Aven (Hellenized as Heliopolis,
“city of the sun god”) was at the apex
of the Nile Delta region, just north of the city
of Cairo. It normally appears in Hebrew as On
(see Gen 41:45, 50.
30:17. Bubastis. Pi-Beset (Hellenized as
Bubastis) was a town in the Nile Delta region.
It is modern Tell Basta, located thirty-five
miles north of Cairo on the Tanitic branch of
the Nile. It was the residence of Sheshonq
(Shiskak), a powerful monarch of the Twenty-
Second Dynasty in the tenth century B.C.
30:18. Tahpanhes. Tahpanhes was an outpost
in the eastern Delta region of the Nile, bordering
the Sinai. It was later known as Daphne by
the Greeks, who inhabited the outpost as mercenaries
by the seventh century B.C. The Greek
historian Herodotus states that Daphne was
one of three outposts set up by the Egyptians
to stop the Assyrian invasion. The Israelites in
flight from the Babylonians may have stopped
there in the early sixth century B.C.
30:20. chronology. The date is April 29, 587
B.C., just a few months after the date given in
29:1. The Egyptian interference is imminent,
but Ezekiel warns that nothing will come of it.
30:21. the arm of Pharaoh. In Scripture the
arm is the symbol of aggressive power, and
thus the breaking of the arm signifies that the
individual in question has been rendered impotent
(see Ps 10:15; 37:17). The image of an
outstretched or mighty hand or arm is common
in Egyptian inscriptions to describe the
power of Pharaoh. It is used throughout the
Exodus narratives to describe God’s power
over Pharaoh. In the fourteenth-century B.C.
Amarna letters, Abdi-Heba, the governor of
Jerusalem, refers to “the strong arm of the
king” as the basis for his government appointment.
Similarly, the Eighteenth-Dynasty
Hymn to Osiris equates his growing to majority
with the phrase “when his arm was
strong,” and Haremhab’s Hymn to Thoth describes
the moon god as guiding the divine
bark through the sky with “arms outstretched.”
30:23. scattering Egyptians. See comment on
29:11-12.
31:1. chronology. The date is June 21, 587 B.C.,
nearly two months after the date mentioned
in Ezekiel 30:20. Since there is no firm information
concerning the date of the Egyptian interference,
it is difficult to relate this oracle to
the timing of the event.
31:2. identity of Pharaoh. As in 29:3 Ezekiel is
probably addressing the office of pharaoh in
general. Hophra was the reigning monarch in
587 B.C. (see the note on 29:3).
31:3-17. extent, duration and power of Assyria.
The power of the Assyrian state waxed and
waned for nearly three centuries (c. 900-612
B.C.). At its height its geographic range was
enormous, ranging from Iran in the east to
central Egypt, central Anatolia and Cyprus in
the west. It covered much of the Arabian
desert in the south and ranged as far north as
modern Armenia. In Ezekiel’s time it had
passed off the scene rather recently (about
twenty years earlier), so it served as a perfect
image of a long-standing superpower that had
crumbled to nothing.
31:3-14. tree metaphor. The tree used for the
metaphor here is the cedar, a well-known ancient
Near Eastern symbol of majesty. It was
used for the construction of many important
palaces and temples. Egyptian, Assyrian and
Babylonian kings all recount how they cut
down the cedars of Lebanon in order to construct
their mighty edifices. The myth of a cosmic
tree is also found in Mesopotamian
contexts. Its roots are fed by the great subterranean
ocean, and its top merges with the
clouds, so that it binds together the heavens,
the earth and the netherworld. The Sumerian
account of the Epic of Gilgamesh has a motif
of a great tree offering shelter to animals. The
Sumerian goddess Inanna discovered the sacred
cosmic tree on the banks of the Euphrates
and transplanted it into her sacred garden at
Uruk (biblical Erech), where it attracted the
mythical Anzu (a bird deity), a snake and Lilith
(an evil demon). In the Myth of Erra and
Ishum, Marduk speaks of the meshu tree whose
roots reach down through the oceans to the
netherworld and whose top is above the heavens.
In Assyrian contexts the motif of a sacred
tree is also well known. Some have called it a
tree of life, and some also associate it with this
world tree. It is often flanked by animals or by
human or divine figures. A winged disk is
typically centrally located over the top of the
tree. The king is represented as the human
personification of this tree. The tree is thought
719 EZEKIEL 31:8—32:6
to represent the divine world order, but textual
discussion of it is lacking. As is often the
case in Ezekiel, this mythical motif is transformed
to a political image.
31:8-9. garden of God. The garden of God in
Ezekiel is identified as Eden. Here, however, it
is not invoking the image of a utopian home
from which humans have been driven. Unlike
the paradise motif in the Bible, the Mesopotamian
garden of the gods was the beautiful
protected property of the gods that humans
trespassed at their peril. Such was the cedar
forest to which Gilgamesh and his companion
Enkidu gained access when they defeated the
divinely appointed guardian of the forest, Huwawa.
These gardens, like the royal gardens
of this period, were wooded parks featuring
beautiful and exotic trees. This description is
also appropriate for the biblical Eden.
31:12. Assyria’s fall. The Assyrian empire was
at its height in the early seventh century B.C.,
as it was successful in conquering Egypt.
However, a great civil war in 652-648 B.C.
showed the inherent weakness of the huge
state. After the devastation of the civil war Assyria
quickly weakened. By the end of Ashurbanipal’s
reign (either 631 or 627 B.C.) all
economic and other textual sources disappear
from Nineveh, the Assyrian capital. By 626
B.C. the Chaldeans of Babylonia had declared
their independence. Within fourteen years all
of the major Assyrian cities had been destroyed,
the monarchy had fled to Harran in
Syria, and the army was in chaos. The Assyrians
may have participated in the Battle of
Carchemish against Nebuchadnezzar, but
they were never heard from again. Thus in the
forty or so years after the great civil war, Assyria
had been consigned to oblivion.
31:16. comparison of Eden to Lebanon. This
comparison draws together the biblical motif
of Eden as the protected property of Yahweh
and the Mesopotamian motif of the cedar forest
as the protected property of the gods. See
comment on 31:8-9.
31:18. uncircumcised. There is evidence that
Egypt’s priests and kings endured some form
of circumcision. In general, the Israelites disdained
the uncircumcised, and possibly the
Egyptian royalty felt the same way. Contempt
of the uncircumcised appears in both the
Egyptian and Israelite practice of cutting off
the uncircumcised penises of enemies.
EZEKIEL 31:8—32:6 32:1. chronology. The date is March 3, 585 B.C.,
a few months after the report of the fall of
Jerusalem had reached Ezekiel.
32:2. monster in the seas. The monster in this
case is not located in the Nile River but “in the
seas.” This reference is probably to the cosmic
monsters destroyed by God (see Is 51:9-10; Ps
74:13). In the Bible as well as in the ancient
Near East, the sea represents chaos and disorder,
as do the sea monsters that live there. The
obvious physical struggle between the sea and
the land as well as the fierce, seemingly unstoppable
energy displayed by the savage sea
gave rise to cosmic myths in the ancient Near
East. The Enuma Elish creation epic from
Babylon describes how Marduk vanquished
Tiamat while this goddess of watery chaos
was in the form of a dragon. Much of the cycle
of stories about Baal in Ugaritic legend involves
Baal’s struggle against his rival Yamm,
the god of the sea. Similarly, the Ugaritic epic
has both Anat and Baal claim to have conquered
Litan, the seven-headed dragon, and
thus gained mastery over the seas. In Psalm
104:26, Yahweh is said to play with Leviathan,
and in Job 41:1-11, God challenges Job to show
his control over Leviathan as God does. The
kingdoms represented by these beasts are
therefore associated with the forces of chaos
that bring disorder to God’s world and need
to be overcome (see comments on Dan 7.
32:2. lion/monster. The parallel between lion
and monster (dragon) seems strange to us but
was not at all unusual in Ezekiel’s world. The
famous Ishtar Gate in Babylon and the procession
way leading up to it used glazed bricks to
create alternating images of lions and dragons.
Additionally, in the mythological traditions
of Mesopotamia a composite creature
that combined lion and dragon features was
common. This is especially true of Labbu in
the Labbu Myth. From as early as the beginning
of the second millennium, kings used
lion and dragon in parallel to describe themselves.
32:2. churning, muddying waters. This description
indicates a typical mythical scene in
which the churning of the cosmic ocean disturbs
the creatures (often sea monsters) who
represent the forces of chaos and disorder. In
Enuma Elish the sky god, Anu, creates the four
winds that stir up the deep and its goddess,
Tiamat. Here it is the monster who churns up
the sea with the threat that chaos will bring
disorder to the world.
32:3. capture with net. In both the Erra Epic
and Enuma Elish the creature representing the
forces of chaos (Anzu and Tiamat respectively)
is captured in a net.
32:4. huge carcass devoured by birds and
beasts. In the Labbu Myth, Labbu is described
as a monster fifty miles long and a mile wide.
32:6. drenched with blood. In the Labbu
Myth the blood of the slain monster is said to
flow for three years and three months.
EZEKIEL 32:7—33:3 720
32:7-8. cosmic effects. These cosmic effects reflect
the world-upside-down motif that is well
known in the ancient world (see comment on
Jer 4:23-26. It additionally strikes at the heart
of the Egyptian religion, which featured the
sun god most prominently.
32:11. sword of the king of Babylon. See comment
on 29:19.
32:14. streams flowing like oil. The muddy
waters have settled at the bottom of the river
and have given way to clear, smoothly flowing
rivers that run like oil. Similar phraseology
(“heavens raining down oil”) is found in
the Ugaritic Baal texts, but there, as elsewhere
in the Bible, it is an image of prosperity. In the
contrast presented here, flowing like oil
means that it is undisturbed, and it is undisturbed
because the land is desolate.
32:17. chronology. The date is March 17, 585
B.C., two weeks later than the date mentioned
in 32:1.
32:21-22. Assyria with her dead in Sheol. The
nations listed in 22-30 all suffered significant
devastation. Ezekiel probably has in mind the
final defeat and destruction of the Assyrian
empire at the end of the sixth century B.C. Her
armies were probably finally destroyed at the
battle of Carchemish, where Egypt (and probably
Assyria) was decisively defeated by Nebuchadnezzar
of Babylon. Thus, the imagery
sees that the final end of Assyria is in Sheol,
the abode of the dead.
32:24. Elam. Elam was an important state in
southwestern Iran (modern Khuzistan). Its
main city was Susa, which had a very ancient
history and is mentioned in Sumerian and
proto-Elamite records from the outset of the
third millennium B.C. Elam was devastated by
the Assyrians in the late seventh century B.C.
It was invaded by Nebuchadnezzar in 596 and
was taken over by the Medo-Persians later in
the sixth century B.C.
EZEKIEL 32:7—33:3 32:26 Meschech and Tubal. At the end of the
eighth century, these two Anatolian kingdoms
were ravaged by internal warfare, conquered
by Sargon II of Assyria and invaded
by the Cimmerians from southern Russia. Unfortunately,
little of their history survives from
the seventh and early sixth centuries. It is
thought that they were incorporated under
Lydian control after the conclusion of the Cimmerian
wars. In the spring of 585 the Lydians
are at war with the Medes (see chronology in
v. 1 above and comment on 38:1). They are
mentioned again in the Persian period as separate
ethnic identities. They are known to the
Assyrians as Mushku (central Anatolia) and
Tabal (eastern Anatolia), and to Herodotus as
the Moschi and Tibarenoi (subject states of the
Persian empire). At the end of the eighth century
the king of Mushku was Mita, known to
the Greeks as Midas, the king with the golden
touch. His tomb has been identified at Gordion
and excavated.
32:29. Edom. Edom was a Semitic-speaking
neighbor of Judah, south and east of the Dead
Sea. In the eighth century B.C. Edom fell under
the control of the Assyrians, as noted in
the annals of Tiglath-Pileser III (r. 745-727
B.C.), and continued under their rule until the
death of Ashurbanipal a century later. During
that time the Edomites were often conscripted
into the Assyrian armies and thus figure
often in the annals. During the Babylonian
period Edom evidently sided with the great
empire, although there are no extrabiblical
records to verifying this. It is likely that they
submitted themselves to Nebuchadnezzar’s
rule in 605 B.C. Although some Judean refugees
may have found shelter in Edom, it apparently
remained passive as Jerusalem was
destroyed (see Ps 137:7 and Obad 11. The
Babylonian campaign against Ammon and
Moab in 594 seems not to have affected
Edom. It is likely that they remained unscathed
until the time of Nabonidus’s campaign
in 552 B.C.
32:30. princes of the north. The princes of the
north are most likely Aramean rulers or
sheiks. There were a number of hostile
Aramean kingdoms north of Israel/Judah, the
largest centered in Damascus.
32:30. Sidonians. See the comment on 28:21.
33:1-20
Ezekiel’s Role as a Watchman
33:2-6. role of watchman. The watchman
stood at the place in the city where he would
have the most strategic view of the surroundings
and watched for any approaching enemy
army. He reported either by word of mouth or
by trumpet. His task was simply to sound the
alarm of the approaching enemy. He was absolved
of responsibility if the city dwellers refused
to heed his call. The watchman is found
throughout the ancient Near East. The spiritual
sense used here is not found in the ancient
Near East but is picked up (probably from
Ezekiel) in the Dead Sea Scrolls sectarian documents,
where the leader of the community is
on the lookout for the judgment of God.
33:3. trumpet signal. The trumpet here is the
ram’s horn, which had a limited musical
range. The term (Hebrew, shopar) is likely be
related to Akkadian shapparu, which is in turn
a loan word from Sumerian denoting a wild
goat or ibex. It was significant not only for its
721 EZEKIEL 33:7—34:16
use in war (to proclaim victory, announce the
disbanding of the army and call troops to
arms) but also for the cultic rites of Israel (see
Ps 81:4 and Lev 25:9. In fact, it is the most frequently
named musical instrument in the Old
Testament. For more information see comment
on Joshua 6:4-5.
33:7. prophet as watchman. Ezekiel’s portrayal
of himself as prophetic watchman is similar
to the charge given to Isaiah (21:6-9) and Jeremiah
(6:17). Though no similar label has been
found attached to prophets in the ancient
Near East, the concept is familiar enough. The
prophets were expected to warn the king of
impending situations (in military or cultic
realms) that might jeopardize his person or
the stability of his kingdom.
33:15. pledge for loan. Pledges for loans were
customary throughout the ancient Near East.
Thousands of loan contracts uncovered from
Mesopotamia show that it was quite an ordinary
procedure. For example, at Terqa in Middle
Bronze Age Syria, a certain Puzurum
made a loan at the local temple of the sun god
Shamash. He retained one-half of a cuneiform
contract, while the temple (functioning in this
case as a bank) retained the other. Thus the
two halves functioned as a receipt. When Puzurum
paid off the loan, the temple returned
to him the remaining portion of the contract.
The return of a pledge by a repentant wicked
person suggests that an oppressive debt situation
was resolved with the debt being forgiven.
EZEKIEL 33:7—34:16
33:21-33
Jerusalem’s Fate
33:21. chronology. The date is January 19, 585
B.C. It is about five months after the fall of
Jerusalem. Most commentaries agree that this
is not a fugitive or even a refugee, but one of
the survivors who has been brought captive to
Babylon with the first wave of exiles from the
destruction.
33:25. eating meat with blood. The phrase literally
is “eating over blood.” Leviticus 19:26
associates this with banned forms of divination.
Medieval rabbinical texts identified this
with a practice of the Sabians, a north Arabian
sect that had a communal meal in which humans
ate meat whose blood was poured on
the ground to attract spirit beings. Similar
practices were done throughout the entire
Near East. The land of Israel was understood
theologically as the camp that surrounded the
temple. The violations listed are the sort that
would result in the person being sent outside
the camp.
33:27. wild animals as punishment. Wild
beasts were a constant source of fear for city
dwellers throughout the ancient Near East. In
Assyrian texts and reliefs of this period the
kings are seen hunting lions to symbolically
rid the city of the scourge of wild beasts. It has
been suggested that the killing of eighteen lions
represents the eighteen gates of Nineveh
and the roads leading out of them. See comment
on 5:17.
33:32. love songs for entertainment. Love (or
erotic) songs had long been sources of entertainment
for city dwellers. The itinerant singer
of songs traveled from town to town,
entertaining the people. Many of these songs
were written down in the cuneiform record.
For example, portions of the Epic of Gilgamesh
may well have been sung to the city
dwellers in Sumer in much the same way that
Homer’s Iliad and Odyssey were sung by traveling
poets before being written down centuries
later. Love songs are connected to Ritual
Marriage texts (the Tammuz liturgy) in Sumerian
times and were popular in Egypt during
the second half of the second millennium
(Eighteenth and Nineteenth Dynasties). It is a
severe indictment that the people have reduced
the role of the messenger of God to
mere entertainment.
34:1-31
Oracle to the Shepherds
34:3. perquisites of leaders. The three staple
byproducts of sheep and goats (goats’ milk/
curds, sheep’s wool, meat) are used here to extend
the metaphor of the leaders gleaning all
the benefits but not fulfilling their responsibilities.
Royal and priestly administrations were
of necessity supported by the population
through taxations of various sorts, but it was
expected that the population would in turn
benefit rather than be exploited.
34:3-4. shepherd tasks. As the previous metaphor
concerned the privileges of the shepherd,
attention now turns to the neglected
responsibilities. The metaphor goes beyond
the normal responsibilities of making sure
that the sheep were protected and fed. Instead
it focuses on the remedial duties, caring for
the sick and finding the lost. These would
equate to the need for kings to bring about
justice for alienated and disenfranchised people
(such as the widow and orphan).
34:7-16. shepherd/king metaphor in ancient
Near East. The ideology of the king as a shepherd
to his people is found with Lugalzagessi
of Sumer as early as around 2450 B.C. The contemporary
king Urukagina of Lagash claimed
EZEKIEL 35:1—38:2 722
that the god Ningirsu owned his state and
that the king had been chosen as a shepherd to
administer the city on behalf of the gods and
the people. Gods responsible for maintaining
justice (Shamash in Mesopotamia, Amun in
Egypt) are likewise represented in this way.
This ideology continued in the ancient Near
East into the monarchy period, occurring in
reference to Ashurbanipal of Assyria (seventh
century) and Nebuchadnezzar (sixth century).
35:1-15
Oracle Concerning Edom
35:2. Mount Seir. Mount Seir was the ancient
name of the mountainous region south of the
Dead Sea on both sides of the Rift Valley running
south to the Gulf of Aqaba. The name
Seir is found in the Amarna texts from Egypt
in the fourteenth century B.C. According to
Scripture the mountains of Seir were occupied
first by the Horites Deut 2:12, 22, who were
later displaced by the Edomites. Seir became
synonymous with the entire country of Edom.
35:5. Edom’s role in fall of Jerusalem. This
verse addresses the long-standing dissension
between Edom and Israel. We are told elsewhere
in Scripture that the Edomites cheered
when Nebuchadnezzar II destroyed Jerusalem
(e.g., Ps 137; Joel 3:19; Obad 1-14). This is the
only text that implies that they played an active
role in the conquest.
EZEKIEL 35:1—38:2
36:1-38
Oracle of Restoration
36:5. Edom’s conduct. See comment on 35:5.
36:25. sprinkled with clean water. While
sprinkling with water for purification was a
part of the ritual ablutions used by the priests,
the term “clean water” is not used anywhere
else in the Old Testament.
36:26. metaphors. The heart was considered
the seat of the mind and its will, or inclinations.
For more information concerning a
heart of stone or a heavy heart see comments
on 11:19; Isaiah 6:9-10; and Exodus 8:11.
37:1-28
Valley of Dry Bones
37:1. transported in visions. See comment on
8:3.
37:2. valley full of bones. The large amount of
bones described here implies that this was the
scene of a major catastrophe. The depiction of
a large number of corpses that had been denied
a proper burial is reminiscent of many
battle scenes and descriptions of battle scenes
found in the earliest periods of Mesopotamian
and Egyptian history. Furthermore, the Assyrian
annals describe the destruction of their enemies
in similar terms. A typical ancient Near
Eastern curse has the corpse of the cursed victim
exposed to the elements.
37:12-13. resurrection in ancient Near East.
The concept of resurrection was known in
some parts of the ancient Near East. The Egyptians
believed that some of the deceased rose as
stars and took their place in the heavens. However,
in general the only awakening that was
part of the ancient worldview was the calling
up of spirits of the dead (which is not permanent
and not a bodily presence) or the awakening
of the fertility gods of nature cycles. These
died annually when the agricultural cycle came
to an end and “wintered” in the netherworld.
Then they were ritually awakened in the
spring. None of this bears any resemblance to a
theological doctrine of resurrection. Occasional
revivifications or indications of national return
to life as found in this passage are not
representative of a doctrine of resurrection. See
comment on Isaiah 26:19. Some have suggested
that there is a greater likelihood that Ezekiel is
transported east this time. Zoroastrian practice
was to leave bodies unburied with the hope
that they would someday be reassembled and
revived. A drawback to this is that the spread
of Persian culture and ideas dates to some decades
after Ezekiel, and Zoroastrianism does not
take hold in the Persian empire until the end of
the sixth century.
38:15-16. writing on wood. It is likely, since
this wood is being written on, that Ezekiel is
using two wooden tablets. It was a common
practice to use wooden boards coated with a
beeswax concoction for the writing of messages
that were formal but did not need to be
archived and preserved.
38:1—39:29
Gog and Magog
38:2. Gog. The identification of Gog has perplexed
commentators for centuries. The most
likely explanation is that the name is a derivative
of Gyges, who was a Lydian king mentioned
in Assyrian and Greek sources. In the
former he is called Gugu and he rules over
mat Gugu, which is Akkadian for the “land of
Gugu.” His reign, however, is fifty or more
years prior to the time of Ezekiel, so some
have argued that the name became a dynastic
title used by his royal descendants. The king
of Lydia at the time of Ezekiel is Alyattes.
There is no evidence that Lydia ever threatened
Judah, but the Lydians were involved in
723 EZEKIEL 38:2-22
a serious war against Cyaxares and the Medes
in 585. Gog looks similar to the names Agag
and Og, two famous enemies of Israel.
38:2. Magog. Magog is likely a Hebrew form
of Akkadian Mat Gugu, “the land of Gog,”
which Josephus identified as Lydia in western
Anatolia.
ezekiel 38:2-22 38:2. Meschech and Tubal. At the end of the
eighth century, these two Anatolian kingdoms
were ravaged by internal warfare, conquered
by Sargon II of Assyria and invaded by the
Cimmerians from southern Russia. Unfortunately,
little of their history survives from the
seventh and early sixth centuries. It is thought
that they were incorporated under Lydian
control after the conclusion of the Cimmerian
wars. In the spring of 585 the Lydians were at
war with the Medes. They are mentioned
again in the Persian period as separate ethnic
identities. They are known to the Assyrians as
Mushku (central Anatolia) and Tabal (eastern
Anatolia), and to Herodotus as the Moschi
and Tibarenoi (subject states of the Persian
empire). At the end of the eighth century the
king of Mushku was Mita, known to the
Greeks as Midas, the king with the golden
touch. His tomb has been identified at Gordion
and excavated.
38:4. hooks in your jaws. The Assyrians typically
put hooks in the jaws of defeated enemies,
either for the purposes of humiliation or
to deport them to other lands. This practice is
often described in their annals and graphically
depicted in their wall reliefs. Esarhaddon is
depicted on a stele from Zinjirli in Syria as
leading Baal of Tyre and Tirhakah of Egypt by
a rope tied to a ring through their lips. Ashurbanipal
claims to have pierced the cheeks of
Uate’ (king of Ishmael) with a sharp-edged
tool and put a ring in his jaw.
38:4. large and small shields. These were
body shields and hand shields respectively.
See comment on 23:24.
38:5. Persia, Cush and Put. See comment on
27:10.
38:6. Gomer. Gomer has been equated with
the Gimirrai of the Assyrian annals and the
Cimmerians of Greek sources. In Homer’s Odyssey
they lived on the north shore of the Black
Sea. They attacked the kingdom of Urartu
from the north and caused problems for the
Assyrians in the eighth century. Sargon died
in battle against them in Tubal. They appear to
have been driven through the Caucasus
mountains into Anatolia according to Herodotus.
They came to be involved with the
Anatolian kingdom of Lydia in the seventh
century B.C. They overran the Phrygians and
sacked the capital at Gordion, the royal seat of
the famous King Midas, in 676. In 644 they
overthrew Sardis, the capital of the Lydian
state. This was when Gyges met his death.
During Ezekiel’s time the Cimmerians had
been driven out of Lydia by Alyattes. They later
came under the control of the Medes.
38:6. Beth Togarmah. Beth Togarmah was
most likely the capital city of Kammanu, a
central Anatolian kingdom. It was known in
Hittite sources as Tegaramara and in Assyrian
sources as Til-Garimmu.
38:11. unwalled villages. The unwalled villages
(mentioned here and in Zech 2:8 and Esther
9:19) have normally been defined as rural
settlements without walls, bars or gates, in
contrast to fortified cities. They were defenseless
and vulnerable.
38:13. Sheba and Dedan. The kingdom of
Sheba was a great trading center in southwestern
Arabia that exported precious stones,
gold and incense. This kingdom is known as
Saba in native sources and in the Assyrian annals.
It had a very advanced urban civilization
in the first millennium B.C. For more information
see 2 Chronicles 9:1. Dedan was a central
Arabian oasis where Tyre received its special
riding gear. It is identified with the modern
site of al-Ula, which is situated on the frankincense
road from Yemen to Palestine.
38:13. merchants of Tarshish. In this context
the merchants of Tarshish appear to represent
merchant peoples who did their trade on the
overland routes across the Arabian Desert to
Sheba and Dedan, and on to the Mediterranean
Sea.
38:14. Gog. See comment on 38:2
38:19. earthquakes in Israel. This appears to
be a cosmic earthquake, similar to ones described
in Exodus 19; Judges 5:4-5; Isaiah
30:27-28; Habakkuk 3:3-7; and Psalms 68:8-9
and 114 (see comment on 1 Sam 14:15. This
type of imagery is also found in the annals of
Esarhaddon of Assyria. The Levant was prone
to earthquakes, but Israel is on the edge of the
zone that has its center in Anatolia. The
well-known historical quakes occurred in 760
and 31 B.C. In the Christian era the region has
averaged about one major quake per century.
38:22. hailstones and burning sulfur. The occurrence
of hailstones as divine judgment in
conquest accounts is not unique. In a letter to
his god (Ashur), Sargon of Assyria reports
that in his campaign against Urartu (714 B.C.)
the god Adad stormed against his enemies
with “stones from heaven” and so annihilated
them. This battle included a coalition that fled
through the passes and valleys pursued by
Sargon, with the enemy king hiding at last in
the clefts of his mountain. Burning sulfur
EZEKIEL 39:1—40:19 724
(“brimstone”) is a yellow crystalline substance
that ignites in air, often found in volcanic regions.
It has no connection with hailstones except
they were both calamities that would
befall the area.
39:1. Gog. See comment on 38:2.
39:4. food to the birds and wild animals. To
be left unburied, vulnerable to the elements
and beasts, was the worst curse imaginable.
Furthermore, as there was no clear distinction
between body and soul in the Hebrew mentality,
death was not regarded as the separation
of those two elements. Thus one who had no
burial was still believed to be conscious (in
some form) of his fate. In the ancient Near
East those who were left unburied were
thought restless until a proper burial had been
performed.
EZEKIEL 39:1—40:19 39:6. Magog. See comment on 38:2.
39:9. weapons used for fuel. Passages that
speak of the destruction of weapons of war
usually focus on using them for practical and
beneficial purposes. The wooden parts could
be burned in place of firewood as here (this
sometimes extended even to the clothing, as
in Is 9:5, and the metal parts could be recycled
into agricultural use Is 2:4 and Mic 4:3.
39:11. burial place. The burial place (’oberim)
has defied an absolute identification. Scholars
have identified it as the “Valley of Travelers”
or, based upon an Ugaritic parallel, “those
who have passed on.” The latter makes more
sense. Gog has desired to be identified with
the great kings of old, and now he is, since
they are all dead. Ugaritic texts refer to a
group called the Rephaim, who are beings of
the netherworld (see comment on Is 14:9-11.
EZEKIEL 40:1-39
40:1—48:35
Restored Temple and Land
40:1. tenth day of the first month. The time of
the year is described as the “head of the year,”
similar to an Akkadian equivalent. The
present vision is thus dated to 10 Nisan in the
twenty-fifth year of the exile or April 28, 573
B.C. In the Israelite calendar this was the beginning
of Passover activities. The lamb was
to be chosen on this day and slaughtered on
the fourteenth.
40:3. linen cord and measuring rod. The linen
cord may be similar to the measuring line that
was used in Zechariah 2:1 to measure the city.
It appears that it was used for extremely long
distances. The measuring rod was for short
distances. Some have argued that the stele of
Ur-Nammu of the Sumerian city of Ur shows
a similar representation.
40:5. long cubit, length of rod. The normal cubit
(six handbreadths) has been estimated at
17.6 inches and the long cubit here at about
20.5 inches. The rod mentioned by Ezekiel
was about six cubits or ten feet long.
40:6. significance of east gate. The east gate
was the gate through which Yahweh’s glory
would make its entry Ezek 43:1-5. God’s
glory had left the temple through the same
gate (10:19). Since temples tended to be oriented
toward the east, this would be the most important
gate.
40:7-16. gate architecture. The size and design
of the gateway show its great importance in
the temple complex. The jambs were decorated
with palm fronds, presumably similar to
those in the Solomonic temple (1 Kings
6:29-36). These types of fortified installations
were built for military and not religious purposes.
Later in Ezekiel we are told that the
gates were to be manned by the Levites, who
guarded the sacred places in the temple. The
overall design of the gatehouse is typical of a
number of preexilic Palestinian city gates from
Megiddo, Hazor and Gezer. While these gates
are typical of city gates, they are much more
extensive than would be usually found with
temples.
40:7-16. measurements compared to archaeologically
known gates. This structure is clearly
a guardhouse and measures fifty by
twenty-five cubits (eighty-six by forty-three
feet). It compares to the guardrooms of Solomon’s
temple 1 Kings 14:28, although their
size is not mentioned. Of nearly twenty Iron
Age gate systems excavated in Israel, this
would be larger than most. The gates at Dan,
Megiddo and Lachish were between eighty
and one hundred feet wide (compared to the
forty-three feet of this gate). But they are larger
than most, and the average runs closer to
the width of the gate described here. The
depth of this gate, however (eighty-six feet), is
on the large size. One of the deepest excavated
gates is at Lachish, which is nearly eighty-two
feet. The descriptions and measurements of
the chambers are comparable to Iron Age
gates.
40:17-19. outer court description and size.
With the addition of information from Ezekiel
42:6 the outer court had a group of rooms that
may have been used by worshipers as eating
and meeting places during the periods of religious
events. The rooms were pillared porticos.
The number of rooms and their size is not
given. The area did contain a raised pavement
of about one hundred cubits. The term for
pavement is a rare word. In Esther 1:6 the
term represents a mosaic floor inlaid with precious
stones.
725 EZEKIEL 40:20—42:14
40:20-27. north and south gate dimensions
and description compared to east gate. The
north and south gates have the same features
as the east gate: recesses, jambs, niches, a vestibule
and palm decorations. The measurements
of the three gates are also identical.
40:26. palm tree decorations. The palm tree
decorations were not only artistically beautiful
but were reminiscent of the Solomonic
temple 1 Kings 6:29-36. These types of decorations
were common in Iron Age Palestine,
particularly in connection with temple facades.
40:28-37. inner court gates (and absence of
west gates). The inner court gates were mirror
images of the outer gates. The inner courtyard
backs up to the wall on the western side, with
a structure between the wall and the back of
the temple. That is why there were no western
gates.
40:39. offerings. For discussion of the various
types of offerings, see the comments in the
early chapters of Leviticus.
40:43. function of double pronged hooks.
The double-pronged hooks on the walls have
traditionally been interpreted as being used to
hang utensils. A more recent interpretation argues
that they were niches or ledges for the
storage of the utensils, much like what is described
in the Temple Scroll (30:13).
40:47. inner court size. The inner court was a
perfect square, one hundred cubits, or about
170 feet, on each side. This is about two-thirds
of an acre.
41:1. outer sanctuary description and size.
The outer sanctuary shows vague Babylonian
influences and specific parallels to the older
city gates of Megiddo, Hazor and Gezer,
structures which may have been built by Solomon
1 Kings 9:15. For example, the north
gate at Megiddo had in the passageway of the
gate the identical three gate recesses described
in Ezekiel. Here in 41:1 is described the great
hall, the room between the vestibule and the
Holy of Holies. Numerous Mesopotamian
temples were constructed with this model (see
comments on Ex 26 and 1 Kings 7.
41:5-11. architectural design. Ezekiel describes
here the auxiliary structures of the
temple. There are a number of technical architectural
expressions discussed in this section,
many of which have uncertain meanings.
Much of the description, however, is reminiscent
of that found in 1 Kings 6:5-8 concerning
the Solomonic temple. Although Ezekiel
sketches the auxiliary structures around the
temple, he does not describe their function,
nor does the author of 1 Kings. Similar single
and multistoried rooms from Egyptian religious
centers imply that they were used as
storehouses for temple treasures. For example,
temples built by Merenptah and Rameses II
(thirteenth century B.C.) had storage spaces
three to four times larger than the temple itself.
This was also common in Mesopotamia.
41:13-14. dimensions compared to Solomon’s
temple. Both the Solomonic temple and the
temple of Ezekiel consisted of three rooms.
The dimensions of the holy room and the
great hall in both temples are identical.
41:15. identification of second building and
galleries. The identification and function of
the second building mentioned here is primarily
determined by understanding the obscure
term used for “galleries” or “ledges.” These
galleries appeared on the outside of the structure.
They either came in threes or were three
levels. They could be seen from both the inner
and outer courts. Some have concluded that
these functioned as galleries or walkways (or
both).
EZEKIEL 40:20—42:14 41:16. narrow windows. The narrow windows
were probably set high in the walls above the
level of the annex rooms, similar to Solomon’s
temple 1 Kings 6:29-35. They correspond to
the triple rabbeted design in the “Lady at the
Window” carving found at the Assyrian site
of Nimrud, dating to the early first millennium
B.C.
41:17-20. palm and cherub imagery. The palm
and cherub imagery is clearly reminiscent of
the Solomonic temple 1 Kings 29-36). However,
these cherubim have only a human and a
lion head, unlike the four for the Solomonic
temple. These were no longer free-standing
structures but were carved into the walls,
which is most likely why there were fewer
heads. The figures were flanked by the palm
imagery, a common motif on ivories and other
art forms. The same imagery is seen on ivory
carvings from Arslan Tash in first millennium
B.C. Syria and on a scene painted on storage
jars from Iron Age Kuntillet ’Arjud in Palestine.
42:13-14. provision of priest’s rooms in temple.
Though little is known of priest’s rooms
in the Solomonic temple, they were well
known in Babylonia. The bit pirishti was a
room in the Babylonian temple complex in
which the priestly vestments and the costly
garments of the statues of deities were stored.
42:14. holy garments. The Babylonian bit pirishti
was associated with the wardrobe of the
priests, at least during the Seleucid era (after
330 B.C.). These vestments were highly valued
because of the gold and silver objects used to
decorate the garments. Goldsmiths received
official permission to enter into these rooms in
EZEKIEL 43:3—44:21 726
order to work on the vestments of the priests
and the divine images.
43:3. Kebar River. See comment on 1:1.
43:7. lifeless idols of kings. These “lifeless
idols” are probably not corpses but refer to a
pagan cult of the dead, similar to that of Leviticus
26:30. Ezekiel probably had in mind a
veneration of the spirits of Israel’s royal ancestors,
much like a cult of the royal dead at
Ugarit. Whether the kings were considered
deified at either place is not clear.
43:8. thresholds and doorposts. The statement
here in verse 8 corresponds with the description
of the Solomonic temple in 1 Kings
6—7. The original temple was built as one element
of the entire Solomonic palace complex.
Only a wall separated the temple and palace,
and they bordered “threshold to threshold,
and doorpost to doorpost.”
43:13. long cubit. See comment on 40:5.
43:13-17. altar architecture. Although the
technical vocabulary for the altar is similar to
that found in Akkadian, the altar of Ezekiel is
most similar to the Solomonic Temple (2
Chron 4:1; 1 Kings 2:28. The length of the
sides is similar in both cases, while horns were
a common motif in altars in the Levant.
Though the altar is large, it is not as large as
Solomon’s and is comparable to those uncovered
by archaeologists.
43:19. family of Zadok. Zadok was the representative
of Aaron’s line who served as high
priest during the reigns of David and Solomon.
In the postexilic community the sons of
Zadok had the altar duties reserved for them,
while the Levites had less significant duties
than before. The Zadokites held the high
priesthood until the time of the Greek ruler
Antiochus IV (175-163 B.C.). In fact, some have
supposed that the Dead Sea community may
have been formed in response to the end of
the Zadokite priesthood.
43:24. salt. The reference here is to a “covenant
of salt” (see comments on Lev 2:13 and Num
18:19). The preservative qualities of salt made
it a symbol of the permanence of the covenant
relationship. Thus, the addition of salt was a
reminder of God’s covenant.
43:25-26. seven-day dedication. In the ancient
Near East generally and in Israel particularly,
seven-day installation and dedication services
were the norm.
44:1-2. east gate permanently shut. The Sacred
Gate of the city of Babylon was the gate
through which the procession of Marduk (the
primary god of the city) and other deities
passed and returned again. Like the east gate
described by Ezekiel, the Sacred Gate was apparently
opened for the deity to pass through
and was shut at all other times.
44:3. prince. The prince in this context is a religious
figure who is responsible for eating his
sacrificial meals before the Lord in the sacred
gate. Earlier in Ezekiel the term was used for a
Davidic figure (e.g., 34:24; 37:25). Here he has
no royal or political role to play, only a role inside
the temple precincts. He has no access
through the east gate that is reserved for divine
use; he only has an act to perform there.
It is clear that he is not serving a priestly function,
for he is not allowed to actually step inside
the inner court.
EZEKIEL 43:3—44:21 44:3. portico of the gateway. The prince was
able to enter the gate structure through the
portico (or vestibule) of the gateway, meaning
that he had already come into the courtyard
through another gate and entered the eastern
gateway from the inside. He stood by the post
of the gate, which enabled him to see the cultic
activity of the priests.
44:8. others in charge. Foreigners had been recruited
for temple service probably as temple
guards perhaps since the time of Manasseh
and Amon. Furthermore, Neo-Babylonian and
Phoenician records appear to affirm the probability
of the installation of foreigners in this
type of temple service.
44:14. duties of the temple. The duty of
guarding the gates of the house implies more
than just the temple but the entire temple
complex. The Levites were also responsible
for caring for the temple and grounds, and supervised
activities on the temple grounds. For
more information on the importance of this
task see the comment on 1 Chronicles 9:22-27.
44:17. linen, not wool. One possible reason for
the prohibition of wool may be a practical one.
Wool was more likely to cause one to sweat.
Since many bodily excretions caused defilement,
steps needed to be taken to prevent
their occurrence in the temple complex. This
appears also to be the case in Egypt, where,
according to Herodotus and the Roman writer
Lucian, linen was used in the material for
priestly garments. Herodotus adds that the
Egyptian priests were constantly washing
their linen garments.
44:19. sacred rooms. See comment on 42:14.
44:20. hair regulations. Shaving the head bald
or letting the hair grow very long was most
likely forbidden because of the pagan customs
associating it with Canaanite cults of the dead.
The taboo has its inspiration in Leviticus 21:5
(see comment there).
44:21. wine prohibition. This prohibition has
its parallel in Leviticus 10:9. Though ritualized
intoxication was well known, for example,
from the Babylonian creation epic, Enuma
727 EZEKIEL 44:22—46:1
Elish, it is most likely that the prohibition was
to make sure that the priest had control of his
faculties (see comment on Is 28:7.
EZEKIEL 44:22—46:1 44:22. marriage regulations. The explicit prohibition
concerning the priest and marriage
comes from Leviticus 21:7, 10-14 (see comments
there). There, it appears that the concern
was for maintaining the purity of the
priestly line, although Ezekiel does not mention
the reason for the prohibition.
44:29-30. priest’s portions. Although these
verses provide the physical sustenance for the
priests, there is more. The priests were actually
invited to eat Yahweh’s food. For more information
see comments on Numbers
18:12-19. They were also authorized to eat the
h[erem or “every irredeemable devoted thing.”
These items were evidently those designated
for any use, except that which was prescribed
for the cult.
45:1. concept of sacred district. The sacred
district was land reserved for use by the God
of the temple area. Ezekiel portrays the land
as a gift that was returned to the divine benefactor.
As early as the early fourth millennium
B.C., the city of Uruk in southern Mesopotamia
had sacred districts in the center of its
town. In ancient Mesopotamia either the sacred
districts were separated by retaining
walls for the structure, or a large citadel wall
surrounded the entire sacred precinct. Access
to sacred precincts was limited, and strict
standards were maintained regarding who
could enter and on what occasions. This is a
continuation of the sacred compass idea that
was established in Israel when the tabernacle
was set up in the wilderness period (see comments
on Lev 10:10 and Num 18:1-7.
45:2-6. dimensions of sacred district. The
larger consecrated area was about eight miles
long and six and a half miles wide, an area of
over 50 square miles. This could be compared
to the approximately 620 square miles of the
entire district of Yehud under Persian rule.
One half of this area was reserved for the
priests and sanctuary, which was in the center
of this area. One other area, eight miles by
more than three miles, was reserved for the
city, which was most likely Jerusalem, although
the name is not given. If this design
were superimposed on the land of Israel, it
would encompass a large central segment of
the tribal allotment of Judah. The territorial
scheme shows the relative importance of the
officials of the state, depending upon their
placement near the center where there was the
closest access to God.
45:7. prince. See comment on 44:3.
45:10. accurate scales. In an economy that did
not have standardized weights and measures,
traders were often tempted to cheat by falsifying
the balances and measurements, often by
using improper weights and false bottoms
and other ways to alter the sizes of vessels.
45:10-12. measures. The two-armed balance
scales were used to weigh out goods in Israel.
The ephah was a dry standard used in measuring
grain and equaled about half a bushel.
The bath was a liquid measure of about six
gallons. It was used for the measure of oil,
wine and water. Both an ephah and a bath are
one-tenth of a homer.
45:17. prince’s contributions. Here the prince
is seen in a royal role. Typically in the ancient
Near East the king was the one who provided
the sacrifices for the festival rituals. This can
be observed in biblical texts as well as in the
nations surrounding Israel. At the large public
festivals the general population often played
the role of audience, while the leaders of the
people (court and temple) took center stage.
The pageantry could be grandiose, and the
largesse of the king was made evident.
45:18-20. inaugural festival. The ritual described
here has all the earmarks of a purification
ceremony to dedicate the new sanctuary.
These were typically seven-day affairs that ensured
that the holy place and holy objects
were ready for use. It marked the beginning of
the operation of the sanctuary.
45:21-25. new Passover. In Ezekiel’s formulation,
Passover takes on a different look than
the traditional observance established in Exodus
11—12. Originally it had been established
as a family-oriented festival in which the head
of the household served a priestly role and the
home was the location of the festivities. The
related Feast of Unleavened Bread had gradually
merged with Passover, as is indicated
here as well. In the Passover celebrations carried
out by Hezekiah 2 Chron 30 and Josiah
2 Chron 35, there was a more national and
centralized aspect to the observance, but that
is even more the case here in Ezekiel.
46:1. New Moon significance. Keyed to their
use of a lunar calendar, ancient Israel marked
the first day of the month, with its “new
moon” phase, as a festival day (every twentynine
or thirty days). As on the Sabbath, all
work was to cease (see Amos 8:5, and there
were sacrifices to be made Num 28:11-15. In
the monarchy period the king became a prominent
figure in these celebrations. The festival
continued to be observed in the postexilic period
Ezra 3:5; Neh 10:33. New Moon festivals
were also prominent in Mesopotamia from
late in the third millennium down to the
Neo-Babylonian period in the middle of the
EZEKIEL 46:2—48:14 728
first millennium B.C. The cult of the moon was
widespread throughout the ancient Near East,
and the moon deities figured prominently in
mythological texts. Although the Israelites
were forbidden to worship any heavenly bodies
(including the lunar cult: e.g., Deut 23:5,
and Jer 8:2, they were allowed to celebrate the
first of the month with trumpets and burnt offerings.
46:2. prince’s entrance. See comment on 44:3.
EZEKIEL 46:2—48:14 46:3. worship on the sabbath at the gateway.
This is one of the few explicit references in the
Old Testament to worship on the sabbath,
which is usually only spoken of in terms of
prohibited activities. Many of Israel’s festivals
featured “holy convocations,” but such are
never mandated for the Sabbath. Here it is
also interesting to note that the temple is the
focal point for this Sabbath worship. Temples
served as gathering places when public sacred
rituals were being performed (at events designated
as holy convocations). One must be
careful not to associate too closely our worship
in church on Sunday with Israel’s acts of
worship at the temple on the Sabbath. The differences
are both profuse and profound.
46:9. entrance and exit by opposite gates.
This prohibition appears to simply regulate
the congestion on occasions of great crowds in
the temple and ensuring the orderly flow of
people. The temple area is to represent the
epitome of orderliness, including even the
traffic pattern. Anything that is uncontrolled
or reflects confusion has no place.
46:19-24. kitchens for offering preparation. A
good number of temples in the ancient Near
East were attached to kitchens. These have
been found at Ur, Tell Asmar and Terqa in
Mesopotamia, and at Karnak in Egypt. Many
of the kitchen complexes were larger than the
temple it serviced. Second Chronicles 35:11-13
implies the existence of kitchens associated
with the Solomonic temple.
47:1. water flowing out of temple. The association
between ancient Near Eastern temples
and spring waters is well attested. In fact,
some temples in Mesopotamia, Egypt and in
the Ugaritic myth of Baal were considered to
have been founded upon springs (likened to
the primeval waters), which sometimes
flowed from the building itself. Thus, the symbolic
cosmic mountain (temple) stood upon
the symbolic primeval waters (spring).
47:8. sea water becoming fresh. The seawater
in the Dead Sea becoming fresh is a miraculous
transformation. The Dead Sea is 1,296
feet below sea level, the lowest point on earth.
The high mineral content of the Dead Sea is a
result of the fact that it has no outlet. Waters
flow in through a number of sources carrying
their various minerals at a rate of seven million
tons per day. Then the water evaporates,
leaving the minerals behind. Total salinity is
26-35 percent (compared to 18 percent for the
Great Salt Lake in Utah and 3.5 percent for the
average ocean salinity).
47:15-17. north border. Although the north
border is described in great detail, none of the
place names can be identified with any certainty.
Thus, it is not possible to draw any
boundary lines for Israel’s northern frontier.
There are, however, some affinities with the
list in Numbers 34:7-9, a border that coincided
with the northern limits of the land of Canaan,
which was the name of the Egyptian controlled
area of Syro-Palestine. Ezekiel uses
general terms here to describe a territory rather
than a boundary line.
47:18. east border. Like Numbers 34:10-12
Ezekiel excludes in his description of the east
border the Transjordanian regions that had
been occupied by Gad, Reuben, and one-half
of Manasseh. Thus, the main border was the
Jordan River running south from the Sea of
Galilee until the Dead Sea.
47:19. south border. The southern border begins
at Tamar, the final point of the eastern
boundary, to Mount Halak to Meribah
Kadesh, or Kadesh Barnea (modern ’Ain
el-Qudeirat), a fertile oasis on the southern
border of the desert of Zin. From there, the
border line follows the Wadi of Egypt (not the
Nile), which drained the northern Sinai Desert
and formed a natural boundary between
Egypt and Palestine.
47:20. west border. The western border, as in
Numbers 34:6, is the Mediterranean Sea.
48:1-7. tribal allotments compared to historical.
Israel’s tribal allotments here in Ezekiel
follow the premonarchical order of excluding
the Levites and cutting the tribe of Joseph in
half (Ephraim and Manasseh) in order to
keep the number of allotments of twelve.
However, they show little concern for historical
realities. As with Ezekiel 47 the territory
east of the Jordan is overlooked. Further, the
east-west boundaries run in contrast to the
natural physical landscape, which is defined
by north-south lines. The tribal allotments
are identical to one another in size and also
respect the traditional genealogical relationships
among the tribes, discriminating between
the descendants of Jacob’s wives and
handmaidens. Judah and Benjamin, however,
retain their close proximity to the sanctuary.
48:9-14. size of allotment for priests and Levites.
The portion of land for the Levites has
become smaller, showing their decline in im-
729 EZEKIEL 48:15—DANIEL 1:2
portance. Both the Zadokite and Levitical
priests receive identical plots of about eight by
three-plus miles.
48:15-20. size of allotment for the people. The
city is given walled space of about one and a
half miles square. It is flanked on either side
by open rectangular spaces of about five
square miles each.
48:21-22. prince’s allotment. The prince’s land
lies on either side of the central square. The
width of both is twenty-five thousand cubits
(about eight miles), and the land is considered
separate from the public and the Levites.
48:23-28. remaining tribal allotments compared
to historical. See comment on 48:1-7.
48:31. gates named after tribes. In cities of the
ancient world such as Babylon the gates were
often named after the gods. It was not unusual,
however, for gates to be named for where
they led to. This was the more common practice
in Israel.
EZEKIEL 48:15—DANIEL 1:2
D A N I E L
1:1-21
Daniel and His Friends Arrive at
Nebuchadnezzar’s Court
1:1. Nebuchadnezzar. Nebuchadnezzar II (r.
605-562 B.C.) was the second ruler of the
Chaldean kingdom centered at Babylon that
ruled the ancient Near East for nearly a century.
He was the son of Nabopolassar, a Chaldean
who declared independence from Assyria
in 626 B.C. In his forty-three-year reign,
Nebuchadnezzar pacified Egypt (though he
was unsuccessful in conquering it) and literally
rebuilt Babylon. In fact, most of the city
of Babylon that has been uncovered by modern
excavators dates from Nebuchadnezzar’s
reign. Thus the Chaldean kingdom was primarily
his creation, and it crumbled only a
generation after his death. This great king
was remembered in many cultural traditions,
including sources from Greece (who
knew him as a great builder), and Israel (not
only the biblical material, but later rabbinic
sources).
1:1-2. chronology. The third year of Jehoiakim
was 606-605 B.C. (calculating on a Tishri calendar,
see comment on Jer 32:1, and an accession
year system, see comment on 2:1). At this
point Nebuchadnezzar is still crown prince
conducting campaigns for his father, Nabopolassar,
who dies in mid-August this same year.
Early in the summer of 605, Nebuchadnezzar,
along with his allies, the Medes, conquered
the last bastion of Assyrian strength at
Carchemish. The Babylonians and the Medes
then proceeded to divide up the Assyrian empire
between them. Nebuchadnezzar staked a
claim to Syria and set up his base at Riblah
(see comment on 2 Kings 23:33, where he began
to collect tribute from his new subjects.
Judah fell within the territory allotted to the
Babylonians, and Nebuchadnezzar was back
in the area at the end of 604. There is no record
of any direct siege of Jerusalem by the Babylonians
until 597, but the language in this verse
is general enough to admit a number of possibilities.
DANIEL1:1-4 1:1-2. Jehoiakim. Jehoiakim was a son of Josiah
who was put on the throne by the Egyptian
pharaoh, Necho, as he attempted to exercise
control over Syria-Palestine. When Josiah was
killed in battle, the people had enthroned his
son, Jehoahaz, who represented an anti-Egyptian
faction. This situation lasted for three
months (while Necho was busy at Haran).
Then Necho deposed Jehoahaz and sent him
off as a captive to Egypt. Pro-Egyptian Jehoiakim
was then placed on the throne with
the expectation that he would be a loyal Egyptian
vassal. The situation changed dramatically
when Nebuchadnezzar gained control of
the region following the fall of Carchemish.
Jehoiakim played the role of reluctant Babylonian
vassal for several years, but after Nebuchadnezzar’s
failure to invade Egypt in 601,
he again broke with Babylon and sought the
support of Egypt in his rebellion. This disloyalty
eventually proved fatal and led to the
Babylonian siege of Jerusalem in 597 (see comment
on 2 Kings 24:10-11.
1:2. articles from the temple. These articles
would have been attractive booty not only because
they were made of precious metals, but
because they had been dedicated to the God
Yahweh for use in the rituals of the temple.
Power was demonstrated over the deity by
taking those things that were most significant
to him. For descriptions of some of these articles
see comments in 2 Chronicles 4.
1:2. carried off to temple. As we know from
DANIEL 1:2-5 730
references in the Mari texts as well as the
Cyrus Cylinder, sacred objects, including idols
and the many types of vessels used in worship,
were taken hostage when a people was
conquered. A way of demonstrating the power
of one’s own god over the gods of conquered
peoples was to desecrate their sacred
objects or place them in a position of submission.
1:2. his god. Marduk was the chief god of
Babylon, its patron deity and the head of the
pantheon. The Babylonian creation epic, Enuma
Elish, is actually a myth recounting his elevation
to that position, believed to have taken
place at the end of the second millennium. He
was considered to be the son of one of the
members of the most august ancient triad, Enki,
the patron of Eridu. Though we often see
Baal in the Bible as the principal rival of Yahweh,
no deity in the first millennium had the
political clout that was connected to Marduk.
His renowned temple, Esagila, along with its
ziggurat, Etemenanki, were the most dominant
buildings in the beautiful city of Babylon.
1:3. Ashpenaz’s office. The title translated
“chief of the court officials” is also assigned to
one of the three representatives of Sennacherib
who are sent to confront Hezekiah (see
comment on 2 Kings 18:17. The Hebrew term
translated “court official” sometimes refers to
eunuchs (see comment on Is 56:4-5, though it
is difficult to tell when it is that specific.
1:4-5. serving in king’s palace. The training
the young men were scheduled to receive was
intended to prepare them for royal service. As
courtiers, they might serve as scribes, advisors,
sages, diplomats, provincial governors
or attendants to members of the royal household.
In seventh-century letters to Assyrian
kings the five principal classes of scholarly experts
serving the king are mentioned as being
astrologer/scribe, diviner, exorcist (this term
is used to describe those compared to Daniel
and his friends in v. 20), physician and chanter
of lamentations. It would not be unusual for
an individual to be trained in a number of
these disciplines. Training foreigners for these
positions was expected to result in the assimilation
of the best and brightest of the next generation.
Their skills would then benefit the
Babylonians rather than their enemies.
1:4. language of Babylonians (Chaldeans).
The traditional language of Babylon was
Akkadian, a complex and ancient language
written by means of a cuneiform script (using
a stylus to make wedge-shaped characters), in
which each symbol represented a syllable.
Much of the canonical literature of the Babylonians
was written in Akkadian. Scholars
therefore had to receive training in that language.
Additionally, there were numerous dialects
of Akkadian, though perhaps many of
the ancient documents had been reworked
into the current dialect. The reigning dynasty,
however, was not native Babylonian, but ethnically
Chaldean (see comment on Is 13:19.
Their language and the diplomatic language
of the time was Aramaic. This used an alphabetic
script similar to that used by Hebrew.
The widespread use of Aramaic in the world
of this time makes it possible that Daniel and
his friends already had some fluency in it. Alternatively,
it is possible that in referring to
the language of the Chaldeans, the text is not
speaking of the ethnic Chaldeans but of the
priestly guild of diviners who, at some point,
had become known as the Chaldeans. In the
book of Daniel the term is used both ways
(ethnic group and professional guild).
DANIEL 1:2-5 1:4. literature of Babylonians (Chaldeans). It
is difficult to be certain whether the training
involved a wide range of literature, as scribal
training and general education would, or
whether the training focused on the specialized
literature used by the diviners. The diviners’
principal literature was embodied in the
omen texts. The credentials listed for various
scholars indicates that they have mastered the
omen series. This literature represented over a
millennium of observations of various phenomena
along with the favorable or unfavorable
events they portended. In addition there
are instruction manuals and correspondence
in which the reports of these specialists are
given to the king. Some of the recorded
omens, such as dreams or astronomical observations,
are simply observed and preserved in
writing. Other times some mechanism might
be used to generate the omen (divination by
means of the entrails of sacrificed animals) or
a human medium may be involved. The
omens themselves began to be collected as
early as the Old Babylonian period (early second
millennium) and were generally presented
in an “if-then” form. The exorcists (see
comment on 1:20), with whom Daniel appears
to be classified and compared, had their special
literature as well. These professionals specialized
in recognizing the danger of various
portents (astronomical happenings, dreams,
birth anomalies) and providing the rituals to
protect against them. The literature of this defensive
magic is represented in the namburbu
texts.
1:5. rations from king’s table. There were
many individuals who were given the right to
receive rations from the king’s table. The classification
does not suggest enjoying the privi-
731 DANIEL 1:5-20
lege of cozy, intimate soirees with the king,
but simply that they were made dependents
of the state. Those who received such rations
in the Neo-Babylonian period included certain
ranking members of the administration,
craftsmen, artisans (native or foreign), diplomats,
businessmen and entertainers, as well as
political refugees and members of royal families
who had been deported to, or were being
held hostage in, Babylon. Depending on their
status, these individuals could receive barley
and oil rations or much more luxurious fare.
Clothing and housing could also be included
in their maintenance.
DANIEL 1:5-20 1:5. royal food. The term (patbag) used here
(and throughout the chapter) is known in Persian
and is thought to be a loan word. It refers
to food portions sent by the king to friends of
the crown. There is no reason to think of it as a
meat dish. When later Greeks referred to descriptions
of this fare in the Persian literature
they had available to them, it is identified as a
baked bread product made of barley and
wheat, accompanied by wine.
1:5. three-year training. The normal training
period for a scribe was three years. In the literature
available from the Old Babylonian period,
training included the language and
literature areas mentioned above as well as
mathematics and music. It is probable that the
training period for a diviner was longer, but
precise indications in the literature are lacking.
1:7. new names. To change someone’s name is
to exercise authority over them and their destiny.
Foreign rulers showed this propensity
throughout the biblical period. Since assimilation
was ostensibly one of the objectives of the
whole procedure in which Daniel was involved,
a Babylonian name would be appropriate.
Likewise, since names often made
statements about deity, Babylonian names
would impose at least a subtle level of acknowledgment
of the Babylonian gods on the
young men.
1:8. defilement from royal food. There have
been extensive discussions and a variety of
suggestions regarding the reasons why Daniel
and his friends refused the king’s food. Most
work on the assumption that the contrast is
between meat and vegetables (see comments
on 1:5 and 1:12 for the problems). It is true that
sharing the king’s food implied some level of
allegiance to the king, but that would hold no
matter what the young men ate. Jewish dietary
laws (kosher) would likely have rendered
meat unclean, but improper storage or
preparation could render other food unclean
as well. Furthermore, the Jewish dietary laws
did not prohibit wine. The finest meats were
undoubtedly supplied to the palace from the
temples, where they had been offered before
idols (and the wine poured out in libations before
the gods), but any food could easily have
come through the same route. The decision
certainly has nothing to do with vegetarianism
or avoidance of rich foods for nutritional
purposes (see 10:3). There are numerous examples
in intertestamental literature of Jews
seeing the necessity of refraining from the
food served by Gentiles (Tobit, Judith, Jubilees).
It is not so much something in the food
that defiles as much as it is the total program
of assimilation. At this point the Babylonian
government is exercising control over every
aspect of their lives. They have little means to
resist the forces of assimilation that are controlling
them. They seize on one of the few areas
where they can still exercise choice as an
opportunity to preserve their distinct identity.
1:12. vegetables. The word used here generally
refers to the seeds used for animal feed,
fodder or planting. In neither Akkadian nor
Hebrew is it used to describe human food. But
the text does not suggest that they are being
provided with a restaurant-style prepared and
served meal. As explained above (1:5), to eat
from the king’s table meant only that they
were provided rations at the expense of the
royal budget. Military rations, for example,
consisted of measured amounts of grain that
the soldiers then used to prepare their meals.
Cereal grains could be ground, mashed and
cooked in water to produce a porridge. This
could therefore involve the same amount of
ration as referred to in 1:5 but prepared by
themselves rather than in the king’s kitchens.
1:17. visions and dreams. Dreams were believed
to have importance for revealing the
work of the gods as early as the third millennium
B.C. They were considered to be communications
brought from the gods by a spirit
messenger. In Akkadian this messenger was
named Zaqiqu. Sometimes information was
sought through dreams (see comment on 2
Chron 1:7-12).
1:20. magicians and enchanters. The first term
used here refers to Egyptian dream interpreters.
It is the same word used in Genesis 41:8
and Exodus 7:11. The Babylonians were
known to include Egyptian dream interpreters
among their court advisors. The second
term refers to the Mesopotamian specialist in
exorcism: defending against threatening messages
in the omens or in dreams. The latter’s
skills include identifying the threatening sign,
determining a course of action to avert the
evil, and performing apotropaic rituals and
DANIEL 1:21—2:12 732
reciting incantations to turn aside the danger.
Sickness was often included in the group of
threatening signs, so the exorcist was counted
among the “health care professionals” of
Babylonian society. The use of the two terms
clarifies that Daniel’s skills exceeded those of
the foreign specialists as well as the native
practitioners.
1:21. first year of Cyrus. This is most likely a
reference to the first year of Cyrus’ reign over
Babylon, which began in October 539 B.C. This
would mean that Daniel’s tenure of service extended
over a sixty-five-year period.
DANIEL 1:21—2:12
2:1-49
A Troubling Dream
2:1. chronology. In Babylonian reckoning,
from the time the king took the throne until
New Year’s Day (in Nisan, March-April) was
counted as an “accession year.” His first year
began with the start of the first full year. Nebuchadnezzar
came to the throne on September
6, 605. His first year was from spring 604 to
spring 603. The dream of this chapter, then,
would have taken place sometime between
spring 603 and spring 602. The Babylonian
Chronicle for this year is broken in crucial
places but is sufficient to show that Nebuchadnezzar
faced some significant military
challenges. His fourth year brought the famous,
though unsuccessful, attempt to invade
Egypt.
DANIEL 2:1-14 2:1. assortment of advisors. Akkadian literature
refers to this general class of experts as
ummanu mudu, masters of esoteric knowledge.
The first two terms are the same as those used
in 1:20. The third term is used in the Old Testament
as a general term for the practice of
magic and for practitioners labeled “sorcerers.”
In Babylonian usage the term refers specifically
to those who cast spells. The fourth
term, “astrologers,” is the word usually rendered
“Chaldeans” and here refers to the
priestly guild of diviners. In later times they
specialized in astrology.
2:1. dreams that trouble. See comment on
1:17. Since dreams were considered to be messages
from the gods, they often caused concern,
if not alarm. The very nature of the
king’s dream would have suggested that the
news was not good news. He feels the type of
apprehension that an employee feels being
called in to the boss’s office when reorganization
is taking place in the company.
2:4. Aramaic. It is normal that the experts
would address the king in Aramaic, because
that was the language of the realm. From this
point in the text through the end of chapter
seven, the book of Daniel is in Aramaic rather
than Hebrew. The two languages use the same
letters, so the page in the original languages
would look no different to the English reader.
2:4. dream interpretation. Dream interpretations
were usually carried out by experts who
had been trained in the available dream literature.
More information is available from
Mesopotamia than from Egypt. Both the
Egyptians and the Babylonians compiled
what we call dream books. They contained
sample dreams along with the key to their interpretation.
Since dreams often depended on
symbolism, the interpreter would have had to
have access to these documents that preserved
the empirical data concerning past dreams
and interpretations. Typically, however, it was
only the central theme of the dream that was
significant for interpretation, rather than all
the details. Interpretation of dreams included
identifying the meaning of the symbols in the
dream, declaring its meaning, consequences
and the timing of the events it addresses, and
composing an appropriate response to the
dream. The response could include apotropaic
rituals to defend against the portents or actions
that the king should take.
2:5-9. the king’s demand. If the king had forgotten
the dream, he would not want to admit
it, because forgetting a dream was a bad omen
indicating that his god was angry with him.
Furthermore, such forgetfulness would logically
result in the request that the gods send
the dream again. Important dreams were often
repeated two or three times (notice that v.
1 suggests more than one dream by the use of
the plural). An alternative is that Nebuchadnezzar
felt that the dream was so ominous that
it could too easily be used as a mechanism for
subversion against the throne. Divine utterances
had long served the purposes of conspirators
and usurpers (see 2 Kings 8:8-15 and
comment on 2 Kings 9:6-10. He sought evidence
that the interpretation represented the
gods’ message rather than human agenda by
requiring that the gods reveal the dream to the
interpreter.
2:11. the wise men’s claim. It was believed
that the gods communicated through dreams,
and the experts believed that the gods would
reveal to them the interpretation of the
dreams through their use of the resources
available to them. There was nothing in their
resources that would enable them to discern
what the dream was. There was no precedent
for the gods revealing that sort of information.
2:12. annihilation of the wise men. The annihilation
of entire groups suspected of conspiracy
or incompetence is all too familiar in the
733 DANIEL 2:14-40
ancient world. Herodotus records a couple of
instances during the Persian period. One involves
the magi, one of whom had actually
usurped the throne, being executed by Darius
I. A second is the execution by Xerxes of the
engineers who had built a bridge that collapsed
in a storm. A biblical example occurs
during the reign of Saul, who almost wiped
out the priesthood when he suspected them of
collusion with David 1 Sam 22:13-19.
2:14. commander of the king’s guard. This is
the official title of an important functionary
whose duties were sometimes unsavory.
When Jerusalem fell at the hands of the Babylonians,
the commander in charge of methodically
destroying and dismantling the city and
disposing of captives either by execution or
deportation carried this title. It is similar to
the title held by Potiphar in Genesis 37:36. The
terminology suggests something like “chief
cook,” but like some of our government titles
(such as “party whip”) the office must be understood
by examining its function, not its title.
DANIEL 2:14-40 2:19. “God of heaven.” This became a popular
title for deity in the sixth century. In Persian
documents it was commonly used for Ahura
Mazda, the chief deity of Zoroastrianism (see
comments on Ezra 1:2 and Neh 1:4. The Israelites
also found it a usable title for their God,
Yahweh.
2:31. statue in a dream. The Egyptian pharaoh
Merenptah (thirteenth century B.C.) reports
seeing a huge image of the god Ptah in a
dream. The god gave him permission to go to
war against the Libyans. In a dream reported
during the reign of Ashurbanipal, an inscription
on the base of a statue of the god, Sin,
forecast the failure of the rebellion in Babylon.
2:32. statues of mixed elements. Statues of
mixed elements were not uncommon. Since
the images of the gods were generally clothed,
more care and expense was afforded to the
portions that would show. So, for instance, in
a mid-second millennium Hittite prayer a
promise is made to supply a life-sized statue
of the king with head, hands and feet of gold,
the rest of silver. Another example of how various
metals could be used is the small bronze
calf figurine found at Ashkelon. After the
body was cast in bronze, forged copper was
used for some of the extremities, and the
whole image was overlaid with silver. Numerous
second-millennium divine images have
been uncovered that are likewise made of
bronze and covered with gold or silver. Even
small figurines were often not cast in one
piece but made in parts and joined together
with tenons or rivets. Most of the features in
the dream are realistic, not surreal. The head is
the most important part of the image and
would logically have gold plating over the
bronze cast. Parts of the arms and chest would
at times be visible, thus silver overlay would
be appropriate. The torso would need no
overlay attached to the bronze, since it was always
covered. Iron was not yet being cast at
this period, though one Egyptian papyrus
mentions iron statues (probably wrought
iron). The only way of actually mixing clay
with iron would be if the clay were being used
as a flux, but the word used in the text for the
clay favors baked clay. One suggestion has
been that the iron feet would have featured
terra cotta inlays. Statuary from both the
Neo-Babylonian and Persian periods is nearly
nonexistent, and no major divine images from
first-millennium Mesopotamia have been recovered.
The Assyrian king Esarhaddon
boasted of a statue that he had made of himself
of silver, gold and copper that was to be
placed before the gods to present petitions on
his behalf.
2:34-35. rock not cut by human hands. The
only incidence of anything even vaguely similar
to this appears in the Gilgamesh Epic. Gilgamesh
reports a dream about the coming of
Enkidu in which Enkidu is represented as a
meteor that lands at Gilgamesh’s feet. But
here there is no destruction by means of the
rock.
2:36-40. four kingdoms. The kingdoms are
not identified in the text except for the equation
that Nebuchadnezzar is the head of gold.
Some have suggested a sequence of Babylon,
Media, (Medo-)Persian, Greek, while others
prefer Babylon, (Medo-)Persian, Greek, Roman.
Most of the evidence that would point to
one scheme over another comes from Daniel 7
and is examined there.
2:36-40. four-kingdom patterns. The idea of
presenting history in terms of four empires or
ages has several parallels in ancient and classical
literature. In Akkadian literature the Dynastic
Prophecy (Seleucid period, third century
B.C.?) refers to four successive kingdoms (Assyrian,
Babylonian, Persian, Greek) in a very
broken text. The Sibylline Oracles (whose
source dates to the second century B.C.) contain
a four-empire scheme (Assyrians, Medes,
Persians, Macedonians; a number of examples
in the Roman period add Rome to the list to
make five empires). The fifth-century A.D. Roman
author Servius says that Sibyl portrayed
the ages by comparing them to metals, but no
such comparison is preserved in currently
known Sibylline Oracles. The characterization
of ages by metals has been thought to cor-
DANIEL 2:44—3:1 734
respond to the Zoroastrian representation of
four periods of human history. Zoroastrian
Avestan texts identify ages (not empires),
sometimes as branches on a tree respectively
of gold, silver, steel and iron-mixed (an obscure
designation). The texts in which this material
is recorded are late but preserve material
that some believe date back to the second or
third century B.C. Perhaps the most significant
comparison of ages to metals is found in the
early Greek author Hesiod (Works and Days,
eighth century B.C.), who identifies five ages,
four of which are represented by metals (gold,
silver, bronze and iron).
2:44. kingdom enduring forever. In a work
known as the Uruk Prophecy from the twelfth
century B.C., there are four kings who arise
and do poorly, followed by a king who will restore
the statue of Ishtar to Uruk from Babylon.
The prophecy says that his son will
succeed him and that his kingdom will be established
forever (an alternative interpretation
dates it to the seventh century and identifies
the son as Nebuchadnezzar).
2:46. Nebuchadnezzar’s treatment of Daniel.
The verb NIV translates “presented” is usually
used in Hebrew for pouring out libations. But
neither the (grain) offering nor the incense
that are mentioned here can be poured out in
libations. The text here, however, continues to
be in Aramaic, in which the verb means “to
provide.” This makes Nebuchadnezzar’s
treatment of Daniel a bit more understandable,
as he provides Daniel with the materials
with which Daniel can make an appropriate
offering to his God.
2:47. revealer of mysteries. The role as a “revealer
of mysteries” is highlighted here as
Daniel has exceeded what could normally be
accomplished by the wise men of Babylon.
The gods were believed to have revealed
themselves when omens (such as dreams)
were given, and they were believed to offer
revelation of the interpretation of the omens
through the interpretive wisdom they provided
to the sage as he used the resources and
literature at his disposal. But Daniel had received
the additional revelation of the contents
of the dream, enhancing his reputation.
2:48. ruler over province of Babylon. The empire
was divided into provinces, or satrapies,
of which Babylon was one. Daniel is exalted to
high office in the province, but that vague description
finds definition in the next statement
that clarifies the nature of this high office: he is
made prefect over the wise men. This is more
likely ranking within his guild rather than a
administrative position in the civil government.
DANIEL 2:44—3:1 3:1-30
The Fiery Furnace
3:1. image of what. The image is never positively
identified as the image of a deity,
though verse 28 could easily suggest it. If the
image were a divine image, it would be odd
for the name of the deity not to be given and
even more unusual for it to be set up in an
open area rather than associated with a temple.
Part of the care of the gods was to house
and feed them, and such maintenance could
not easily be kept up in an open location. If it
is not the image of a god, it becomes more difficult
to understand the three friends’ refusal
to participate (for an understanding of the
thrust of the second commandment see comment
on Ex 20:4. The other main alternative is
to see it as an image of the king. But there was
no prohibition against bowing down before
kings as an act of respect. Additionally, images
of kings during the Assyrian and Babylonian
periods were usually made to be put in
temples to stand before the deity requesting
the well-being of the king. Typically, then,
they represented the king to the god, not to
the people.
Perhaps the best alternative is to understand
the event in the context of the Assyrian
practice of erecting stelae or statues (often in
inaccessible places) that commemorated their
rulers. While these were intended to exalt the
king, the reliefs on the Balawat gates demonstrate
that offerings were made before these
representations. In the scene portrayed on the
gates the king himself is present, but the offerings
are made to the stele. In this way the king
is given the honors that are generally given to
the gods, but by personally distancing himself
he avoids making himself equal to the gods.
Such rituals were used as occasions for provincial
territories to take a loyalty oath. This
would make sense here in light of the suggestion
in the dream of Daniel 2 that the Babylonian
kingdom would have a limited time of
rule. In Assyrian practice the weapon of
Ashur (perhaps even a battle standard) was
set up for ceremonies in which vassal kings
entered into loyalty oaths. Failure to participate
would suggest insubordination, whereas
participation would signify the acceptance of
the deity’s (and king’s) sovereignty. The three
friends are not being asked to worship a deity,
but they are being asked to participate in rituals
that honor the king in ways similar to how
the gods were treated, even though the king is
not being viewed as a deity. Daniel’s absence
could be explained easily by the occasion’s
setting in only a single province.
735 DANIEL 3:1-19
DANIEL 3:1-19 3:1. dimensions. Herodotus describes two
large statues in Marduk’s temple in Babylon,
both of solid gold. One is Bel seated on a golden
throne. The image and the golden table
next to it were reported to have used twenty-
two tons of gold. The second is described
as the statue of a man. Herodotus says it is fifteen
feet high, though other accounts put it at
eighteen feet. The Persian king, Xerxes, melted
it down in 482 B.C., and the resulting bullion
weighed eight hundred pounds. The
Colossus at Rhodes was reported to be just
over one hundred feet tall, so a ninety-foot-tall
statue is not out of the realm of possibility,
though it is also possible that the ninety feet
includes a pedestal. The unusual thing is that
the width is only ten percent of the height.
The width of a properly proportioned human
figure would normally be about twenty-five
percent of the height. If this statue is human
shaped and nine feet wide, we would expect
the statue to be thirty-five or forty feet tall.
This would then require a pedestal of fiftyplus
feet. Even so, imagine the instability of
something ten stories tall and only nine feet
wide.
3:1. Dura. There are several towns named Der,
and Dura (=walled area) is a common element
in place names (e.g., Dur-Kurashu, Dur-Sharruken,
Dur-Kurigalzu, Dur-Katlimmu). It is
therefore impossible at present to locate this
plain with certainty (the reference is as unclear
as talking about a place named “San” in
California).
3:2. occasion. As mentioned in 3:1, it is likely
that the occasion for this gathering was the
taking of a loyalty oath. A century earlier it is
known that Assyrian king Ashurbanipal gathered
his chief officials together in Babylon to
take a loyalty oath. A letter has been preserved
from one of the officials who was out
of town and therefore made arrangements to
take the oath in the presence of the palace
overseer. The letter specifically mentions that
when he took the oath he was surrounded by
the images of the gods.
3:2. attendees. The list of officials includes two
Semitic titles (prefect, governor), with the remaining
five being Persian titles. The list appears
to be in rank order. The first three terms
are well enough known, the first being a Persian
term borrowed into Aramaic as early as
the sixth century for the ruler of the province.
The next two are good Semitic terms for the
next two levels of subordinates. The last four
are Persian loan words whose translation is
very tentative.
3:5. musical instruments. The names of several
of these instruments are Greek, but there had
been enough contact with Greece by the sixth
century that this is not unusual. Nebuchadnezzar
was known to make use of foreign musicians,
as shown in the rations lists. These lists
also attest to the presence of some Greeks in
Babylon. The first two instruments are wind instruments.
Judging by the word used for the
horn, it is an animal’s horn rather than a metal
trumpet. The flute is of the variety that is
played by blowing through the end. The next
three in the list are stringed instruments. Two
of them have names borrowed from Greek, and
the middle one occurs as a foreign word in
Greek. The first is known from Homer’s writings
(eighth century B.C.) and is a type of lyre.
There were a wide variety of lyres in the ancient
world, but no early attestations of the
zither or dulcimer. The second in the list is
probably a harp, and the third is most likely a
different style of lyre. The last is the most difficult.
Suggestions have ranged from bagpipes to
double flute to percussion. It is a Greek loan
word into Aramaic, and it happens also to
come into English as “symphony.”
3:6. furnace. Furnaces were used for baking
pottery or bricks for construction projects, as
well as for metalwork (forging, smelting and
casting). There is not a lot of information
about furnaces in the ancient Near East, but
many early furnaces were enclosed and
domed with side doors for ventilation. They
were built of clay or brick, though the inside
chamber was often lined with specially selected
types of stone. It is logical to assume that
the furnace was in this location serving a purpose
(perhaps in the manufacture of the image)
rather than having been set up to use as
an instrument of punishment. There is little in
the ancient literature to suggest that furnaces
were specifically used for punishment. One
possible exception is from around 1800 B.C.,
when Rim-Sin ruled that someone who had
pushed a slave into a kiln should have one of
his slaves thrown into a furnace. In general,
however, burning was used as a form of execution
as early as the Hammurabi Code. In
fifth-century Persia (during the reign of Darius
II, son of Artaxerxes), and in the second
century (2 Macc 13:4-8), there are examples of
execution by pushing into a bin of ashes.
3:19. seven times hotter. Blast air from a bellows
was usually used to raise the temperature
in the furnace. “Seven times hotter” is
just an expression. Depending on what the
furnace was being used for, the temperature
would be maintained at between nine hundred
and eleven hundred degrees centigrade.
With their technology they were not able to
exceed fifteen hundred degrees centigrade.
DANIEL 3:25—4:33 736
3:25. son of the gods. This phrase comes from
Nebuchadnezzar’s lips, so we do not expect
him to be representing any deep insight or sophisticated
theology. The phrase “son of the
gods” represents a common Semitic expression
for identifying a supernatural being.
DANIEL 3:25—4:33
4:1-37
The King’s Illness
4:1-2. royal proclamations. A proclamation
such as this would typically be recorded on a
stele and set up in a prominent place. Sometimes
copies would be made to be circulated,
as was done with Darius’ Behistun Inscription.
Many of the elements of this proclamation
are common to royal inscriptions or to
Aramaic letters, though it is unusual for a
king to be so vulnerable as here.
4:10-12. world tree. The concept of the cosmic
tree in the center of the world is a common
motif in the ancient Near East. It is also used
in Ezekiel 31. The roots of the tree are fed by
the great subterranean ocean, and its top
merges with the clouds, thus binding together
the heavens, the earth and the netherworld. In
the Myth of Erra and Ishum Marduk speaks of
the meshu tree whose roots reach down
through the oceans to the netherworld and
whose top is above the heavens. In the Sumerian
epic Lugalbanda and Enmerkar the “eagletree”
has a similar role. In Assyrian contexts
the motif of a sacred tree is also well known.
Some have called it a tree of life, and some
also associate it with this world tree. It is often
flanked by animals or by human or divine figures.
A winged disk is typically centrally located
over the top of the tree. The king is
represented as the human personification of
this tree. The tree is thought to represent the
divine world order, but textual discussion of it
is lacking.
4:13. watchers. The watchers are a wellknown
class of supernatural being in a wide
range of the intertestamental literature, especially
the books of Enoch, as well as in the
Dead Sea Scrolls. Though the term is often
used in that literature in reference to fallen angels,
it is not limited to that group. There is so
far no attestation of the term being used in
this specialized way prior to the third century
B.C., but the Mesopotamians did recognize a
variety of protecting spirits and demons. Perhaps
the closest parallel would be found in
the occasional references to the seven ancient
sages as watchers. Additionally, they are
sometimes portrayed as caretakers of the sacred
tree, so they would fit well in this context.
4:15. binding a stump. It is difficult to determine
whether it is a part of the tree that is
bound with iron, or whether it is the king. If it
is the tree, the text indicates that its taproot
should be bound (not the stump). While trees
are sometimes gilded with metal bands in ancient
Mesopotamia, there is no case of treating
a stump that way, much less a taproot.
4:15. dew of heaven. In Babylonian texts, dew
was considered to come down from the stars
of heaven and was sometimes seen as the
mechanism by which the stars brought either
sickness or healing.
4:16. seven times. It should not be assumed
that the condition lasts for seven years. The
Aramaic word “times” is interesting here. The
cognate in Akkadian means “specified periods”
and can refer to stages of a disease or to
periodic sequences. When omens occurred,
they often had a set time over which their effects
could take place. Some “times” such as
phases of the moon, or favorable days, might
occur monthly. Others occur annually. Still
others, such as equinoxes or solstices, occur a
couple of times a year. Many possibilities exist
here.
4:16. the king’s malady. See comment on 4:33.
4:29. royal palace of Babylon. Nebuchadnezzar’s
building projects in Babylon were magnificent.
The Euphrates was channeled into a
number of canals that passed through the city.
His palace, on the north side of the city near
the Ishtar Gate, was luxuriously appointed
with all the finest materials. The palace gardens
were terraced and gained international
reputation, eventually being named one of the
seven wonders of the ancient world. It was a
parklike enclosure with an arboretum of exotic
trees. Additional building projects included
the temples and the streets.
4:33. Nebuchadnezzar’s condition. Interpreters
seeking illnesses to which these symptoms
might apply have identified conditions such
as lycanthropy, a depressive illness in which
the patient thinks of himself as a beast. But the
characteristics also coincide with the typical
description of primitive or primordial man,
who lacks good sense (compare NIV: “sanity”
vv. 34, 36) and has an animal-like nature and
habits (v. 16). In older myths this condition is
characteristic of precivilized man. It later is
applied to Enkidu, the uncivilized creature of
the Gilgamesh Epic. It is then used of those
who are driven away from civilization after
their city has been destroyed. From the early
texts about the Sumerian adventurer Lugalbanda
to the late texts concerning the Assyrian
courtier Ahiqar, individuals are also described
as having developed some of these
737 DANIEL 4:34—5:5
characteristics while cut off from society. As a
result, it is possible that at least some of Nebuchadnezzar’s
symptoms describe not a psychological
illness but exile from civilization
(only food gathered wild, no home, no personal
hygiene). A fragmentary cuneiform text
suggests the possibility that Nebuchadnezzar
had some problem that caused him to become
disengaged from his responsibilities for a
time, during which his son, Amel-Marduk,
was perhaps in control. But the text is too uncertain
to draw any firm conclusions.
4:34. Prayer of Nabonidus. One of the documents
found at Qumran (4Q242 or 4QPrNab)
is entitled The Prayer of Nabonidus. In this
piece it is the last king of Babylon, Nabonidus,
rather than his more famous predecessor,
Nebuchadnezzar, who is afflicted. Similarities
include the seven-year illness and restoration
by a Jewish diviner (unnamed). A dream is involved
and worship of the correct deity is the
result. The scroll preserves no mention of
comparison to a beast, though some interpreters
have reconstructed a line to include such a
reference. The scroll connects the seven-year
illness with Nabonidus’s well-known stay in
Teima.
DANIEL 4:34—5:5
5:1-31
Belshazzar’s Feast
5:1. Belshazzar. Belshazzar was the son and
coregent of Nabonidus, the last king of Babylon.
Nabonidus spent ten years in Teima while
his son was carrying out all the royal duties in
Babylon. A number of documents have been
found that mention him by name. About thirty
years have passed since the last chapter.
Nebuchadnezzar died in 562, and the banquet
of this chapter takes place in October 539.
5:1. the banquet. The banquet is taking place
in mid-October (15 Tashritu) 539. In the past
few days the Persians have taken the city of
Opis (fifty miles north on the Tigris) in a
bloody battle and then crossed over to the Euphrates,
where the city of Sippar surrendered
without a fight on the fourteenth of Tashritu.
It is likely that Babylon has received word of
these events and that Belshazzar knows that
the Persian army is on the march toward
Babylon. Nabonidus had been with the army
at Opis and fled when the city fell. When he
was captured, it was in Babylon, but the texts
are unclear about when he arrived. Berossus
(third-century B.C. Chaldean historian, quoted
by Josephus) claims that he was trapped in the
city of Borsippa (about seventeen miles south
of Babylon). In light of all of this, it appears
that the banquet represents one final gathering
before the momentous events that are
about to transpire. Herodotus refers to a festival
celebration that was taking place when
the city fell. There is no reason to think, however,
that the banquet reflects Belshazzar’s
pessimism about the outcome. Babylon was a
defensible city, and they believed their gods to
be strong.
DANIEL 5:2-8 5:2. vessels from Jerusalem. See comment on
1:2. Everyone in the ancient world understood
the significance of sacred vessels. The fact that
these had not been melted down suggests that
they had been preserved because of their sacred
character. Since the god of Babylon was
seen as the conqueror, the things that belonged
to the “conquered” gods would have
been taken as booty into the temple of Marduk.
Perhaps the use of the vessels was a way
of calling to remembrance the god’s previous
victories (see comment on 5:4).
5:2. relation to Nebuchadnezzar. Belshazzar
was known to be the son of Nabonidus, the
last king of Babylon, with whom he was coregent.
Nabonidus has no firmly established relationship
to Nebuchadnezzar. As early as
Herodotus (fifth century B.C., see sidebar at
Esther 1, Nebuchadnezzar and Nabonidus
had the same name (Labynetos) and were at
times confused. Additionally, however, in the
ancient world, successive monarchs were often
identified as sons of famous predecessors
even when there was no dynastic or genealogical
connections. So, for instance, on the black
obelisk of Shalmaneser III, Jehu, king of Israel,
is identified as “son of Omri,” even though he
had been responsible for wiping out the line
of Omri and was no relation (a fact probably
well known to the Assyrians).
5:4. praised the gods. Belshazzar and his administration
are well aware that the empire
hangs by a thread and that the next several
days will be of utmost significance. They are
hoping that their gods will bring victory for
them as they had in the days of Nebuchadnezzar’s
great conquests. To that end they are
“toasting the gods” and celebrating their past
victories. It is also possible, though not explicitly
stated, that libations were poured out to
the gods from these vessels. They are not only
making their supplications to Marduk, the patron
of Babylon, but to the gods of other cities
of the region whose images had been gathered
into Babylon during these troubled times.
5:5. the hand. A lifeless, detached hand would
have suggested a defeated enemy. Casualty
counts were made by cutting off the right
hands of all of the dead (recall the broken-off
hands of Dagan in 1 Sam 5:3-4. By drinking
from the vessels the Babylonians were recall-
DANIEL 5:5—6:1 738
ing the defeat of Yahweh (perhaps along with
other gods and nations), but this is no lifeless,
severed hand of a dead god at all. It is quite
animated and has a message to give. The effect
might be similar if the head of a decapitated
victim began to speak.
5:5. location of the writing. The statement
that the writing was on the plaster wall near
the lampstand is a curious detail since one
might have expected plaster all around the
room, which would be illuminated by many
lampstands. The excavation of the throne
room in Babylon can offer some explanation.
It was a 170-by-55-foot hall entered through
three spacious courtyards that led from the
entrance just inside the Ishtar Gate. Some of
the wall space was covered with blue enameled
brick, while other parts were plaster. The
word used for lampstand is an unusual one
and may be a Persian loan word. As such it
likely represents a distinct, singular lampstand,
perhaps of a special type.
5:7. rewards offered. The purple clothing was
made using expensive dye (see comment on
Num 4:6 and Esther 8:15 and was worn only
by royalty. The gold chain would have been
an insignia of office. These are seen as royal
gifts in Herodotus, where Cambyses sends
them to the Ethiopian king. Being made third
in the kingdom may be intended to rank
Daniel only behind Belshazzar and his father,
Nabonidus.
5:8. could not read the writing. Though some
have suggested that the inscription was written
in an obscure language (such as Old Persian
cuneiform), there is no indication in the
text that it is written in anything other than
the native Aramaic. Aramaic, like Hebrew, is
written without vowels and at times without
word divisions, yielding srplqt)nm
(mn)tqlprs). Confusion over where to make
the word divisions and which vowels to supply
was sufficient to undermine their confidence
in reading the words and offering an
interpretation. In another case of an inscribed
and perhaps cryptic message, the seventhcentury
Lydian king Gyges saw the name
“Ashurbanipal” written out in a dream that
was accompanied by a voice urging him to
battle against the Cimmerians.
5:10. queen mother. Nabonidus’s mother,
Adad-Guppi, was a very influential person
and the quintessential queen mother. Her 104
years, however, had come to a close about 546,
so she was no longer alive at this time. Nabonidus’s
wife, Belshazzar’s mother, identified by
Herodotus as Nitocris, is more likely referred
to here.
5:25-28. the inscription. The words can be taken
as verbs for weighing and assessing, or as
nouns for the various weights that are used
with the balance scales that were the ancient
cash registers—necessary at every place of
business. Archaeologists have discovered
many such weights, sometimes inscribed with
these Aramaic labels. Scales and weights were
also used to depict divine evaluation and
judgment (as in the Egyptian Book of the
Dead). Daniel appears to have used both noun
and verb forms in his interpretation. Wordplay
was a common means used to interpret
omens in this period. An example of this is
Nabonidus’s interpretation of a lunar eclipse
as a directive to install his daughter as a
priestess.
5:27. scales. A. Wolters has pointed out that
the imagery of the scales may also find an astronomical
connection to the constellation Libra,
represented in Babylonian astronomy as
scales. Babylon fell on the sixteenth of Tashritu
(September-October), October 12 or 13, 539,
so the banquet took place the evening of
Tashritu 15/October 11 or 12. The Babylonians
traditionally related the month of Tashritu to
the constellation Libra, and the annual rising
of Libra was associated in the manuals with
the fifteenth of that month. This would have
been well known to the astrologers of Babylon’s
court, specialists in celestial divination,
who were counted among the wise men. This
would have importance since the Babylonians
often sought linkage between classes of
omens to confirm a message.
5:30. fall of Babylon. There are several ancient
traditions concerning the fall of Babylon represented
in Persian and Greek sources. Herodotus
(see sidebar on Esther 1 tells of a siege
of Babylon by the Persians that ended when
Cyrus diverted the Euphrates and sent a company
inside the wall where the river had
flowed through. Cyrus’s account in the Cyrus
Cylinder reports that Marduk allowed him to
enter Babylon without a battle, where he was
received as a liberator. The Chronicle of Nabonidus,
a pro-Persian contemporary account, offers
a similar view.
DANIEL 5:5—6:1
6:1-28
Daniel and the Lions
6:1. Darius the Mede. There is no known historical
character named Darius prior to Darius
the Great, who is too late to fit in here. Since
Cyrus became ruler when Babylon fell, some
have identified Darius the Mede and Cyrus as
one and the same (see 6:28). Others suggest
that Darius is an alternate name (or a throne
name) for Ugbaru, the commander who led
739 DANIEL 6:1-24
the Persian army into Babylon. He was governor
of the Gutium and thus could easily be
connected with the Medes (though he died
just three weeks after the fall of Babylon). One
named Gubaru was appointed the governor
of Babylon and is also named by some as a
candidate. There is reason to question that
anyone but Cyrus could be called the king (v.
6), and he was about sixty-two when Babylon
fell. But Cyrus was a Persian, not a Mede, and
was the son of Cambyses (not Ahasuerus, see
9:1). Further information will need to become
available before a firm identification can be
made.
DANIEL 6:1-24 6:1. 120 satraps. The primary administrative
geographical division in the Persian empire
was the satrapy. The number of these varied
between twenty and thirty-one, so the text
must be referring to lower-level administrative
governors (for whom this term is used in
Greek historical sources).
6:7. the king’s edict. Persian kings were not at
all inclined toward self-deification. Furthermore,
the gods were considered too important
to be ignored. Even in the traditional Iranian
religion, prayer three times a day was the
norm, and Zoroastrianism increased it to five.
Alternatively, it is likely that Darius was persuaded
to issue the decree to address some religious/
political problem without ever
intending to prohibit what Daniel (and most
of the population of the empire) was doing.
Herodotus describes Persian ritual by reporting
that no altar nor fire is used. Most importantly,
he says that when the offering is made,
the worshiper is not permitted to pray for
anything personal but can only invoke blessings
on the king or community.
6:7,17. lions’ den. It is known that lions were
captured and kept in cages so that they could
be released for hunting, but there are no examples
in currently known Persian literature
that feature the punishment of being thrown
into a den of lions. In earlier Assyrian texts,
oath-breakers were put into cages of wild animals
set up in the city square to be publicly
devoured. Additionally, in seventh-century
Assyrian literature, the lions’ pit occurs as a
metaphor for vicious and antagonistic courtiers
of the king. In one piece of Babylonian
wisdom literature, Marduk metaphorically
closes (muzzles) the mouth of the lion (the oppressor)
to put an end to his devouring tactics.
6:8. laws of the Medes and Persians. No concept
of “laws of the Medes and Persians that
cannot be changed” has been documented
outside of the books of Daniel and Esther.
Nonetheless, a tradition at least as early as the
time of Hammurabi (eighteenth century B.C.)
recognized that a judge could not change a decision
that had been made. In this sense we
may be dealing with a ruling rather than a
law. Greek sources conflict with one another,
as Herodotus indicates significant freedom on
the part of Persian kings to change their
minds, while Diodorus Siculus cites an instance
where Darius III could not. Certainly
no lower official could countermand the decrees
of the Persian king, and the king himself
may have thought it humiliating to go back
and reconsider something he had already decreed.
Royal code of honor would have made
it out of the question for the king to rescind an
order.
6:10. prayer three times a day toward Jerusalem.
Prayer toward Jerusalem had been established
practice as early as the building of the
temple by Solomon 1 Kings 8:35. The frequency
of prayer in Israelite practice had not
been established in law. Neither the Old Testament
nor the Dead Sea Scrolls show any
norms other than the pattern established by
the morning and evening sacrifice regularly
offered in the temple. As mentioned in the
comment on 6:7, normal Persian practice
called for three or five daily prayers.
6:17. signet ring. Current evidence suggests
that the early Persian kings used cylinder
seals for empire business and stamp seals or
signet rings for personal business, though the
latter were growing in usage through this period.
A signet ring held the official seal of the
king by which he authorized the business of
the empire. Only a few of these have been
found by archaeologists. The seals were typically
made of chalcedony and featured pictures
of the king doing heroic acts (like killing
beasts) under the protection of the winged
sun disk (representing Ahura Mazda). Many
of the Persepolis fortification tablets contained
stamp seal impressions.
6:19-23. innocence by ordeal. “Ordeal” describes
a judicial situation in which the accused
is placed in the hand of God using some
mechanism, generally one that will put the accused
in jeopardy. If the deity intervenes to
protect the accused from harm, the verdict is
innocent. Most trials by ordeal in the ancient
Near East involved dangers such as water, fire
or poison. When the accused was exposed to
these threats, he or she was in effect being assumed
guilty until the deity declared otherwise.
6:24. wives and children included in punishment.
This is more severe than any of the legislation
found in the legal collections in
Mesopotamia. In the Old Testament when the
family is included in the punishment, it usual-
DANIEL 7:1-3 740
ly reflects that the family line is being wiped
out. This extends the punishment beyond life
to legacy (see comment on Josh 7:25. Herodotus
tells how during the reign of Darius, a
high-ranking official and close associate of the
king was judged to be involved in a revolt. As
a result most of his family was executed.
6:28. Darius/Cyrus. For those who identify
these two as the same, the translation “the
reign of Darius, that is, the reign of Cyrus the
Persian” is acceptable (see comment on 6:1).
DANIEL 7:1-3
7:1-28
Vision of the Four Beasts
7:1. chronology. This vision takes place before
the events of both chapters five and six. It is
difficult to tell what the first year of Belshazzar
was. It should not be equated with the first
year of his father, Nabonidus (556), but more
likely with the beginning of his coregency
when Nabonidus set up his royal residency in
Teima (552). It is unknown, however, whether
Belshazzar was immediately made coregent.
The Nabonidus Chronicle first notes Belshazzar’s
coregency in Nabonidus’s seventh year
(549), but the Chronicles for years four, five
and half of six are not available. It is in Nabonidus’s
sixth year, 550, that the empire succession
takes shape as Cyrus defeats the Medes
and the Medo-Persian empire is formed. As a
tangential note of interest, a dream text of Nabonidus
is preserved from his first year, in
which it was foretold that Cyrus would conquer
the Medes.
7:2. winds of heaven on the great sea. This
description indicates a typical mythical scene
in which the churning of the cosmic ocean disturbs
the creatures (often sea monsters) who
represent the forces of chaos and disorder. In
Enuma Elish the sky god, Anu, creates the four
winds that stir up the deep and its goddess,
Tiamat. There, as here, it is a disruptive wind
bringing unrest.
DANIEL 7:2-4 7:3. beasts with odd characteristics. In the
Babylonian omen series called Shumma Izbu,
with which Daniel would have been well acquainted
from his training, various birth abnormalities
are recorded along with what sort
of event they forecast. Several of the descriptions
of the beasts in Daniel’s visions can also
be found in the Shumma Izbu series. Some of
the common elements in the descriptions include
the creature being raised up on one side
and having multiple heads or multiple horns.
Most of the observations of abnormalities
were made of domesticated species, a large
proportion being sheep and goats. Some of
the abnormalities are described by comparison
to various wild beasts. There are examples
of sheep giving birth to lambs that (in some
way) resemble a wolf, a fox, a tiger, a lion, a
bear or a leopard. In this chapter, Daniel is not
observing these abnormalities in reality but in
a dream, thus combining two important omen
mechanisms (dreams and odd births). The
dream books often feature ominological information
(celestial or extispicy omens) being
viewed in dreams and carrying the same significance
as if they were viewed in reality. Being
familiar with both literatures, Daniel
would have been inclined to interpret the
dream along the lines suggested in the izbu
omens. The omen interpretations often concerned
political events such as “the prince will
take the land of his enemy.” Nevertheless,
Daniel’s dream goes well beyond the izbu
omens. The descriptions suggest that he does
see fearsome chaos beasts rather than simply
sheep or goats with odd characteristics. Additionally,
many of the features of Daniel’s
beasts are neither found nor expected in izbu
omens, like wings and iron teeth. For this reason
it is also important to understand the nature
of some of the mythological imagery that
pertains to the dream.
7:3. beast imagery. A number of different
mythological sources offer similarities to the
beast imagery used by Daniel. A seventh-century
Akkadian piece called A Vision of the
Netherworld includes fifteen divine beings in
the form of various hybrid beasts. Following
that, Nergal, king of the netherworld, is seen
seated on his throne, and identifies himself as
the son of the king of the gods. There are
many significant differences between this vision
and Daniel’s, but the similarities in imagery
are helpful background.
7:3. out of the sea. In the Bible as well as in the
ancient Near East, the sea represents chaos
and disorder, as do the sea monsters that live
there. The obvious physical struggle between
the sea and the land as well as the fierce,
seemingly unstoppable energy displayed by
the savage sea gave rise to cosmic myths in
the ancient Near East. The Enuma Elish creation
epic from Babylon describes how Marduk
vanquished Tiamat, goddess of watery
chaos, while she was in the form of a dragon.
Much of the cycle of stories about Baal in
Ugaritic legend involve Baal’s struggle
against his rival Yamm, the god of the sea.
Similarly, the Ugaritic epic has both Anat and
Baal claim to have conquered Litan, the seven-
headed dragon, and thus gained mastery
over the seas. In Psalm 104:26 Yahweh is said
to play with Leviathan, and in Job 41:1-11 God
challenges Job to show the same control over
741 DANIEL 7:4-17
Leviathan that God has. The kingdoms represented
by these beasts are therefore associated
with the forces of chaos that bring disorder to
God’s world and need to be overcome.
7:4. symbol of lion with wings. Winged figures
are common in the art and sculpture of
Mesopotamia. The winged bulls and winged
lions, both with human heads, flanked
thrones and entryways in Assyria, Babylon
and Persia. Winged human figures (wearing
headdresses with horns) are known as early as
the eighth century and stood guard at Cyrus’s
palace in Pasargadae. Winged creatures also
figure in dreams. Herodotus reports a dream
that Cyrus had just a few days before his
death, in which he saw Darius (then a young
man) with wings that overshadowed Asia and
Europe. In the Anzu Myth (see next entry),
Anzu is defeated by having his wings
plucked. This motif is also significant in the
story of Etana, who helps an eagle whose
wings have been plucked.
7:7. the fourth beast. In the Anzu Myth a composite
creature (Anzu) steals the Tablet of Destinies,
which comprised a sort of constitution
of the cosmos. The goddess Mami is called
forth, who created all the gods, the most ancient
of deities. She is asked to send her son,
Ninurta, to battle Anzu. The god Ninurta defeats
the monster and recovers the tablet.
Ninurta (who is also known for his defeat of
other beasts such as the bull-man in the sea,
the six-headed ram and the seven-headed serpent),
is then granted dominion and glory.
There are certainly many differences with
Daniel 7, and there should be no thought that
the Anzu Myth figures prominently here.
Those who would have been familiar with the
Anzu Myth, however, would likely have seen
echoes of it in this vision. The tale has roots as
early as the beginning of the second millennium
but is principally known from mid-first
millennium Babylonian texts. One ninth-century
relief inscription from Nimrud pictures
Ninurta fighting a beast with lion’s legs but
standing upright on eagle’s feet. It is feathered
and has two wings, lion paws for hands with
sharp, extended claws, a gaping mouth with
fierce teeth and two horns. It is thought to be a
depiction of Anzu.
7:7. ten horns. It was common in Mesopotamia
for kings and gods to wear crowns featuring
protruding or embossed horns. Sometimes
the sets of horns were stacked one upon another
in tiers. The winged lion from Ashurnasirpal’s
palace has a conical crown on its
human head with three pairs of tiered horns
embossed on it. Another interesting connection
is that in Enuma Elish Tiamat is the fearsome
beast that the hero of the gods has to
defeat. To help her she creates eleven monsters
that must also be defeated. Here also the
fourth beast is associated with eleven horns
(the ten plus the little horn).
DANIEL 7:4-17 7:9. Ancient of Days. In Canaanite mythology
the head of the pantheon is El, an aged deity
addressed by the title “father of years.” In the
Mesopotamian Anzu Myth the ancient one is a
goddess, Mami, whose son defeats the monster
(Anzu) and is granted dominion.
7:9. throne with wheels. A wheeled throne
flaming with fire is also described in Ezekiel’s
throne vision Ezek 1, 10). The prototypes of
wheeled thrones go back to the end of the
third millennium as pictured on cylinder
seals. These were simply chariots or carts used
for processions for the image of the deity.
Some seal impressions even picture composite
creatures drawing the vehicle. Continued use
of thrones with wheels can be seen in reliefs
down into the ninth and eighth centuries.
7:10. books opened. Every royal court in the
ancient world kept records of day-to-day activities
and detailed accounts of the events
that transpired. The actions of the beast/king
would have been logged, and that record is
now brought out to provide evidence as he is
brought before the divine court for judgment.
7:13-14. son of man. The phrase “son of man”
is simply a common Semitic expression to describe
someone or something as human or, at
least, humanlike. In Israelite theology, Yahweh
is the high God and also is portrayed as
the rider on the clouds. In Canaanite mythology,
the roles described here are filled by the
god El, the high god of great age (see comment
on 7:9) and his son, Baal, the rider on the
clouds. In one of the Baal myths, Yamm, who
represents the chaos of the sea, is defeated,
and Baal is declared king and granted everlasting
dominion. In the cosmic conflict myths
of Mesopotamia (such as Enuma Elish or the
Anzu Myth) a deity (Marduk and Ninurta respectively)
defeats the threatening chaos and
regains authority and dominion for the gods
and for himself. Daniel has been trained in
such literature, and his revelations build on
that familiarity, though the common motifs
are entirely repackaged. Intertestamental literature
such as the book of 1 Enoch as well as
New Testament and early Christian literature
identifies the son of man with the Messiah.
7:16. one standing there. Interpreting angels
were present in Ezekiel and Zechariah, and
are common in apocalyptic literature from the
Old Testament period on. No such figure is
known in Mesopotamian literature.
7:17. the four kingdoms. For information on
DANIEL 7:18—8:9 742
the four-kingdom pattern in ancient literature,
see comment on 2:36-40. The identification of
the four kingdoms has occasioned much controversy.
The text offers no interpretation of
any of the characteristics of the dream beasts,
except that the horns are kings. It is difficult to
know whether the characteristics (e.g., three
ribs in the mouth) symbolize historical events
or whether they serve another purpose, such
as offering omen insight (see comment on 7:3).
Alternatively, they may serve only to give flavor
to the imagery. If they do represent historical
realities, still only speculation can suggest
associations. Are the three ribs in the mouth of
the second beast representative of Lydia,
Babylon and Egypt, the three major conquests
of the Medo-Persian empire? Or are they the
Urartians, Manneans and Scythians conquered
by the Medes Jer 51:27-29? Are the
four heads and wings of the third beast the
four generals who divided Alexander’s empire
among them? Or are they the four kings
of Persia alluded to in Daniel 11:2? Are the ten
horns of the fourth beast a kingdom still future?
Or are they the ten independent states
that Alexander’s empire becomes by the end
of the third century B.C.? The text does not answer
these questions, nor can background information
resolve them.
7:18. saints. The text refers to “holy ones” who
are not only the eventual recipients of the
kingdom (vv. 18, 22, 27) but also the victims of
the oppression (vv. 21, 25). While many interpreters
think this refers to godly people, the
term is most frequently used to describe supernatural
beings (this is also true in the use
of the equivalent term in Ugaritic and Aramaic,
as well as in the Dead Sea Scrolls literature).
This would receive further support
since it is the host of heaven that is under assault
in the related vision of next chapter
(8:10).
7:24. the ten kings. At least on this point the
text makes it clear that the ten horns represent
ten kingdoms/kings. The ten kingdoms that
spring from Alexander’s empire are Ptolemaic
Egypt, Seleucia, Macedon, Pergamum, Pontus,
Bithynia, Cappadocia, Armenia, Parthia
and Bactria. Yet others believe that the ten are
successors to the Roman empire and as such,
may be still future.
7:25. change set times and laws. In Mesopotamian
thinking the times and laws are governed
by the cosmic decrees embodied in the
Tablet of Destinies. They are normally entrusted
to either the assembly of the gods or to the
head of the pantheon. In a number of ancient
tales they are misappropriated. In Enuma Elish
Kingu, Tiamat’s sidekick, has them. In the
Anzu Myth (see comment on 7:7) a monster
(Anzu) stole them and threatened to wield
them, thus putting everything in the cosmos
in jeopardy.
7:25. time, times and half a time. The word
“time” used here is the same as that used in
4:16 (see comment there). The word “times” is
simply a plural and does not necessarily suggest
two times. The Babylonians were very sophisticated
mathematicians, and early on the
gods had been represented numerically (Sin =
30; Ishtar = 15). Furthermore, the gods, with
their numerical valuations and planetary associations,
figured in the astronomical terminology
by which the cyclic movements in the
heavens were used in calendrical calculations.
All of these factors make it very difficult to
unpack the significance of this phrase.
DANIEL 7:18—8:9
8:1-27
Vision of the Goat and the Ram
8:1. chronology. Determination of what year
this refers to shares the same difficulties as
mentioned in the comment on 7:1. Belshazzar’s
third year is likely either 550 or 547. In
the vision of chapter seven, only one empire
(Babylon) was identified by name. Now, two
years later, two more empires are named.
8:2. geography. The Ulai Canal is in the vicinity
of Susa, the capital of the territory of Elam,
some two hundred miles from Babylon. The
city will later become the royal residence of
the Achaemenid kings of Persia, so it is a suitable
locale for the vision. The canal is an artificial
one on the north side of the city that was
closely associated with Susa both in cuneiform
and classical sources. Daniel could have
actually made the journey, but it is more likely
that he is transported in a vision as Ezekiel
sometimes experiences.
8:3. ram as astral sign of Persia. In later literature
(first several centuries A.D.), the signs of
the zodiac are associated with countries, and
the ram is associated with Persia. There is no
evidence, however, that such an association
was made as early as the book of Daniel. The
concept of the zodiac has its origin in the intertestamental
period.
8:9. small horn. This appears to be a reference
to the Seleucid king, Antiochus IV Epiphanes,
whose activities in the second century will be
detailed in the next several entries.
DANIEL 8:3-22 8:9. Beautiful Land. From 11:16, 41, it is clear
that this is a reference to the land of Israel. Antiochus
III marched east against Parthia, Armenia
and Bactria from 212 to 205, and in 200
gained control of Palestine at the Battle of Panium.
Both he and his son, Antiochus IV, were
743 DANIEL 8:10-22
frustrated in their attempts to gain control of
Egypt (to the south). Antiochus IV also had
campaigns to the east (against Armenia and
Elam) and was well known for his actions
against Judah and Jerusalem (see comments
on below and on 11:21-39).
DANIEL 8:10-22 8:10. starry host overthrown. The host of
heaven in the ancient Near East referred to the
assembly of the gods, many of whom were
represented by celestial bodies (whether planets
or stars). The Bible sometimes uses the
phrase to refer to the illegitimate worship of
these deities (see comment on Deut 4:19.
On other occasions, the phrase is used for
Yahweh’s angelic council (see comment on
2 Chron 18:18. A third type of usage treats the
term as a reference to rebel angels (perhaps in
Is 24:21; commonly in the intertestamental literature).
Finally, it can refer simply to the stars
with no personalities behind them Is 40:26.
In the destruction described in Erra and Ishum,
Erra says that he will make planets shed their
splendor and will wrench stars from the sky.
Here the starry host represents one side in the
cosmic battle and falls temporarily victim to
the evil horn, thus suggesting they are some
of God’s minions.
8:11. daily sacrifice. The daily sacrifice was a
burnt offering occurring every morning and
evening (see comments on Ex 29:38 and Num
28:1-8). It represented the most basic maintenance
of the sanctuary and was foundational
for preserving the presence of Yahweh in
their midst.
8:14. 2,300 evenings and mornings until reconsecration.
If 2,300 sacrifices will be missed,
and two are offered each day, 1,150 days will
pass (roughly three years and two months).
Antiochus IV Epiphanes instituted sacrifices
to his gods in the temple on the twenty-fifth of
Kislev (December) in the year 167 B.C., but he
had put a stop to the Jewish rituals some time
earlier that year (reported in 1 Macc 1:44-51),
and the exact date of the proclamation and its
enforcement is not known. The rededication
of the temple in the aftermath of the Maccabean
revolt took place three years to the day
after the desecration on the twenty-fifth of
Kislev, 164.
8:16. Gabriel. This is the first reference to the
name of an angel in the Bible. The only other
angel named in the Bible is Michael (see
10:13). In intertestamental literature (1 Enoch)
Gabriel is in charge of Paradise. In the War
Scroll from Qumran he is one of the archangels
who surround the throne of God. He is
the one who brings the message to Mary of
the impending birth of Jesus Luke 1:19. Angels
not only delivered messages from deity,
but they explained those messages and answered
questions concerning them. Thus Gabriel
is seen here as one who can interpret the
vision. In the ancient world’s polytheistic context,
the messengers of the gods were generally
gods themselves (of lower rank). In
Mesopotamia we find individuals such as
Nuska and Kakka, while Hermes serves the
function in Greek mythology. In a dream of
Nabonidus a young man appears to offer an
interpretation of a celestial omen that has been
observed.
8:22. the kingdoms. The king represented by
the large horn is undisputed: Alexander the
Great, whose Greek army swept away the Persian
Empire between 335 and 331 B.C. When
Alexander died suddenly in 323 at the age of
33, the two who could claim ancestral rights to
the kingdom (his illegitimate half-brother, Philip
Arrideus, and the son of Alexander and Roxane,
Alexander IV, born two months after his
father’s death) were installed as figureheads
while the operation of the kingdom was entrusted
to three experienced officers, Antipater
(viceroy of Macedon), Perdiccas (head of the
armies) and Craterus (in charge of the treasury
and advisor to Arrideus). By 321 these three regents
had sufficiently antagonized one another
that a battle was instigated by a fourth player,
Ptolemy, who had been given a position of authority
in Egypt. Craterus was killed in battle,
and Perdiccas was assassinated in a mutiny by
several of his generals, one of whom was Seleucus.
Meanwhile Antipater took the lead and
placed a friend, Antigonus, in Perdiccas’s position.
In 319 Antipater died an old man, and despite
his appointment of another, within two
years his son, Cassander, had gained control of
Macedonia and most of the territory of Greece.
In the summer of 317, those opposing Cassander
executed Philip Arrideus. Alexander IV and
his mother Roxane were placed under house
arrest and effectively deposed, though they
were not executed until 310. The three who
ruled were now Cassander in the west, Ptolemy
in Egypt and Antigonus in the east. As
Antigonus sought to solidify his control of the
east, he attempted to dominate Seleucus (now
governor of Babylon), who in 315 exposed Antigonus’s
schemes for power to the other leaders,
Ptolemy, Cassander and Lysimachus
(governor of Thrace). Battles continued to be
fought until 311 when Antigonus parleyed for
peace with Ptolemy, Cassander and Lysimachus,
leaving Seleucus isolated but in control of
Babylonia. By 309 Ptolemy decided to move
against Antigonus but pushed too far and ended
up in 306 under the attack of Antigonus and
his son, Demetrius. Antigonus’s invasion of
DANIEL 8:25—9:24 744
Egypt failed, and in 305 Ptolemy, along with
Cassander, Seleucus and Lysimachus (most
likely to be identified as the four horns), declared
themselves the successor kings to Alexander.
Yet it was still four more years until
Antigonus was killed in the Battle of Ipsus, 301.
Cassander died only three years later (298), and
Demetrius continued to cause trouble, but the
division of the empire into four parts represents
the fallout of this twenty-year succession
struggle.
8:25. stern-faced king. The description in
verse 23-25 pertains to Antiochus IV Epiphanes,
who reigned from 175 to 164 B.C. His
wisdom was corrupted for use in hypocrisy,
intrigue, double-crossing and treachery. For
summary of his actions see comments on
11:21-39.
8:26. seal up the vision. See comment on 12:4.
9:1-27
Seventy-Sevens
DANIEL 8:25—9:24 9:1. chronology. Assuming Darius the Mede’s
reign coincides with that of Cyrus, his first
year would be 539. Again, the timing is significant
as a major change of empires is in process
(see comment on 7:1).
9:2. Jeremiah’s prophecy. In 597 the prophet
Jeremiah wrote a letter to the exiles Jer 29 informing
them that the length of the exile
would be seventy years. This is most likely the
subject of Daniel’s interest as he ponders
whether the time might be right for the return.
9:3. fasting, sackcloth and ashes. In the Old
Testament the religious use of fasting is often
in connection with making a request before
God. The principle is that the importance of
the request causes an individual to be so concerned
about his or her spiritual condition
that physical necessities fade into the background.
In this sense the act of fasting is designed
as a process leading to purification and
humbling oneself before God Ps 69:10. The
practice of putting dirt, dust or ashes on one’s
head was a typical sign of mourning throughout
the Old Testament and into the New Testament
period. It is a practice also known from
Mesopotamia and Canaan. Many mourning
rites originated as a means for the living to
identify with the dead. It is easy to see how
dust on the head and torn clothes would be
symbolic representations of burial and decay.
Sackcloth was made of goat or camel hair and
was coarse and uncomfortable. In many cases
the sackcloth was only a loin covering.
9:17-18. desolation of city and sanctuary. The
city of Jerusalem had been destroyed by the
Babylonians in 586 and was little more than a
desolate ruin. Fifty years had come and gone
since the temple had been dismantled and
razed.
9:21. Gabriel. See comment on 8:16.
9:21. swift flight. In Isaiah 6 the creatures
called seraphim fly, and in Zechariah 5 there is
a vision of women with wings who fly, but
this is the only occasion when a being identified
as an angel flies. Though other supernatural
creatures (the ones listed earlier, as well
as cherubim) are portrayed with wings, angels
(messengers) are not, despite the artistic renditions
of the past fifteen hundred years. In
Mesopotamian art protective genies are portrayed
with wings, as are a variety of demons.
In intertestamental literature the earliest reference
to flying angels is in 1 Enoch 61:1 (though
cherubim and seraphim are by then included
in the category). The Hebrew construction
used is a complex one, and many commentators
have concluded (with good cause) that
the text expresses weariness (y’p) rather than
flight (’wp).
9:21. time of the evening sacrifice. From the
Israelite perspective the day ended about six
o’clock in the evening (rather than our midnight).
As a result the evening sacrifice was offered
late in the afternoon, between three and
four o’clock.
9:24. seventy sevens. A period of seven years
was the sabbatical year cycle (see especially
Lev 26:34-35 and the reference to it in 2 Chron
36:21). Seven sabbatical year cycles constituted
a Jubilee cycle, at the end of which slaves
were set free and land was returned to its
proper owner Lev 25. Seventy sabbatical cycles
equal ten Jubilee cycles. The first Jubilee
cycle is distinguished here (seven sevens in v.
25), and the last sabbatical cycle is distinguished
(the seventieth week). It is clear, then,
that these numbers are laden with theological
significance that give them a schematic appearance.
In Mesopotamia the numbers seven
and seventy represent a full measure of time.
Schematic usage of the term “weeks” can be
seen in Jewish literature in the book of 1 Enoch
(in the Apocalypse of Weeks), and the period
of seventy weeks is also found at Qumran.
The schematic use of time has been referred to
as “chronography,” which is to be differentiated
from “chronology.”
9:24. seal up vision and prophecy. See comment
on 12:4. Sealing concerns authentication.
The authentication of Jeremiah’s prophecy
and Daniel’s vision will only be accomplished
when the designated period of time passes.
9:24. anoint the most holy. The consecration
ceremony that involves anointing and purification
of the Holy of Holies in Exodus 29 (es-
745 DANIEL 9:25—10:1
pecially vv. 36-37) is sufficient background for
understanding this statement. The desecration
of the holy place requires its purification. Assyrian
temple inscriptions also refer to the
anointing of a temple that is to be repaired
and restored by a future prince.
9:25. word to restore and rebuild. The NIV
translates this as “decree,” but in its note indicates
that it is a “word”—and this usually refers
to a prophetic oracle, not a royal decree.
In fact the same combination of verb and
noun (“word going out”) has just been used in
verse 23. This identification of the “word” is
even more likely in light of the fact that Daniel
is reflecting on the writing of Jeremiah, who
proclaimed the prophetic oracle concerning
return and restoration in his letter to the exiles
(see comment on 9:2). Notice especially Jeremiah
29:10. The “going forth” of this word
would then be dated to sometime between 597
and 594.
DANIEL 9:25—10:1 9:25-26. anointed one. It is important to note
that the noun here is indefinite, thus a messiah
(an anointed one, as in the NIV note), rather
than the Messiah. The prophetic literature had
not yet adopted this term as a technical term
for the ideal, future Davidic king (besides this
chapter, the term is used only in the prophets
in Is 45:1, referring to Cyrus, and Hab 3:13, in
a generic way). Priests and kings were both
anointed to their tasks in Israel. Some have
maintained that the two references to anointed
individuals require two different anointed
individuals: one after the first cycle of fortynine
years (plausibly Cyrus, since he has already
been given anointed status in the
prophets, though leaders of the return such as
Zerubbabel or Joshua would not be impossible);
the second to be cut off before the last
week. This view is favored by the Hebrew
punctuation that suggests a period should be
placed between the two numbers (as reflected
in the RSV) rather than after the sixty-two sevens.
It was forty-nine years between the fall of
Jerusalem (586) and the decree of Cyrus (538).
9:25. streets and a trench. “Streets” refers to
the city squares and plazas that are the major
features of city planning. This is where the
public functions of the city take place, from
government to merchant activities. “Trench”
can only refer to the dry moat that was a common
element of a city’s defenses. The combination
indicates that Jerusalem will again be a
place of security and prosperity, providing all
of the civic functions of a smoothly operating
urban center.
9:26. anointed one cut off. The most common
identification of the cut off anointed one is
Onias III, the high priest murdered by Antiochus
Epiphanes in 171 (referred to in 11:22).
Many find this an irresistible option because it
initiated a seven-year period of persecution in
Jerusalem that included the desecration of the
temple in 167.
9:27. abomination of desolation. The consistent
use of the noun translated “desolation”
(shmm, see also 8:13) is quite intentional. The
Syrian Baal Shamem (“Lord of Heaven”) was
the deity whose worship was instituted in the
temple on the altar of sacrifice by the Syrian
citizens who were brought into Jerusalem by
Antiochus and his military commander, Apollonius.
Antiochus worshiped this deity as
Olympian Zeus. This desecration perpetrated
by Antiochus served as a prototype for all future
desecrations. Even in the sixth century,
however, this concept had precedent. In a
work called The Verse Account of Nabonidus the
priests of Marduk list the offenses of Nabonidus
that purportedly led Marduk to dethrone
him in favor of the Persian king Cyrus.
Among the accusations are that he built an
abomination, a work of unholiness (a statue of
the god Nanna placed in the temple of Marduk),
and ordered an end to the most important
rituals.
DANIEL 9:25—10:1
10:1-21
The Final Vision
10:1. chronology. The third year of Cyrus’s
rule in Babylon was 537/536. This is very
close to the time when the first wave of Jews
are returning from captivity and beginning
the rebuilding of the temple (recorded in the
first chapter of Ezra). Verse 4 indicates that the
vision took place on the twenty-fourth day of
the first month (Nisan). This would be in early
April. The celebration of Passover and the
Feast of Unleavened Bread (14-21 Nisan)
would have come and gone during Daniel’s
three weeks of preparation.
10:1. Cyrus. Cyrus of Persia was one of the
greatest conquerors in world history. He inherited
the throne of Persia from his father,
Cambyses I, in 559. In 556 the Babylonian
king, Nabonidus, motivated by a dream,
abandoned the treaty that his country had
maintained with the Medes for over half a
century and made a treaty with Cyrus. This
gave Cyrus the freedom to move against the
Medes (ruled by his grandfather, Astyges),
whom he conquered in 550. The new Medo-
Persian empire was thus formed, with control
over the entirety of Iran. By 546 he
defeated the Anatolian kingdom of Lydia and
Ionia. For the next five years he consolidated
his control over the tribes in northeastern Iran.
DANIEL 10:3—11:4 746
All of this paved the way for his crowning
achievement, the conquest of Babylon in 539
B.C. The whole of the Near East (excluding
Egypt) was under control of the Persians
when Cyrus was killed in battle in 530. For
more information see comments in Ezra 1.
10:3. choice food. In extrabiblical Jewish apocalyptic
literature, fasting is often essential
preparation for receiving a vision. Daniel is
not undertaking a total fast but abstaining
from pastry, meat and wine—thus returning
to a more spartan diet. It should be noted that
while this verse does not use the same terminology
as the text at 1:5, it is now clear that
Daniel had not made a lifelong commitment
to bland food.
10:3. lotions. In the absence of showers and
deodorants, personal grooming involved the
use of perfumed oils. Inattention to such
amenities was characteristic of mourning (2
Sam 12:20; 14:2).
10:5-6. description. White linen is the typical
clothing for priests as well as for supernatural
operatives Ezek 9-10). The gold waistband is
lavishly impressive, but most of the description
focuses on the physical features of the
man (usually identified as Gabriel). The five
features described ([1] body/chrysolite; [2]
face/lightning; [3] eyes/torches; [4] limbs/
bronze; [5] voice/multitude) can also be
found in the descriptions of the creatures that
bear the chariot throne in Ezekiel 1. The general
appearance of the vehicle is compared to
a torch and lightning, the wheels by which the
creatures stand are compared to chrysolite,
and the legs of the creatures are like burnished
bronze. All of the same Hebrew terms are
used. In Ezekiel 1 the sound of the creatures’
wings was like an army, whereas the angel in
Daniel has a voice that sounds like a multitude.
Daniel is clear, however, that his visitor
had the appearance of a man rather than the
composite beasts seen by Ezekiel. In the Babylonian
wisdom composition entitled Ludlul Bel
Nemeqi the sufferer, after a long period of suffering
and mourning, has a dream in which he
sees an impressive young man (both in physique
and attire) standing over him, resulting
in his body being numbed. The individual’s
message is not preserved, but it is generally
assumed that it had to do with approaching
deliverance.
10:13. prince of the Persian kingdom. The
context demands that this antagonist be considered
a supernatural being rather than a
royal human individual. The literature from
Qumran also uses the title “prince” as a reference
to chief angels. There is no clearer evidence
than this chapter on the biblical concept
that conflicts in human history are paralleled
by conflicts in the supernatural realm. Indications
of this concept are already evident in the
concept of the divine warrior (see comments
on 1 Sam 5:2; 17:37; 17:45-47). Just as the Israelites
had a divine assembly filled with angels
instead of gods, so they eventually exchanged
the concept of national patron deities for a
concept of supernatural creatures who represented
the interests of a nation. This reflects
the ongoing process of emptying the heavens
of competing deities while retaining a supernaturalist
view of reality.
10:13. Michael. As indicated with the name
Gabriel (see comment on 8:16), there are no
names given for angels in earlier literature.
Michael becomes a much more familiar figure
in the Qumran literature and in the intertestamental
literature, primarily the book of Enoch.
He is considered the guardian of the people of
Israel.
10:20. Persia, Greece. As in chapter 8, reference
is made here to the sequence of empires
in which the Greek empire of Alexander will
supersede the Persian empire.
10:21. Book of Truth. This book has been compared
to the Babylonian Tablet of Destinies,
which was considered to contain and dictate
the course of history and the cosmos (see comment
on 7:25). This not only fits with the nature
of the material that is revealed in chapter
11, but it accords with the introduction to that
material in 11:2, where the information is specifically
categorized as “the truth.”
DANIEL 10:3—11:4
11:1-45
Kings of North and South
11:2. four Persian kings. Cyrus is already king
when this is taking place, so he would not be
counted among the four. His immediate successors
were Cambyses, Smerdis (Bardiya/
Gaumata), Darius, Xerxes and Artaxerxes.
Seven more kings followed in the royal line
before Alexander the Great brought about the
fall of the empire. The last was Darius III.
Xerxes was arguably the richest of the kings
and was the one who was most involved with
battles against the Greeks. This spans about
seventy years of Persian history.
11:3. mighty king. The mighty king is none
other than Alexander the Great. The text skips
about 130 years from the end of Xerxes’ reign
to 336, when Alexander took the throne of
Macedon. Within five years his military prowess
had toppled the Persian empire and ushered
in the Greek.
11:4. division to four winds. Alexander died
in 323, and a twenty-year struggle for succes-
747 DANIEL 11:5-7
sion ensued that eventually led to a four-way
division of the empire (see comment on 8:22).
Two of those divisions were in the Aegean region
(Cassander had Greece and Macedonia;
Lysimachus had Thrace), while the other two
divided up the Near East (Ptolemy had Egypt
and Palestine; Seleucus had Syria, Mesopotamia
and Persia). The Ptolemaic line is going to
represented by “the king of the South,” while
the Seleucid line will be represented by “the
king of the North.”
11:5. Ptolemy I Soter (305-285). The text will
now focus on the two kingdoms (Ptolemaic
Egypt and Seleucia) that flanked Palestine.
Ptolemy was a power broker and instigator
during much of the twenty-year succession
struggle (playing a significant role as early as
321), but Seleucus emerged as the stronger
party with the largest kingdom. Ptolemy’s
military action in 321 broke up the original
group that had assumed power after Alexander’s
death. One of his few failures came in
309, when he attempted to move against Antigonus
(Seleucus’s predecessor). By 306 it was
clear that he had overextended himself, and
he had to fall back and regroup. Still in 306 he
was able to declare himself king of Egypt.
11:5. Seleucus I Nicator (312-280). After Alexander
died, Perdiccas became head of the
armies, and Seleucus was one of his generals.
He was among the group that assassinated
Perdiccas. Seleucus briefly gained control of
Babylon, but was forced to flee when Perdiccas’s
successor, Antigonus, moved against
him in 316. He then served as a general for
Ptolemy from 316 to 312. They fought together
against Antigonus at the Battle of Gaza. After
Antigonus’s defeat at Gaza, Seleucus regained
control of Babylon, which became the center
of his power. Verses four and five cover the
period from Alexander’s death through the
reigns of the first kings of the two empires,
about forty years.
11:6. failed alliance of Ptolemies and Seleucids
(246). The text now moves forward about
forty years. These years had witnessed the
first and second Syrian wars (274-271;
260-253), mostly over the control of the trade
routes, ports and natural resources of Syria. In
the aftermath of the second war there was interest
in peace, and the text now focuses on
this pivotal moment in history. About 252,
Ptolemy II Philadelphus (285-246) sent his
daughter, Berenice, with her entourage to
marry the Seleucid king, Antiochus II Theos
(261-246), and thereby to establish an alliance
between their kingdoms. The alliance would
give Ptolemy control of Syria and Antiochus
control of Asia Minor. The fragile relationship
held for a couple of years, and Berenice had a
child, but a former wife of Antiochus, Laodice,
whose sons had been cut off from succession,
allegedly poisoned Antiochus and consequently
had Berenice and her son (along with
many from her entourage) murdered. Ptolemy
II also had died in that year. Needless to say,
the alliance crumbled and the next fifty years
are full of tumultuous warfare between the
two kingdoms.
DANIEL 11:5-7 11:7. Ptolemy III Euergetes (246-221). Upon
hearing of the death of Antiochus, Berenice
summoned her brother (who had acceded to
the throne in Egypt) to intervene in Syria in
order to support her son’s claims to the
throne. He was unable to secure control of
Syria before the murder of his nephew and
sister. In 245 (Third Syrian War) he pressed his
invasion of Seleucia and successfully attacked
the Syrian capitals of Antioch (on the Orontes)
and Seleucia (this is Seleucia Pieria in Syria)
and took much plunder. The cities were quickly
recovered by Seleucus II after Ptolemy re-
AKKADIAN APOCALYPSES
In Akkadian literature there are a few pieces (dating from the twelfth century to the third or fourth century)
that have been labeled apocalypses (the Marduk Prophecy, the Shulgi Prophecy, the Uruk Prophecy,
the Dynastic Prophecy, and Text A). It has been demonstrated that there is a literary relationship between
some of these works and the (astrological) omen texts, thereby placing them in Daniel’s area of specialty.
One prominent feature of these is that they ostensibly predict a series of unnamed kings who will arise,
summarizing a couple of their deeds. Often these deeds are of a negative sort and the intention of the literature
is to condemn those kings. Invariably the sequence ends with a king who will arise and set things
right (the Dynastic Prophecy may be an exception, but the end is so fragmentary that it is difficult to be
certain). These have been recognized as pieces of propaganda composed during the reign of the last king
listed, who is using this genre to indict his predecessors and legitimate his own reign. As such they could
be called “pseudoprophecies,” because their “predictions” in actuality occur after the fact. Chapter 11 of
Daniel undeniably shares some common characteristics with this genre as it presents a sequence of
unnamed kings and a summary of some of the events of their reign. Daniel, however, has no king at the
end of the sequence to promote. The opposite is true, as the last, Antiochus Epiphanes, is the worst of the
lot. As throughout the book, then, Daniel uses a recognized motif but totally repackages it for his own distinctive
use. For more information on apocalyptic literature in general see the sidebar at Zechariah 1.
DANIEL 11:9-20 748
turned to Egypt.
11:9. Seleucus II Callinicus (246-226). Laodice’s
son, Seleucus II, emerged the beneficiary
of all of the treachery and intrigue of his
mother. In 243 he attempted to gain control of
southern Syria and Palestine. Not only was he
unsuccessful, but the momentum turned
against him and he ended up losing territory.
11:10. Seleucus III (226-223). For the last fifteen
years of his reign, Seleucus II was engaged
in an ongoing struggle with his brother,
Antiochus Hierax. Both died about the same
time, and Seleucus III came to the throne.
Verse ten telescopes the events of the next ten
years. Seleucus III was killed in a campaign
against Pergamum in Asia Minor. He was succeeded
by his brother, Antiochus III, who began
mustering troops for the Fourth Syrian
War (221-217) against Ptolemy IV.
11:10. Antiochus III the Great (223-187). The
next nine verses are occupied with the deeds
of Antiochus III and cover about thirty years.
His reign is considered significant for the text
of Daniel because he is responsible for taking
Palestine out of Ptolemaic control and incorporating
it into the Seleucid kingdom, ending
a century of Ptolemaic rule over Israel. This
began in 218, when he successfully penetrated
Galilee and Samaria.
DANIEL 11:9-20 11:11. Ptolemy IV Philopator (221-203). For
most of the years of the Fourth Syrian War,
Ptolemy IV had little success militarily against
Antiochus the Great and only forestalled his
progress south through repeated diplomatic
initiatives. Many of Antiochus’s successes
were carried out with the help of traitors rather
than through military power or genius. In
fact his lackadaisical tactics allowed Ptolemy
to gather, train and field a significant armed
force by 217.
11:11-13. Fourth and Fifth Syrian Wars. In 217
Ptolemy IV engaged Antiochus III at the Battle
of Raphia for what would turn out to be the
climactic battle of the Fourth Syrian War.
Raphia was a traditional dividing line between
Palestine and Egypt, about twenty
miles southwest of Gaza on the Mediterranean
coast. Antiochus claimed an army of seventy
thousand, but even with the superior size
of his armies he was beaten badly by the
Egyptians. This victory restored Syro-Palestine
to the control of the Ptolemies. This status
was maintained until the death of Ptolemy IV
in 204. The suspicious circumstances of the
death of Ptolemy IV (still in his thirties)
brought his six-year-old son, Ptolemy V
Epiphanes (204-180), to the throne of Egypt.
Antiochus took the opportunity of conflict
over who was in charge to initiate the Fifth
Syrian War (202-200), allied with Philip V of
Macedon.
11:14-16. Antiochus III’s occupation of Palestine.
The Battle of Gaza in 201 gained Antiochus
temporary control of Palestine, but he
was pushed back again by Egyptian forces under
the command of Scopas. In the next year,
however, at the Battle of Panion (at one of the
sources of the Jordan; the New Testament
Caesarea Philippi, modern Banias), Antiochus
defeated the Egyptians and took control
of Palestine from them for the last time. At the
same time, the Romans were getting a foothold
in Greece in the Second Macedonian War.
11:14. violent men. The book of 3 Maccabees
records a visit of Ptolemy IV to Jerusalem after
the Battle of Raphia in which he was treated
very badly when he wished to enter the temple.
There is a question concerning the historicity
of the account. There were pro-Seleucid
(led by Onias II, the high priest) and pro-
Ptolemaic factions (from the powerful Tobiad
family, competitors for the office of high
priest) within Judea at this period. Sources do
not provide enough information to determine
which party might be alluded to in this verse.
11:17-19. Antiochus III’s defeat by Rome,
Scipio (191, 190). The increasing Roman control
in Greece was established by a peace accord
in 196. The Greeks who were unhappy
with this new state of affairs made contact
with Antiochus, urging him to come to their
aid. By this time, Antiochus, anticipating that
he would need to neutralize Egypt, had entered
a marriage alliance, sending his daughter,
Cleopatra, to be Ptolemy V’s bride. He
expected her to also be a useful spy, but in this
he was disappointed as her loyalties turned to
her new husband. Nevertheless, he made his
move toward Greece in 192. Constantly shifting
alliances eventually worked against him,
and he lost a large portion of his ten thousand
troops at Thermopylae in 191. Antiochus then
resorted to sea battle to try to keep the Romans
out of Asia Minor but was again unsuccessful.
By 190 the larger Seleucid army of
seventy-thousand men had arrived to reinforce
Antiochus’s positions. Roman troops under
Scipio were only half this strength when
the forces met at Magnesia (about fifty miles
north of Ephesus). Yet due to lack of training
and tactical errors on the part of the Seleucid
army, Antiochus was defeated and much of
his army slaughtered. The terms of surrender
were humiliating, devastating and accepted
without argument.
11:20. Seleucus IV Philopator (187-175). This
son of Antiochus III had a relatively peaceful
reign and appeared to have maintained favor-
749 DANIEL 11:21-30
able relations with Jerusalem. The exception
alluded to in this verse was when he dispatched
one of his chief officials, Heliodorus,
to Jerusalem to seize funds that were reported
to be either in excess of what was needed or
hoarded by anti-Seleucid factions. Before the
high priest, Onias III, could get to Antioch to
appeal the decision and offer explanation,
Seleucus was assassinated in a plot carried out
by Heliodorus, with Antiochus IV suspected
by historians of complicity.
11:21. Antiochus IV Epiphanes (175-164). Antiochus
IV, the brother of Seleucus, had been
in Rome as a political hostage and was just returning
(he had got as far as Athens) when the
assassination of his brother took place. His
goals included converting Jerusalem into a
center for Greek culture and helping the Jews
to make the transition to becoming Greek citizens
with Greek ways. The intrigues that he
became involved in were many, but certainly
the main one concerning Jerusalem was how
he handled the high priesthood (see next entry).
The text calls him contemptible, and indeed
he was. His title “Epiphanes” means
“god manifest”—but the people preferred
“Epimanes”—“madman.” While he was certainly
a member of the royal line, the throne
should have gone to Seleucus’s son, Demetrius
(who instead was taking Antiochus’s place
as hostage in Rome). Another intrigue concerned
the throne. He set up a coregency with
his nephew (a minor), who a few years later
was murdered.
11:22. prince of the covenant. Onias III was
detained by Antiochus, and in the interim Jason,
his brother, conspired to usurp his position.
He paid a considerable sum to Antiochus
and offered to be cooperative in the Hellenization
of Judea (promotion of Greek culture at
the expense of Jewish practices). Three years
later Menelaus, with the probable support of
the Tobiads, paid a larger sum and, the precedent
having been established, was awarded
the office over Jason. According to 2 Maccabees,
Onias was murdered about 171. Many
identify him as the prince of the covenant referred
to in this verse, but others attach that title
to Ptolemy VI (see below). The overwhelming
army in some way represents the
opponents to Antiochus’s reign. This could include
internal political opponents, Jewish antagonists
or foreign opposition such as that
which develops in Egypt.
11:25. First Egyptian War, 169. Antiochus’s
dreams of adding Egypt to his kingdom were
finally acted on in 169. His invasion was
prompted by Egypt’s growing animosity and
may even have been in response to Egypt’s
military action, since the first encounter (November
170) was between Pelusium and Gaza.
Nonetheless, Antiochus succeeded in
capturing the city of Memphis and securing
the surrender of Ptolemy VI.
11:26-28. Ptolemy VI Philometor (181-146).
Ptolemy VI was young when he came to the
throne and was aided by two officials, Eulaeus
and Lenaeus, who stirred up antagonism
against Syria. The humiliation of Ptolemy in
the First Egyptian War is thought to have been
the result of bad advice given by his two advisors
with the intention of undermining him.
11:27. unsuccessful siege of Alexandria. After
his successful siege of Memphis, the citizens
of Alexandria defied him by making Ptolemy’s
younger brother king. Antiochus took
immediate steps to break their revolt but was
unable to take the city. As soon as he had returned
to Syria, Ptolemy VI disavowed any
loyalty to Antiochus and his coregency with
his brother was reinstated.
DANIEL 11:21-30 11:28. action against the holy covenant. Roman,
Greek and Jewish sources differ with regards
to the details at this point. There is no
question that on his return from Egypt, Antiochus
raided the temple treasury, most likely to
secure additional funds for his continuing
military activities. The sources disagree about
whether this incident took place after the First
Egyptian War (September 169) or after the
Second.
11:29-30. Second Egyptian War, 168. In the
spring of 168 Antiochus again had to besiege
Memphis, and he did so successfully, taking
control of lower Egypt. As he again prepared
to lay siege against a weakened Alexandria,
he actually had himself crowned king of
Egypt. But there was a difference this time.
Egypt had appealed to Rome for help, and
their ships arrived as he approached Alexandria.
Roman consul Gaius Popillius Laenas
met him by the walls of Alexandria and commanded
Antiochus to leave Egypt. When Antiochus
replied that he had to consult with his
advisors, the Roman consul drew a circle in
the dirt around the king and insisted that he
give his answer before stepping out of the circle.
A humiliated Antiochus conceded to Roman
authority and straggled toward home
looking for a way to vent his misery. This was
probably in July 168.
11:30. fury against the holy covenant. There
was a rumor in Jerusalem that Antiochus had
been killed in battle. Jason, who had been
ousted as high priest, took the opportunity to
lead a rebellion against Menelaus, who at this
time was high priest (see comment on 11:22).
When Antiochus heard of trouble, he may
DANIEL 11:31—12:1 750
have come himself to Jerusalem to put down
the rebellion. In the process tens of thousands
of Jews were massacred, and the temple was
looted (Menelaus apparently cooperating in
the plundering). Another report (perhaps of a
subsequent action) says that Apollonius with
a contingent of soldiers was sent by Antiochus
to subjugate the riotous citizens of Jerusalem.
According to the books of Maccabees this was
accomplished through pretending to be
peaceful but then slaughtering many. This
may be a separate occasion, and the relationship
of these events to those reported in the
comment on 11:28 are difficult to determine. It
is probably at this time that a citadel (the
Akra) of Syrian soldiers was set up at the edge
of the Temple Mount.
DANIEL 11:31—12:1 11:31. desecration of sanctuary. According to
the book of Maccabees, an individual named
Geron was sent by Antiochus to dismantle
Jewish religious practice. It is possible that the
Syrian military contingent, seeking accommodation
for their own worship practice, was
partially responsible for some of the changes
described in the temple. In December 167 a
systematic program of instituting Greek religious
practices at the expense of Jewish ones
began in earnest. The sacrificial system and
the Sabbath and festival observances were
halted. Worship sites were set up around the
country and circumcision was forbidden. The
temple was consecrated to Zeus and became a
center of polytheism and prostitution.
11:31. abomination of desolation. This is usually
taken as an idol of Olympian Zeus that
was set up in the temple. Antiochus had identified
this favorite god of his with the Syrian
Baal Shamem, the chief deity of the Syrian
portion of the population (see comment on
9:27).
11:32. flattery of covenant breakers. There
were many Jews who favored the Hellenization
process and therefore, if promised personal
benefit, would gladly side with the new
policies. Foremost among these was Menelaus,
the high priest, who was totally dependent
on Antiochus for his lucrative office.
11:32-35. Judas Maccabeus. In contrast, many
of the Jews fought vigorously against the Hellenization
of Judea—with many suffering
martyrs’ deaths. The major organized revolt
was led by the Hasmonean family, initiated by
its patriarch, Mattathias, a priest. In early 166
when Antiochus’s envoy came to their town
to enforce the new regulations, Mattathias and
his five sons, John, Simon, Judas, Eleazar and
Jonathan, responded with armed force and
killed him. The family then fled the town and
the rebellion was begun. With Judas as the
military commander, they began seizing control
of small towns, intending thereby to cut
off all the roads to Jerusalem. This created an
effective blockade that eventuated in the retaking
of Jerusalem and the purifying of the
temple in December 164, exactly three years
after the desecration, but Daniel 11 does not
report this event. There is continued controversy
over whether in this section the Maccabeans
are referred to favorably or unfavorably.
11:36-39. If Antiochus IV is still in sight in
these verses, they offer a general description
of the difficult period surrounding the desecration.
References to Antiochus’s arrogance,
his lavish support of some temples and his redistribution
of land to those who support him
are easily recognized as characteristic of this
period.
11:37. the gods. Antiochus’s Seleucid predecessors
had elevated the god Apollo, while the
Ptolemies had shown preference for Adonis
(possibly referred to here as the one desired
by women). Antiochus neglects them (though
by no means rejects them) in favor of Olympian
Zeus. The fact that he designated himself
as God Manifest on his coins is sufficient to
explain the comment in this verse.
11:38. god of fortresses. The fortress referred
to here is usually considered to be the Akra,
the garrison for Syrian soldiers that was adjoined
to the Temple Mount.
11:40-45. final battle. There is no known historical
sequence corresponding to that which
is laid out in these verses. Antiochus IV was
killed in battle in Persia in December 164.
Many interpreters of Daniel consider this section
(perhaps starting as early as v. 36) to contain
a reference to a much more distant future.
12:1-13
Hope for the End
12:1. Michael. See comment on 10:13.
12:1. the book. This appears to be a reference
to the book of life. In Exodus 32:32-34 Moses is
willing to be blotted out of the book, an action
that would result in his death. Yahweh replies
that the one who sins is wiped out from the
book. The metaphor is of a ledger that contains
a list of the living. This is comparable to
the book that contains the names of those destined
for death that Enkidu sees in his dream
of the netherworld. When someone’s sins
mandate judgment, their name is blotted out,
thus leading to their death. This draws a connection
between the book of life and the book
of judgment (see comment on 7:10). Here the
book still pertains to continued life, because
those recorded will be delivered from the per-
751 DANIEL 12:2—HOSEA 1:1
secution. It is not yet conceived of as a book of
eternal life.
12:2. resurrection in the ancient Near East.
There are several different concepts of afterlife
that are evidenced in the ancient Near East.
The most fundamental concept is continued
existence in a gravelike netherworld where
there is no differentiation in the treatment of
the righteous and wicked. The Israelites called
this place Sheol (see comments on Is 14:9, and
they believed that it allowed for no interaction
with God. In Canaan and Mesopotamia netherworld
deities governed this realm. In Egypt
the netherworld existence is more congenial
for those who pass the judgment and enter its
confines. Those who are not approved are devoured.
None of these concepts include the
idea of resurrection out of the netherworld. In
general, in the ancient worldview the only
awakening that took place was the calling up
of spirits of the dead (which was not permanent
and not a bodily presence) or the awakening
of the fertility gods of nature cycles.
These died annually when the agricultural cycle
came to an end and “wintered” in the netherworld.
Then they were ritually awakened in
the spring. None of this bears any resemblance
to a theological doctrine of resurrection.
Likewise not comparable are the
occasional revivifications (when an individual
is restored to life) or the indications of national
return to life (Ezekiel’s dry bones). A fully
developed doctrine of resurrection in the
modern sense includes six elements: (1) it is
individual, not national; (2) it is material, not
spiritual; (3) it is universal, not isolated; (4) it
takes place outside the netherworld; (5) it
leads to permanent immortality; and (6) it involves
distinctions between the righteous and
the wicked. Zoroastrianism appears to have
all of these elements, but the nature of the
sources makes it difficult to determine how
early the Persians developed these concepts
(for further discussion see comment on Is
26:19).
DANIEL 12:2—HOSEA 1:1 12:3. shining like the stars. Stars and angels
are associated by the fact that both are referred
to as the host of heaven (see comment
on 8:10). Contemporary Greek thinking and
intertestamental apocalyptic literature indicated
that the righteous become stars or angels.
Daniel only speaks of comparison, not
identification.
12:4. seal the words. Already in the eighth
century Assyrian texts of an esoteric nature
were being preserved. The scribal notations
(called colophons) at the ends of such works
indicated that they contained secret lore to be
shared only with those who were initiates.
Scrolls could be sealed either by tying a
string around them and sealing the knot with
clay, or by placing them in a jar and sealing
the cover. The clay or the seal around the lid
would be impressed with the owner’s seal.
Mesopotamia used cylinder seals, Egypt
used scarab seals, and Syria-Palestine used
stamp seals. Tablets would be sealed inside a
clay envelope, which would be impressed
with the owner’s seal. The seals were intended
to vouchsafe the integrity of the contents.
They warned against tampering and, if intact,
attested to the authenticity of the document.
For more information see Nehemiah
9:38.
12:7. time, times, half a time. See comment on
7:25.
12:11-12. 1,290/1,335 days. A lunar calendar
was in use through most of the ancient world
that resulted in years of 354 days. It had long
been recognized that the solar year was 365
days, so periodic adjustments were made by
adding months of a determined number of
days. Greek practice used standardized thirty-
day months that were also regularly adjusted
to the solar cycle. Twelve hundred and
ninety days is three years and seven months
of thirty-day months.
H O S E A
1:1-11
Hosea’s Family
1:1. chronology. Hosea’s prophecies span
the eighth century, from the beginning of
Uzziah’s reign in Judah to the completion of
Hezekiah’s. The only king of Israel in this
superscription is Jeroboam II, who roughly
covers the first half of that century. Most of
Hosea’s message deals primarily with
events in the chaotic period after Jeroboam’s
death when there are a whole succession of
weak and ineffective kings just prior to the
Assyrian conquest of Israel and the destruc-
HOSEA 1:2—2:8 752
tion of Samaria in 721 B.C.
1:2. divine command to take wife. Marriage
by divine command is a metaphor for Israel’s
covenant with Yahweh. Ezekiel demonstrated
this in his oracle of the “foundling child” (Israel)
who eventually became Yahweh’s unfaithful
wife Ezek 16:1-43. An extrabiblical
example of a marriage commanded by a god
is found in the Hittite Annals of Hattusilis,
many centuries before Hosea. Hattusilis declared
that the goddess Ishtar appeared to him
in a dream and instructed him to take Puduhepa,
a daughter of Ishtar’s priest, as his wife.
This divine endorsement would have silenced
any critics of this match and given the wife a
right to participate in cultic as well as royal activities.
1:4. Jehu’s massacre at Jezreel. Elisha had
originally sanctioned the political revolution
that brought Jehu to the throne (see 2 Kings
9:6-10). The speech made by the “son of the
prophet” who anoints Jehu calls on him to
avenge the blood of slain prophets by exterminating
Ahab’s entire house, including his wife
Jezebel. Jehu does this, first killing King Joram
in battle 2 Kings 9:24 as well as King Ahaziah
of Judah 2 Kings 9:27. After marching on
the city of Jezreel, he calls on the populace to
choose sides, and Jezebel is thrown from a balcony
to her death 2 Kings 9:32-33. A general
purge of Ahab’s “house,” which is a euphemism
for his political supporters and government
officials, then takes place. At Jehu’s
orders the terrified officials in Jezreel behead
seventy “sons of the house of Ahab” (2 Kings
10:6-8). The next day Jehu publicly denied any
responsibility for the deaths of these seventy
men and used this as a pretext to have all of
the officials executed 2 Kings 10:9-11. It is
this mass bloodletting, which swept away the
dynasty and supporters of Ahab, that is the
basis for the symbolic name for Hosea’s first
son. The name thereby becomes a reminder to
the current ruler, a descendant of Jehu, that
his dynasty will be held accountable for Jehu’s
murderous activities. It may also be forecasting
a similar bloody end to that dynasty in the
face of Syrian encroachment and the expansion
of Assyrian hegemony in the region.
1:5. Valley of Jezreel. This extremely fertile
(the name means “God sows”) and strategic
valley allows for movement east and west
through the hill country of northern Samaria
and the lower Galilee from Beth Shan on the
east to Acco on the Mediterranean coast. Omri
and Ahab had established a second capital at
Jezreel because of its strategic and economic
importance. Naturally the valley also became
the battleground for armies that wished to
control the region. A number of famous battles
were fought here, the first of which is recorded
in the annals of Pharaoh Thutmose III
(1504-1450). For more information see comment
on Judges 6:33.
HOSEA 1:2—2:8
2:1-23
Israel as Wife and Mother
2:3. stripped naked and turned out. Several
documents, including wills found in the town
of Nuzi, refer to this type of treatment of a
wife who abandons her husband to live with
another man. It is typically the children who
perform this legal act. It is intended to humiliate
and perhaps served as an instrument of divorce,
though in cases where the husband has
already died, it is related to property rights.
2:5, 8. staple products and fertility. Both Hammurabi’s
Code and the Middle Assyrian Law
Code contain lists of items that a husband
must by law supply his wife for her daily
maintenance. These include grain, oil, wool
and clothing. These staples formed the basis
of the economy of the ancient Near East and
were the symbols of fertility granted to the
people by God (see Jer 31:12. Thus within the
marriage metaphor employed by Hosea, the
providing of these items represented God’s
fulfillment of the covenant agreement. However,
Israel’s choice is to take “lovers” (other
gods), worship them and give them presents
of gold and silver instead of acknowledging
Yahweh’s gifts (compare Ezek 16:13-19. Israel
credited the fertility gods such as Baal for the
provision of these needs.
2:8. Israel’s Baal worship. Agricultural villages,
whose produce fed themselves and the urban
centers like Jerusalem, dominated the
world of ancient Israel. The Mediterranean climate
brought rain only during the winter and
early spring months (October—April), and a
drought meant that their fragile hold on life
was severely threatened. It is no wonder,
therefore, that the Canaanite storm god Baal
was so pervasive a figure in ancient worship
as well as in the ancient religious texts from
Ugarit and Phoenicia. Rain meant life, fertility,
economic prosperity and power for those
blessed by it. The task for the Israelite prophets
thus became an effort to demonstrate that
Yahweh was the provider of fertility, including
rainfall, and that Baal was a false god (see
Jer 2:8; 23:13). More often than not, however,
local villagers chose to combine Yahweh and
Baal worship in order to maximize their
chances of a good harvest (see Judg 2:11;
6:25-32). Similarly, the kings of Israel, like
Ahab, in making diplomatic marriages, ac-
753 HOSEA 2:11—3:4
cepted the introduction of Baal and Asherah
alongside Yahweh in the official worship centers
(see 1 Kings 16:31-33. Only after the exile
would Baal worship be supplanted by faithful
Yahweh-only worship among the Israelites.
2:11. festival functions and Baal. The syncretistic
religious practices of the Israelites are exposed
here as they revel (part of the metaphor
of Gomer’s unfaithful behavior) in worship of
Baal during the harvest and new moon festivals
(see the similar list of cultic celebrations
in Ezek 45:17. Passover, the Feast of Booths
and the Feast of Weeks were the annual celebrations
marking the agricultural year (see the
comments on Ex 12:19 and 23:15-16 for a description
of these festivals). The New Moon
festivities seemed to be tied to the sabbaths in
the sense that family celebrations occurred
(see 1 Sam 20:5, and there was a cessation of
work (see Amos 8:5. There was no distinction
drawn between the gifts of Yahweh and the
supposed gifts of the Canaanite god of fertility
and rain, Baal. As a result, the true provider
of their bounty would now withdraw his largesse
so that the Israelites could see their error.
HOSEA 2:8-13 2:12. vine and fig payment from lovers. The
Egyptian love songs of Papyrus Harris 500
mention the giving of a jug of sweet mandrake
wine as a lover’s present. Such gifts
would have been common as an expression of
endearment or affection, but the term for pay
here is the one used to mean the fee of a prostitute
rather than the offering to a lover. This
draws the metaphor of Israel/Gomer’s infidelity
back into focus. The use of vines and fig
trees also strikes at another source of wealth
and festivity in ancient Israel. There could be
no celebration without these important products
that were harvested in August and September.
God’s threat to turn the place into a
wilderness is similar to that expressed in Isaiah
5:6.
2:12. punishment by wild animals. The
eighth-century Aramaic inscription from
Deir’Alla that contains the prophecy of Balaam
and the twentieth-century Egyptian Visions
of Neferti both describe an abandoned
land in which strange and ravenous animals
forage for food. Ravaging wild beasts were
considered one of the typical scourges that deity
would send as punishment. As early as the
Gilgamesh Epic in Mesopotamia (c. 2000) the
god Ea had reprimanded Enlil for not sending
lions to ravage the people rather than using
something as dramatic as a flood. The gods
used wild beasts along with disease, drought
and famine to reduce the human population.
A common threat connected to negative
omens in the Assyrian period was that lions
and wolves would rage through the land. In
like manner devastation by wild animals was
one of the curses invoked for treaty violation
The image here is one of chaos when civilization
falls apart. See the comment on Deuteronomy
32:23-25 for another example of God
cursing the land and its produce.
2:13. incense to Baal. Given the large number
of small incense altars discovered by archaeologists,
such as those from Lachish and
Tel-Miqne/Ekron, it is apparent that burning
incense as an offering to Yahweh or other gods
was common in individual homes as well as
in official cultic settings (see Is 17:8; Jer 19:13.
The Israelites had been commanded to burn
incense before Yahweh’s altar Ex 30:7-8, but
that proper form of worship was corrupted
when the offering was made to Baal instead.
Incense was typically used to accompany petition.
2:15. Valley of Achor. When Achan violated
the h[erem during the capture of Jericho, he
and his entire family were stoned to death in
what came to be known as the Valley of
Achor Josh 7:25-26. The site is located on
Judah’s northern tribal border Josh 15:7,
modern El Buquê’ah. Hosea’s mention of the
“Valley of Trouble” is an attempt to demonstrate
that if even such an ill-fated place can
be transformed, then so can Gomer/Israel’s
relationship with Hosea/Yahweh.
HOSEA 2:11—3:4
3:1-5
Hosea Reclaims His Wife
3:1. sacred raisin cakes. See the comment on
Jeremiah 44:19 for the offering of sweet cakes
(made from figs or dates) to the gods of Mesopotamia.
There is some uncertainty in translating
the Hebrew word here. Some commentators
suggest that jars of wine are meant
rather than compressed cakes of grapes or raisins.
In either case it is the produce of the
grape harvest that is being used as an offering.
3:2. purchase price details. Given the value of
the barley added to the fifteen shekels of silver,
one estimate would make Hosea’s total
outlay approximately thirty shekels. This
amount is equal to the amount due as compensation
for the loss of a slave in Exodus
21:32. Since Gomer’s situation is unclear, it is
not possible to make a definite determination
of why Hosea would pay out this amount.
Based on Middle Assyrian Law, however, he
may be redeeming her from a legal situation
from which she could not extricate herself
(such as paying a debt she owed).
3:4. sacrifice or sacred stones. See the com-
HOSEA 3:4—4:13 754
ments on Exodus 23:24 and Deuteronomy 7:5
for the use of sacred stones and Asherah poles
as part of Canaanite worship and Israel’s idolatrous
practices. Sacred stones did serve as a
legitimate part of Yahweh worship, at least
through the time of the divided monarchy
(see Is 19:19. In the time of destruction to
come, however, these cultic symbols as well as
the kings will receive no word or support
from Yahweh (see Deut 16:22.
3:4. ephod or idol. Sacrifice and sacred stones
represent means of worshiping the deity;
ephod and idol refer to means of consulting
the deity. An ephod was part of the priestly
wardrobe (see comment on Ex 28:6-14 and in
both Egypt and Mesopotamia was reserved
for clothing images of deity and for highranking
priests. See the comment on Exodus
28:6-14 for a description of the appearance
and use of the ephod as a device for divining
God’s will. People who wanted to ask information
of deity would come (pay their fee)
and receive an answer (through the mediation
of the specialists. The teraphim idols referred
to here (see comment on Gen 31:19 were
among the tools or surrogates for consulting
the gods in the ancient Near East. As with the
pillars and sacrifices, however, God would
not provide these diviners with any answers.
HOSEA 3:4—4:13
4:1-19
Indictment of Israel’s
Unfaithfulness
4:10, 14. prostitution. In ancient Mesopotamia
a distinction can be drawn between commercial
prostitution and sexual service for the
temple. The term h~arimtu is used for both in
cuneiform texts (for instance it is a h~arimtu
who “civilizes” Enkidu in the Gilgamesh Epic),
but there is a difference in social status as
well as purpose. The sacral sexual service provided
at the temple was tied into the sacred
marriage ritual that insured fertility for the
land. There were various levels of priestesses,
from the high priestess who represented the
goddess Ishtar/Inanna and was said to be
“visited” by the god Marduk each night, to
cloistered female orders and more public figures
like the naditu, who could own property,
conduct business and even marry. The fact
that commercial prostitution occurred near
temples was based on the same considerations
that brought prostitutes to frequent taverns
and the city gate—high traffic areas meant
more customers. Both temple sacral servants
and prostitutes accepted payment, but the
former were expected to dedicate these offerings
to the gods. Additionally a distinction
could be made between “sacred” prostitution
and “cultic” prostitution. In “sacred” prostitution,
as just mentioned, the proceeds go to the
temple. It was quite possible for prostitutes to
be employed by temples as a means of raising
funds without their having any official status
as priestesses. In “cultic” prostitution, the intent
was to insure fertility through sexual ritual.
We must also differentiate between
occasional sacred/cultic prostitution (as in
Gen 38 and professional sacred/cultic prostitution
(as in 2 Kings 23:7. The evidence for
cultic prostitution in ancient Israel or elsewhere
in the ancient Near East is not conclusive.
Canaanite texts list prostitutes among
the temple personnel, and Akkadian literature
attests those who were dedicated for life to
serve the temple in this way. Furthermore,
since women often did not have personal assets,
sometimes the only way of earning money
by which to pay a vow appeared to be
prostitution. The injunction against bringing
the wages of a prostitute to the temple may,
however, be a reaction against practices like
that of the Ishtar temple in the Neo-Babylonian
period to hire out female members of
their community as prostitutes.
4:11. old wine, new wine. The terms used for
wine in this instance are in parallel, but they
represent different degrees of fermentation.
In the Ugaritic Tale of Aqhat (VI:7-8) the
same terms are used in parallel, but the text
is very broken and offers no further information.
The sense of the phrase is to demonstrate
how overindulgence in drinking wine
befuddles the mind. These people’s minds
are clouded by their false religious practices
as those of drunkards are by their wine (see
comment on Is 28:7.
4:12. wooden idol. Although it is possible that
Hosea is referring to the practice of rhabdomancy
(divining the will of the gods by
casting rods or wands; see the comment on
Ezek 21:21 for a variety of forms of divination),
this is more likely a reference to sacred
groves or Asherah poles (see Ex 34:13. Idols
were often carved from wood (see Jer 10:3-5;
Hab 2:18-19, and this practice was so common
in Mesopotamia that Sumerian texts refer
to certain types of wood as the “flesh of the
gods.”
4:13. worship on mountains. High places and
mountaintops have long been associated with
divine worship (see the comment on 1 Sam
9:12). For instance, some of the most important
events in Israelite history are associated
with mountains (Moses at Mount Sinai; Elijah
at Mount Carmel). Likewise, Mount Zaphon
was identified as the home or seat of power
755 HOSEA 4:13—6:3
for the Canaanite gods Baal and El in the
Ugaritic epics. Since the Israelites seemed so
prone to blending Yahweh worship with that
of other gods, Hosea condemned the sacrificial
activities at these outdoor shrines (just as
they are condemned in Deut 12:2-3, seeing
them as breeding grounds for corrupting succeeding
generations.
HOSEA 4:13—6:3 4:13. sacred trees. From earliest times, trees
have served as landmarks and have been associated
with popular justice and religious activity
(see the comment on Gen 35:4. Among
the references to sacred or significant trees are
Deborah’s palm in Judges 4:5 and the tree under
which the Ugaritic king Danil heard the
cases of his people. These individual trees or
sacred groves were also associated with the
worship of Asherah (see the comment on Deut
12:3), and as such were a trap for the Israelites.
Asherah is pictured in Israelite iconography
as a stylized tree.
4:15. Gilgal. The exact location of this site near
Jericho has yet to be determined (see Josh
4:19). Among the most likely suggestions,
based on Iron Age deposits uncovered in survey
work, are sites near Khirbet el-Mefjir, a little
over a mile northeast of Jericho. Its name,
meaning “ring of stones,” suggests its importance
as a cultic center. Both Amos (4:4; 5:5)
and Hosea (9:15; 12:11) condemn Gilgal for the
religious transgressions and inappropriate
sacrifices made there. The nature of these religious
activities is not spelled out, but it may
be presumed that they involved the worship
of gods other than Yahweh.
4:15. Beth Aven. Although it is not possible to
determine whether Hosea himself was a Levite,
his knowledge of wisdom themes and
priestly matters at least suggests close ties
with a Levite family. This may explain his ridicule
of the royal sanctuary at Bethel and this
pun on the place name (see Amos 5:5. He refers
to the Ephraimite city of Bethel (“house of
God”) as Beth Aven (“house of wickedness”),
pronouncing it an illegitimate place of worship
and a source of evil within Israelite society
(compare his usage in 5:8).
HOSEA 5:1—7:8
5:1-15
Continued Indictment
5:1. snare and net. The very familiar image of
fowlers trapping birds in nets and snares may
be the origin of this common metaphor (see
Josh 23:13; Ps 69:22; Is 8:14. There are numerous
examples of this activity from Egyptian
tomb paintings, and it also provides the basis
for the Sumerian Stele of the Vultures (see the
comment on Ezek 12:13.
5:7. New Moons. While Hosea may be referring
once again to the New Moon festivals that
had become corrupted by Baal worship (see
Hos 2:11, the term used here can simply mean
the arrival of a new phase of month in the cycle
of the year. It is therefore possible that the
prophet is denouncing in general terms the
continuous (cycle to cycle) self-destructiveness
of the Israelites.
5:8. Gibeah, Ramah, Beth Aven. There is an
allusion here to a military confrontation between
the northern and southern kingdoms
(Ephraim and Judah) concerning the border
between the two. The reference to the three
cities in Benjamin (Gibeah = Jeba’; Ramah =
Er-Ram; Beth Aven = Khirbet el-’Askar) suggests
either that they are being invaded by
Ephraim (perhaps the beginning of an attack
on Jerusalem) or that their men are being
called to battle by Judah (perhaps to invade
Ephraim). Each of these sites guards the
northern track to Judah’s capital. The alarm
being raised is most likely associated with a
phase of the Syro-Ephraimitic War of the 730s
(see comments on 2 Chron 28:5 and Is 7:1.
5:10. moving boundary stones. See the comment
on Deuteronomy 19:14 for discussion of
this crime.
5:13. Ephraim turned to Assyria. The destructive
effects of the Syro-Ephraimitic War will
leave both Israel (Ephraim) and Judah exhausted
and even more vulnerable to the political
hegemony of the Assyrians. Realizing
that their status as vassals was deteriorating,
two Israelite kings— Menahem in 738 (2
Kings 15:19-20) and Hoshea in 732—were
forced to pay large sums to keep the Assyrians
from further ravaging their country. The Assyrian
Annals of Tiglath-Pileser III record
these tribute payments, along with those of
many other small nations being economically
drained by the empire’s need for funds.
6:1—7:16
Turning Away from Repentance
and Restoration
6:3. winter rains, spring rains. Based on the
Mediterranean climate of the Middle East, Israel
receives its rains twice during the year.
The “winter” rains fall from December to February.
As noted in the tenth-century Gezer calendar,
this moisture softens the earth and
prepares it for plowing and sowing of wheat,
barley and oats. The “spring” rains come during
March and April and provide the life-giving
water needed for the sowing of millet and
vegetable crops. It is the timing of these rains
that makes the difference between a good har-
HOSEA 6:7—8:1 756
vest and famine. Tying Yahweh to the rains
supersedes Baal’s role as the rain and fertility
god, and tying him to the sun supersedes the
sun gods who were often associated with justice.
6:7. Adam. Since the end of the verse suggests
a place (“there”) and since there is a parallel to
Gilead, most modern commentators assume
this refers to a city rather than the first man.
This site is generally identified with Tell
ed-Damiyeh in Transjordan just south of the
Jabbok River and north of the Wadi Far’ah, at
a point that dominates the fords of the Jordan
River. It is mentioned as one of the cities captured
by Pharaoh Shishak during his tenthcentury
campaign into the region.
6:8-9. violence at Gilead and Shechem. The
event chronicled here may be Pekah’s rebellion
against the Israelite king Pekahiah in 736
2 Kings 15:25. Apparently the fighting began
at Adam with the aid of a group of Gileadites
and spread west along the Wadi Far’ah road
into Israel as far as the city of Shechem. Apparently
Pekah’s supporters were aided by
priests from Bethel in their efforts to eliminate
the king’s officials.
7:4-8. baking metaphors. In the light of the tumultuous
nature of Israel’s political scene in
the 730s, these baking metaphors are quite
apt. The oven depicted here was made of clay
and was cylindrical in shape. Examples of this
device have been excavated at Taanach and
Megiddo. It may have been embedded into
the floor or lay on it. The domed roof had a
large hole covered by a door through which
the baker would first add fuel (wood, dried
grass, dung or cakes made from olive residue).
Flames would escape through the hole
until a hot bed of coals remained. The heat
would be captured as the door was closed and
would remain for many hours (enough for the
bread to be kneaded and allowed to rise).
Then the baker would place the slightly raised
flat bread on the inner walls of the oven or
amongst the coals. The metaphor plays on
these mundane tasks and well-known images.
The rebel forces of Pekah fiercely “flamed”
within the oven of Israel’s political affairs and
destroyed Pekahiah’s regime in 735. The resentment
caused by this action smoldered like
an oven holding its heat and waiting to burn
those in charge. Then in 732 Hoshea assassinated
Pekah and immediately reversed Israel’s
political alliances 2 Kings 15:30, shifting
to Assyria for help and then three years later
once again seeking an Egyptian alliance (see
Hos 7:11. This muddled policy left Israel
“half-baked,” like a loaf left on the wall of the
oven that had never been turned. It was burnt
on one side and doughy on the other.
7:11. dove behavior. The vacillating political
policy of the kings of Israel is compared to the
gullibility (see Prov 14:15 for this applied to
fools) of doves, who are an easy prey for the
fowler’s net. In addition, the dove’s lack of
concern over lost chicks may be compared to
Israel’s political amnesia with regard to Assyrian
policies (see Hos 5:13.
7:11. Egypt/Assyria. Throughout much of his
brief reign, Pekah practiced an anti-Assyrian
policy and sought aid from the Egyptians.
This had led to the campaign of Tiglath-Pileser
III described in 2 Kings 15:29 that resulted
in the capture of much of the Galilee region
and a deportation of Israelites to Assyria (see
the comment on 2 Kings 15:25-31. Once
Hoshea had come to the throne, he initially
had to pay tribute to the Assyrians, but then
sent envoys to Egypt (see the comment on 2
Kings 17:4). Such duplicity enraged the Assyrian
king Shalmaneser V, and he besieged Samaria
for three years. His successor, Sargon II,
then took the city in 721 and deported much
of the Israelite population (see the comment
on 2 Kings 17:6.
7:12. bird hunting. There were a number of
different techniques used to snare birds. Although
hunters might simply use a sling,
throwing stick (as in the Beni Hasan tomb
painting) or a bow to take down individual
fowl, the majority of instances in the biblical
text and in ancient art depict large flocks of
birds being captured in nets or cages. For instance,
the tomb of Ka-Gemmi at Saqqarah
(Sixth Dynasty Egypt) portrays the fowler using
a net. Apparently some fowlers also used
decoys in their snares to attract the birds along
with bait food (attested in Ecclus 11:30). Clearly,
Israel’s kings have been snared in the net of
political ambitions cast by both of the ancient
super powers, Egypt and Assyria.
7:16. faulty bow. The composite bow, made
from a combination of wood, horn and animal
tendons (indicated in the Ugaritic Tale of
Aqhat), was subject to changes in weather and
humidity. If it was not kept in a case, it could
loose its strength and be described as unreliable
or slack (see Ps 78:57. The Assyrian wisdom
sayings of Ahiqar speak of the arrows of
the wicked being turned back on them, and
this may also be part of Hosea’s condemnation
of the Israel’s leaders (see Ps 64:2-7.
HOSEA 6:7—8:1
8:1-14
Continued Indictment
8:1. trumpet signals. As in Hosea 5:8, the
sounding of the trumpet or ram’s horn is a
757 HOSEA 8:1—9:10
signal of approaching danger. This would
have set the people in motion, driving their
animals into the protection of city walls (see
Amos 3:6. For more information concerning
trumpet signals see comments on Numbers
31:6 and Joshua 6:4-5.
8:1. eagle (vulture). Hosea employs an image
of a bird of prey swooping down on its victim.
It seems most likely that he is referring to Assyria,
once again being used as a tool of God’s
wrath. The hunting eagle or vulture would
have been a familiar sight, and they were often
used in Near Eastern epic and myth (as in
the Ugaritic Tale of Aqhat and the Akkadian
myth of Etana; see comment on Deut 32:11.
8:5-6. calf idol. There is ample evidence of the
association of Baal worship with bovine cult
images or pictures of bulls (such as the zoomorphic
depiction from Tell el-Asch’ari). See
the comments on 1 Kings 12:28-30 for a full
discussion of King Jeroboam’s attempts to create
his own shrines at Dan and Bethel as rivals
to Jerusalem, with golden calves serving as
representations of God’s throne. Hosea now
condemns the golden calves placed in these
shrines as a source of false worship and a reflection
of the syncretism of Baal and Yahweh
worship in Israel. By Hosea’s time only Bethel
remained, since Tiglath-Pileser III had conquered
Dan in 733 and presumably destroyed
the shrine there.
8:6. calf of Samaria. The use of Samaria instead
of Bethel as the site of the calf is a euphemism
for all of Israel (see Hos 10:5. It was
common practice in the Assyrian Annals to refer
to an entire province by listing the name of
its capital city (see 2 Kings 23:19.
8:14. palaces. The Hebrew term hêkal, perhaps
a cognate of Akkadian ekallu (from Sumerian
E.GAL), “big house,” may mean either temple
or palace. At least during Jeroboam II’s early
reign there was an effort to build fortified cities
and monumental buildings in Samaria and
other major cities (see 2 Chron 26:9-10 for similar
construction in Judah). Efforts such as
these can be taken as a symbol of royal power
and thus worthy of Hosea’s charge that they
had “forgotten” God (see Deut 32:15-18.
HOSEA 8:1—9:10
9:1—10:15
Judgment on Israel
9:1. prostitute at threshing floor. One of the
essential installations within the farming areas
of Israel was the threshing floor. Harvested
grain was brought here for processing and
distribution (see Ruth 3:2, 7. It would also be
the likely site for public gatherings (see the
confrontation in 1 Kings 22:10 and for harvest
celebrations Deut 16:13. However, Israel is
enjoined to rejoice no longer since the people
have demonstrated their infidelity by expressing
their faith in Baal’s ability to provide their
abundance (see Hos 2:7-8. Apparently common
prostitutes as well as cult prostitutes frequented
the areas where harvest and shearing
festivals took place (see the comment on Gen
38:15-23). Thus Israel plays the prostitute
amidst the grain, taking her hire from those
gods she credited with the harvest rather than
acknowledging Yahweh’s role.
9:4. bread of mourners. A house in mourning,
having had contact with the dead, was considered
unclean for seven days and had to be ritually
purified in order to resume normal
social and religious activity (see the comment
on Num 19:11. During the period of their impurity,
all their food, by extension, was equally
contaminated. While it could be used to
nourish their bodies, these meals were joyless
and none of the food was to be offered as a
sacrifice to God (see Jer 16:7; Ezek 24:17. This
is how Hosea characterizes life in the coming
exile.
9:6. Memphis. During much of Egypt’s history,
Memphis (modern Mitrahineh) served as
the capital of Lower Egypt. It was located
about thirteen miles south of modern Cairo on
the west bank of the Nile River.
9:7. prophet a maniac. There was sometimes a
very fine line drawn between a person invested
with the Spirit of God 1 Sam 9:6 and one
considered to simply be insane (see 1 Sam
21:13-15; 2 Kings 9:11. In this case, however,
Hosea’s enemies attempt to discredit him by
claiming his prophecies are actually just the
ravings of a madman (compare the similar
charges made in Amos 7:10 and Jer 29:25-28.
9:9. days of Gibeah. For a description of the
heinous events that took place at Gibeah see
the comments on Judges 19:12-14 and 19:25.
Clearly this story was well known in Hosea’s
day, since he merely has to mention the name
of the city to raise the specter of lawless and
scandalous behavior.
9:10. fruit metaphors. There is a sense of unexpected
pleasure to be found in grapes growing
in the desert or ripe figs in the early part of
the summer. Evidence of “grape cairns” in the
Negeb indicate that viticulture is possible here
and the small bunches are said to be particularly
sweet. This is also the case of the small
figs that ripen in May-June. They are considered
such a delicacy that they are to be eaten
immediately after picking (see Is 28:4; Nahum
3:12).
9:10. Baal Peor. See the comments on Numbers
25:1-18 for the incident at Baal Peor when
HOSEA 9:13—12:1 758
the Israelite men were tempted into idolatry
by the women of Moab near Shittim.
9:13. children to the slayer. It is possible that
this is an allusion to the political turmoil in
which the leaders of Israel have embroiled the
people and thus laid their families open to the
rampaging Assyrian armies (see the comment
on Hos 7:11. The Sumerian Lament over the
Destruction of Ur describes similar events during
times of siege when parents abandon their
children. Another possibility is that the “slayer
of children” is a demon. Among the Babylonian
demons was Pashittu, who was
considered a baby snatcher. This would be another
way of referring to child exposure. For
more information on child exposure, see comment
on Ezekiel 16:5.
9:15. wickedness in Gilgal. See the comment
on Hosea 4:15. While Hosea’s condemnation
may be based on events during the conquest
period or at the time of Saul’s inauguration as
king 1 Sam 11:12-15, it is also possible that he
is referring to a contemporary event that is not
recorded elsewhere and is now unknown.
10:1. sacred stones. See comment on 3:4.
10:4. poisonous weeds. The Hebrew term rosh
may be in this instance the veined henbane
(Hyoscyamus reticulatus), which occurs in
plowed fields, especially those near steppe
and desert regions. It grows to a height of two
feet, with hairy foliage and a yellowish,
pink-veined flower. Another candidate is the
Syrian scabious (Cephalaria syriaca), which has
poisonous seeds. Shallow planting actually
helps spread these plants, since only the stalks
are cut while their deep roots lie untouched
(see Job 31:40.
10:5. Samaria, Beth Aven. See comment on
4:15.
10:11. threshing, plowing metaphor. It may
be that young oxen were first trained to accept
the yoke by putting them to work on the
threshing floor. This relatively simple task,
during which they had the opportunity of the
reward of grazing Deut 25:4, made them
more docile (see Jer 50:11. Once they had
achieved the stage when direction was easy,
then a sledge could be added that would get
the animals used to pulling a load (2 Sam
24:22). This in turn prepared them for the
more disciplined task of plowing a furrow in a
virgin field 1 Kings 19:19; Jer 4:3. In like
manner, God chooses to use the docile and
strong Israel to fulfill the divine plan.
10:14. Shalman at Beth Arbel. This event is
unknown to modern historians. Hosea uses it
as the measure of total destruction in much
the same way that Jeremiah directs the people’s
attention to Shiloh Jer 7:12-14; 26:6).
There have been several suggestions made on
the name Shalman, including either Shalmaneser
III, who may have campaigned as far
as Israel during his 841 excursion against the
Syrian capital of Damascus, or Shalmaneser V,
who besieged Samaria in 722. Another possibility
is the ancient Moabite king Salmanu,
who is listed as one of the petty monarchs
paying tribute to the Assyrian king
Tiglath-Pileser III in the mid-eighth century.
The mention of Moabite raiding parties in Israel
in 2 Kings 13:20 may bolster this identification.
As for Beth Arbel, the site of this
horrendous destruction, it has been identified
with Irbid, near the Decapolis city of Pella and
just across the Jordan River from Beth Shan.
HOSEA 9:13—12:1
11:1-11
God’s Historical Love for Israel
11:6. bars of gates. Two gate doors were generally
set into stone sockets buried just under
the ground. The posts flanked the gate on either
side. They were made of wood and joined
to the wall. The Iron Age outer gate excavated
at Tell en-Nasebeh has slots in the stone beside
the gate, where bars would have been
placed. They would lock the gates by sliding
the bars into sockets in the wall.
11:8. Admah and Zeboiim. These two cities,
neither of which have been positively identified
by archaeologists, are traditionally tied to
Sodom and Gomorrah as sites of utter destruction
and evidence of God’s judgment (see
comment on Gen 19:1. These cities are generally
located in the Jordan Valley southeast of
the Dead Sea. Among the more prominent
sites discovered in this area are the Early
Bronze cities of Bab edh Dra’ and Numeira.
12:1-14
Continued Indictment
12:1. Assyria treaty. Like his predecessor
Menahem, Hoshea was initially forced to pay
tribute to the Assyrian king Tiglath-Pileser III.
The Assyrian Annals even boast that when
Hoshea assassinated Pekah to take the throne
of Israel that the Assyrian king “placed
Hoshea as king over them.” It also notes that
Hoshea paid “ten talents of gold [and] a thousand
(?) talents of silver” as tribute, probably
to confirm his position as king in 732.
12:1. oil tribute to Egypt. Shortly after Hoshea
had accepted the role of Assyrian vassal king
in Israel, he then shifted his allegiance by
sending a large quantity of olive oil (one of Israel’s
major forms of wealth) to Egypt. This
would have been a valuable commodity, espe-
759 HOSEA 12:4—13:7
cially in Egypt where olives were not grown.
Playing to both superpowers and their factions,
however, would soon draw Assyrian ire
and lead in 722 to the invasion of Israel by
Shalmaneser V.
12:4. struggled with angel. See several comments
on Jacob’s wrestling match with an angel
in Genesis 32 (though the term for angel is
clearly used here, it does not occur in Gen 32.
Hosea recounts the patriarch’s reputation for
ambition and deceit. It is clear that the prophet
believes Jacob overstepped the bounds that
humans are supposed to have when dealing
with God. This theme of placing limits on human
behavior can also be seen in the story of
Adapa, an ancient Sumerian hero and priest
of the god Ea. He is brought before the divine
assembly because he had had the effrontery to
break the wing of the south wind and thus
cause a drought.
12:7. dishonest scales. This same charge is
made against unscrupulous merchants in
Amos 8:5. The word translated “merchant” is
the Hebrew word “Canaan,” which at least
evokes the idea of Canaanite influence. The
indictment seems to be based on the idea that
Israel and its economic community have been
corrupted by the immoral practices of its
neighbors. In an economy that did not have
standardized weights and measures, traders
were often tempted to cheat by falsifying the
balances and measurements, often by using
improper weights and false bottoms and other
ways to alter the sizes of vessels.
12:10. prophets’ parables. One of the ways
that the prophet is able to convey God’s message
is through the use of analogies or comparative
stories. The parable thus can provide
a dual meaning, using scenes or images from
everyday life and then providing an interpretation
of God’s will or judgment. For examples
of this, see the comment on Isaiah 5:1-2
and Nathan’s parable of the ewe lamb in the
comment on 2 Samuel 12:2-4.
12:11. Gilead, Gilgal. For Gilead’s association
with Pekah’s revolt see comment on 6:8-9. For
an cultic activities at Gilgal see comment on
4:15.
12:11. altars as stone piles on plowed land.
The piles of stones haphazardly scattered on
the plowed fields could offer a picture of altars
that have been knocked down. But since it
is in the middle of an indictment, the context
might rather lead to the picture of altars as numerous
as piles of stones in a plowed field.
There is additionally a play on words here in
that the Hebrew word translated “piles” is
gallim, sounding similar to elements in both
city names.
12:12. Jacob’s flight. Hosea returns to a theme
he first used at the beginning of chapter 12,
drawing on the traditions about Jacob and using
them to parallel the nation of Israel’s coming
plight and possible redemption. So, just as
the unscrupulous Jacob was forced to flee
from Palestine to Haran to escape Esau’s
wrath (see the comments on Gen 27—28), now
Israel will once again be forced to “live in
tents” Hos 12:9. The new life and family Jacob/
Israel finds in Aram, however, led him
back to Palestine and served as the origin of
the Israelite people.
HOSEA 12:4—13:7
13:1-16
God’s Anger
13:2. idol manufacture skills. See the comments
on Judges 17:3; Isaiah 40:19; 44:17-18 for
discussion of the manufacturing techniques
employed in the creation of idols in the ancient
Near East. The acquisition and use of the
skills necessary to fashion these images is simply
a further example, according to Hosea, of
Israel’s intent to syncretize or corrupt its worship
with false gods.
13:2. kiss calf idols. On the black stele of Shalmaneser
III the Israelite king Jehu is portrayed
kissing the ground before the Assyrian king.
In Enuma Elish the tribunal of gods kisses the
feet of Marduk after he has put down the rebellion
and established himself as head of the
pantheon. This was the common act of submission
offered to kings and gods. Likewise
the kissing of the idol involved kissing its feet
in an act of homage, submission and allegiance.
In the Mari letters the governor of Terqa,
Kibri-Dagan, advises Zimri-Lim, king of
Mari, to come to Terqa to kiss the feet of the
statue of the god Dagan.
13:3. chaff on threshing floor. Once again Hosea
uses a series of images that would easily
conjure up pictures in his audience’s minds—
scenes from everyday life. Among them is the
threshing floor where farmers bring their grain
to be crushed under the feet of the oxen or by a
threshing sledge (see the comment on Hos
10:11). The worthless residue that remained on
the surface of this installation would swirl
about as the winds blew it about. This illustration,
combined with the morning mist and
wisps of smoke, speaks of the short-term aspects
of life—an apt comparison between the
eternity of Yahweh and the ephemeral character
of other gods and their idols.
13:7. leopard. The idea of the leopard as a silent,
stalking hunter fits God’s role as the destroyer
of the unprepared and the unvigilant
Israel (see Jer 5:6. The cunning leopard ap-
HOSEA 13:16—JOEL 1:4 760
pears in wisdom literature as well. For instance,
there is a short fable about the
leopard in the Assyrian Words of Ahiqar. In it
the leopard attempts to trick a goat by offering
to lend the goat his coat to shelter itself
from the cold. The goat escapes and calls
back that the leopard was merely hoping for
its hide. Leopards still inhabit some regions
of Israel (En Gedi) but in antiquity were not
as common as lions.
13:16. gruesome punishments. Hosea forecasts
that the warfare to come will destroy the town
and villages of the Israelites, and not even
women and children will be spared from the
rampaging army as it pillages and rapes. It
would appear that this phrase is a standard description
of warfare’s devastation. Ninthcentury
Assyrian conquest accounts speak of
burning the young boys and girls. The practice
of ripping open pregnant women is mentioned
very rarely. It is a practice attributed to Assyrian
king Tiglath-Pileser I (about 1100) in a hymn
praising his conquests. It is also referred to in
passing in a Neo-Babylonian lament.
HOSEA 13:16—JOEL 1:4 14:1-9
Offer of Hope
14:5-6. plant metaphors. Yahweh’s relationship
with Israel is likened to dew that provides
the only moisture available to flowers
and trees during the dry months of summer
(see Is 26:19. The lily is not common in Palestine
today, though it can be found in some areas.
There is dispute whether it was more
common in antiquity or not. In addition,
God’s life-giving essence insures the fertility
and virility of the nation so that it continues to
grow and expand, like the massive root system
of the olive tree. Comparison is also made
to the great cedars of Lebanon—considered
the most useful of the large growth trees in the
ancient Near East. It was prized for its lumber
1 Kings 6:9-10, a source for construction and
a symbol of wealth in Mesopotamian literature,
including the Gilgamesh Epic and the
annals of many kings from the Sumerians
through the Assyrians.
J O E L
1:1-12
Locust Invasion
1:2. address to elders. The fact that elders
are addressed here has led many interpreters
to infer that there was no king at this
time. Some have therefore dated the book to
the middle of the ninth century, when Judah
was ruled by wicked queen Athaliah (see
comments on 2 Chron 22—23), and the righteous
of the land would have refused to recognize
the legitimacy of her reign. The
problem with this view is that the book of
Joel clearly represents classical prophecy,
which did not begin until the eighth century
(see comment on 2 Kings 14:27. If the address
to elders indeed does suggest there
was no king, it is likely that the book should
be dated to the postexilic period. This is further
supported by 3:3, which speaks of the
dispersion in the past tense. Nonetheless,
the dating of the book is very controversial
and complicated.
1:4. locust swarms. Locusts were all too common
in the ancient Near East and were notorious
for the devastation and havoc they
brought. The locusts breed in the region of the
Sudan. Their migration would strike in February
or March and would follow the prevailing
winds either to Egypt or Palestine. A locust
will consume its own weight each day. Locust
swarms have been known to cover as many as
four hundred square miles, and even one
square mile could teem with over 100 million
insects. If the locusts laid their eggs before being
blown out to sea, the problem would recur
in cycles. A single female laying her eggs in
June could potentially result in eighteen million
offspring within four months.
1:4. locust terms. Since locusts were very familiar
to the agricultural economy of the
Near East, the various languages are full of
precise vocabulary. The four different terms
in this verse (nine terms in the entire Old
Testament) pale beside the eighteen terms
known from Akkadian. Interpreters are divided
on whether these four words refer to
four different stages of development in the
life cycle of the locust ([1] larval stage:
black, hopping, wingless; [2] black and yellow
with wings and jaws; [3] yellow and
fully developed; [4] sexually mature adult),
or whether they refer to different species
(gregaria and solitaria).
761 JOEL 1:6-12
1:6. locust metaphors. It is not uncommon in
ancient Near Eastern literature for armies to
be pictured as locusts. Such metaphors are
found in Sumerian texts such as the curse of
Akkad, in Ugaritic in the Tale of Aqhat, in
Nineteenth-Dynasty Egyptian texts, and in
Neo-Assyrian texts. Here it is the other way
around as the locust swarm is metaphorically
described as an invading army (as becomes
clear in 2:4-5). The comparison to a lion is
common in ancient Near Eastern literature because
of the coloring of the locust and the
shape of its face and mouth.
joel 1:6-12 1:7. vine and fig. Locusts do not favor the
trees mentioned here, so they only attack
them when everything else is gone. This is an
indication of the extent of the damage. Additionally,
the vine and fig are signs of security
and prosperity, so their devastation is symbolic
of the mood among the population. The
idyllic image of peace and prosperity in the
ancient Near East was to be able to sit under
one’s own vine and fig tree. Egyptian tomb
paintings, Assyrian reliefs and the biblical
writers commonly use the phrase to refer to a
people who control their own lives, without
foreign interference, and are able to cultivate
the land which the gods/God has given to
them 1 Kings 4:25; Is 36:16. The vine and fig
provided some shade as well as fruit, and enjoying
them indicated some long-term prospects
as each took several years to become
productive.
JOEL 1:4-12 1:7. stripping of bark. Locusts are known not
only to devour plant life but also to break off
branches and strip off bark. If there is significant
damage to the bark the tree may not survive,
and even if it does, the healing process
will greatly reduce its fruitfulness.
1:8. virgin metaphor. The word translated
“virgin” here refers to a woman who has not
yet officially left the house of her father. She
may have a “husband” by contract if the bride
price has been paid, even if the marriage has
not yet been consummated. The metaphor
here then refers to the mourning of a woman
who had been betrothed and very close to
marriage when she lost her husband.
1:9. offerings cut off. An Assyrian hymn from
the time of Sargon II (end of the eighth century)
asks the deity (Nanaya) to bring an end to
a locust plague. Like Joel, the prayer mentions
several categories of locusts and laments that
they are cutting off the offerings of the gods.
1:10-12. impact of army invasion on agriculture.
The ecological destruction could
cripple the economy for years. Sometimes
fields would be so damaged as to have
greatly reduced fertility. The destruction of
trees would have even more devastating effects
on the ecological balance. Not only
would shade and wood supply be lost, but
topsoil erosion would increase and the loss
of forestation’s contribution to the environment
would accelerate the development of
wasteland conditions. Some fruit trees (such
as the date palm) take twenty years of
growth before they become productive. Agricultural
devastation and deforestation
were typical tactics of invading armies seeking
to punish those they conquered and as
an attempt to hasten their surrender. The
Assyrian records and reliefs detail punitive
measures that include felling trees, devastating
meadowlands and destroying canal
systems used for irrigation.
DAY OF YAHWEH
Each year in Mesopotamia (often twice a year) there was an enthronement festival for the king of the
gods. During the course of this akitu festival, the deity determined the destiny of his subjects and reestablished
order, as he had done long ago when he defeated the forces of chaos. In fact, the creation account
Enuma Elish that recounts Marduk’s defeat of Tiamat and his elevation to the head of the pantheon was
read during the course of the festival. Though the texts never refer to the akitu festival as the “Day of Marduk”
there are some similarities. The Day of Yahweh refers to the occasion on which Yahweh will ascend
to his throne with the purpose of binding chaos and bringing justice to the world order. The destinies of
his subjects will be determined as the righteous are rewarded and the wicked suffer the consequences of
their rebellion and sin. For Israel there is no firm evidence that this was represented in a regular ritual, but
it is rather reflected in a historical expectation. As is often the case, then, to the extent that there is a connection,
Israel appears to have historicized that which elsewhere is in the realm of myth and ritual. The
Day of the Lord also has elements of theophany, usually connected with the divine warrior who defeats
the disruptive powers (see comment on 1 Sam 4:3-7. Such theophanies often are accompanied by cosmic
effects (see comment on 1 Kings 19:11-13. The cosmic effects often depict a world upside down (see comment
on Jer 4:23-26. The Day of Yahweh was a momentous day, and these are the kinds of occurrences
that characteristically accompany momentous days. All of this helps our understanding of the Day of
Yahweh by showing us that Israelite thinking and the prophets’ communication intersected with a wide
spectrum of ideas current in the culture. The originality in the Israelite literature is not that whole new
matrices are being created but that known ideas are being combined and applied in unique ways.
JOEL 1:13—2:32 762
1:13-20
Call to Repentance
1:13. sackcloth. Sackcloth is made of goat or
camel hair, and was coarse and uncomfortable.
In many cases the sackcloth was only a
loin covering. The sarcophagus of Ahiram depicts
mourning women with what is likely
sackcloth wrapped around their hips over
their skirts.
1:14. holy fast. Fasting is little attested in the
ancient Near East outside of the Bible. It generally
occurs in the context of mourning. In
the Old Testament the religious use of fasting
is often in connection with making a request
before God. The principle is that the importance
of the request causes an individual to be
so concerned about his or her spiritual condition
that physical necessities fade into the
background. In this sense the act of fasting is
designed as a process leading to purification
and humbling oneself before God Ps 69:10.
In connection with the call to repentance, Joel
calls for a fast in order to remove any sin or
other obstacle that may have led to the devastation
they have suffered.
1:14. sacred assembly. Sacred assemblies were
occasions for corporate worship. They often
accompanied regular annual festivals but
could be called for in times of need. In this
context it appears to be a convocation of the
elders and perhaps involved some decisionmaking
as well as ritual acts.
JOEL 1:13—2:32
2:1-27
Locust Army and Repentance
2:17. between the temple porch and the altar.
The area between the porch and the altar is a
place of limited access. Only the priest would
have reason to proceed beyond the altar
toward the temple. But it was also used to
stage important public acts. In Ezekiel 8:16
this is the area where syncretistic sun worship
was being carried out by twenty-five men. In
2 Chronicles 24:21 this is the area in which the
prophet Zechariah, son of Jehoiada, was
stoned to death (see Mt 23:35.
2:20. northern army. The north was often a
symbol of dark powers. Enemies often had little
choice but to come at Jerusalem from the
north because of the way the major routes
went.
2:20. eastern and western sea. The eastern sea
would be the Dead Sea that served as a border
on the east side of the land. The boundary on
the west side was the Mediterranean.
2:23. autumn and spring rains. Israel has a
rainy season (winter months) and a dry season
(summer months). The rainy season begins
with the autumn rains (“early rains,”
October-November) and ends with the spring
rains (“latter rains,” early April). These are
important for what they contribute to the
overall moisture levels in the earth and for
softening the ground for plowing. Grain is
harvested in the spring (barley in May, wheat
in June), and the summer months (July and
August) are for threshing and winnowing.
Grapes are harvested in the fall, while the olive
harvest stretches into the winter.
2:28-32
The Day of the Lord
2:28. pouring out of the Spirit resulting in
prophecy, dreams and visions. In Israelite
practice anointing was a sign of election and
often closely related to endowment by the
Spirit. Therefore one could speak of being
anointed with the Spirit, or the Spirit being
poured out. In Mesopotamia the king was
seen as being endowed with the melammu of
the gods (the visible representation of the glory
of deity). In Hebrew the word for spirit can
also mean wind. In the ancient Near East the
word for wind/spirit was used in connection
with dreams and visions as early as Sumerian
times. The god of dreams was named “the
winds.” In Akkadian the name of the god who
brought dreams was Zaqiqu, which is derived
from the word for wind/spirit. Thus there is a
long tradition of association between spirit
and revelation through dreams and visions
that often leads to prophecy.
2:30. blood, fire, billows of smoke. These are
the normal accompaniment of the horrors of
war. Blood flows in the streets, houses burn,
and smoke rises from the city that can be seen
for miles. These are the signs of crisis and
judgment on earth just as the next verse
speaks of the signs of crisis and judgment in
the heavens.
2:31. sun dark, moon to blood. This is the description
of solar and lunar eclipses. In a solar
eclipse the sun is darkened as the moon passes
between it and the earth. This can only occur
at the phase of the new moon. In a lunar
eclipse the moon is obscured by the earth
passing between the sun and the moon. In a
total lunar eclipse the moment of the most
complete interference results in all but the red
spectrum of light being blocked so that the
moon glows with an eerie red-orange color
rather than being blackened. This can occur
only in the full moon phase.
2:31. eclipses in the ancient Near East. In
Neo-Assyrian times, eclipses represented the
763 JOEL 3:1-18
most powerful and deadly omens, being considered
the “prime revealer.” They were the
most frequent cause for the substitute king ritual
being invoked (see comment on Is
53:4-10). The nature of the threat they signified
was judged by the precise time of their
occurrence, the position in the sky at the time
of the eclipse and the direction from which the
eclipse took place. The combination of signs in
heaven and on earth would bring further confirmation
of the sign and would suggest a
more drastic consequence.
JOEL 3:1-18
3:1-21
God’s Judgment and Blessing
3:2. Valley of Jehoshaphat. There is no valley
with this name known in Israel from the Bible
or from other sources, or even from tradition.
The alternatives are (1) that reference is being
made to a valley that had something to do
with the ninth-century king of Judah by the
name of Jehoshaphat (the only mention of a
valley in his account is in 2 Kings 3; or (2) that
the valley’s name accords with what takes
place there (the name Jehoshaphat means
“Yahweh judges”). If the latter is the case, as
many commentators have concluded, the location
would likely be one of the valleys surrounding
Jerusalem.
3:3. slave trade. One of the most lucrative aspects
of warfare and border raiding was the
slave trade. Captives were sold to dealers,
who would transport them far from their
homeland. The actual number of such persons
does not compare to the huge numbers of
slaves found in Greek and Roman cities. The
slave trade existed from earliest times in the
ancient Near East. Slaves were generally war
captives or persons taken in raids. Traders often
accepted slaves, which they transported to
new areas and sold. These persons seldom obtained
their freedom. The vast majority of persons
who ended up on the slave block were
either sold to the slavers by their own families
or were prisoners of war.
3:4. Tyre, Sidon, Philistia as oppressors.
These coastal regions of the eastern Mediterranean
provided the ports through which sea
trade passed. From the next few verses one
might infer that these cities acted as middlemen
for handling captives (in this case from
Judah) who were to be sold as slaves. A certain
percentage of those taken in battle may
have been considered not worth the trouble or
expense of deporting. A quick solution was to
pass them on to slave traders, who would
handle all the details.
JOEL 3:4-19 3:6. Greeks. The Hebrew term used here, “Javan,”
was probably the Greek name Ionia, the
Greek region of the western coast of Turkey
and the Aegean islands. Ionian Greeks settled
this area just before the first millennium B.C.
There is evidence of contact between them
and the Assyrians by the eighth century B.C.
3:8. Sabeans. There are three groups of Sabeans
in Scripture. One group is from Sheba,
present-day Yemen, an area which was highly
urbanized and had achieved a complex degree
of civilization by this period 1 Kings 10.
Many inscriptions have been found from the
Sabeans in this area. There are also Sabeans in
Ethiopia Is 43:3. In Job 6:19 the Sabeans are
equated with Tema in north Arabia and are
probably identified with the Saba of the Assyrian
inscriptions of Tiglath-Pileser III and
Sargon II in the late eighth century. It is difficult
to determine which is referred to here,
though most commentators favor the first option.
3:10. conversion of metals. Rather than
“plowshares” that turn over the dirt as they
plow, this may refer to the metal tip of the
plow that breaks up the earth and scratches
out a furrow. This tip is about seven inches
long. However, this same Hebrew word is
used in 2 Kings 6:5, where it appears to refer
to some sort of axe. Pruning hooks are the
small knives used to remove leaves and new
shoots from the grapevines. Archaeological
samples found are simply thin, short pieces of
metal with a curved hook at the end sharpened
on the inside edge, as a sickle would be.
The shape is reminiscent of the tang type
spearheads that had been popular during the
Bronze Age. These farm implements could be
melted down in time of war and reforged for
weapons.
3:15. sun, moon and stars darkened. By declaring
that on the day of Yahweh the heavens
and all of its celestial bodies would be
damped out, Isaiah had claimed that the glory
of Yahweh would outshine and mask the brilliance
of all other supposed gods Is 13:10; see
also the language of Ps 104:19-22, in which
Yahweh controls the moon and sun). Since Assyria
and Egypt both worshiped the sun god
(Shamash and Amon respectively) as their primary
deity, and the moon god Sin was of great
importance in Babylonia, the prophet targets
these gods and these arrogant enemy nations.
Such portents of darkness, as in the Deir ’Alla
inscription of Balaam, generally forecast a
time of great disaster.
3:18. hills flowing with milk. This parallel of
wine with milk is unique. The well-known
combination of milk and honey is one way to
speak of the potential of the region to support
JOEL 3:18—AMOS 1:3 764
a herding economy (see comment on Ex
3:7-10). The word used for wine here refers to
freshly squeezed and newly fermented fruit
juice. Amos 9:13 also pictures it flowing from
the hills, which is logical since vineyards were
often planted on the slopes of hills.
3:18. fountain flowing from temple. The association
between ancient Near Eastern temples
and spring waters is well attested. In fact,
some temples in Mesopotamia, Egypt, and the
Ugaritic myth of Baal were considered to have
been founded upon springs (likened to the
primeval waters), which sometimes flowed
from the building itself. Thus the symbolic
cosmic mountain (temple) stood upon the
symbolic primeval waters (spring).
3:18. valley of acacias. Acacias typically grow
in dry, wilderness conditions. The wadi that
goes from the Valley of Kidron on the east side
of Jerusalem to the Dead Sea is still characterized
by its acacias, making that the logical
choice.
3:19. Egypt and Edom as oppressors. Both of
these nations were prominent enemies of Israel
in both ancient times and in the events surrounding
the exile. Edom had become an
Assyrian vassal state in the reign of
Tiglath-Pileser III and continued under their
rule until the death of Ashurbanipal a century
later. It is likely that they submitted themselves
to Nebuchadnezzar’s rule in 605. Although
some Judean refugees may have
found shelter in Edom, they apparently remained
passive as Jerusalem was destroyed
(see Ps 137:7 and Obad 11. Both countries are
objects of judgment oracles in Jeremiah and
Ezekiel.
joel 3:18—amos 1:3
A M O S
1:1—2:5
Judgment on the Nations
1:1. Tekoa. The farming village of Tekoa has
been identified with Khirbet Tequ’a, about
seven miles south of Jerusalem and five miles
south of Bethlehem. Because of its location on
the edge of arable land, its inhabitants presumably
had to work very hard to maintain
their existence as farmers and shepherds (see
2 Chron 20:20. For additional information on
this small village in the Judean hill country
see the comment on 2 Samuel 14:2.
1:1. earthquakes. Seismic activity in Syro-
Palestine is a common occurrence. The region
lies over the Jordan Rift, which stretches from
Damascus to the Gulf of Aqabah, and is therefore
subject to periodic shifts of the earth.
There is evidence of a sizeable earthquake in
the stratum 6 excavations at Hazor, dating to
approximately 760 B.C. It is possible that this is
the one referred to here, but additional corroborating
evidence needs to be sought at other
sites, especially Bethel and Samaria. The fact
that this earthquake is used to date both
Amos’s prophetic activity and the reign of
King Uzziah (see Zech 14:4-5 suggests that it
must have been massive and therefore an
event that would have stuck in the minds of
the people. If Amos actually predicted the
earthquake (as is suggested by Amos 9:1,
then it would have authenticated his role as a
true prophet of Yahweh.
1:1. chronology. The kings named in Amos’s
date formula provide a range of time for his
prophetic mission. Uzziah of Judah and Jeroboam
II of Israel ruled for most of the first half
of the eighth century B.C. The earthquake cited
here may be the same as that attested by excavations
at Hazor (stratum 6) dating to approximately
760. Since Amos claims not to be a
professional prophet, many interpreters believe
that the oracles of this book would have
covered a short span of time rather than
stretching over several decades.
1:2. top of Carmel. Mount Carmel overlooked
the Mediterranean from the northern coast of
Israel. The sea breeze and an annual rainfall of
twenty-eight inches made it one of the most
flourishing sections of the country. In antiquity
its lush slopes were covered with olive
trees, vineyards and rich pastureland (see Jer
46:18). Amos and other prophets create a contrasting
image with this area’s normal fertility
and the drought brought on by God’s wrath.
The prophet also provides a sense of the geographic
extent of the disaster, spreading from
Jerusalem in the south to Carmel in the north.
1:3. oracles against foreign nations. For this
common theme in the prophets see the comment
on Jeremiah 46:1.
1:3. Damascus in early eighth century. The
eighth century began disastrously for the
kingdom of Aram and its capital city of Da-
765 AMOS 1:3-8
mascus. The Assyrian king Adad-Nirari III
successfully besieged Damascus in 796. Accord-
ing to the Assyrian Annals the Syrian
king Bir-Hadad (Mar’i in Assyrian) was
forced into vassalage. He was also required to
make a huge tribute payment, including
twenty-three hundred talents of silver and
five thousand talents of iron, to save the city.
There is even some suggestion that the weakened
Syrian monarchy and its territory were
subject to the Israelite king Jeroboam II during
the mid-eighth century (see 2 Kings 14:28.
1:3. threshing Gilead. The Assyrian Annals of
Tiglath-Pileser III give a thorough description
of how another nation was defeated and left
as though it had been run over by a “threshing
sledge.” The event mentioned here by
Amos may relate to the mid-ninth century invasion
of Gilead and the Galilee region by the
Syrian king Hazael (see 2 Kings 8:12 and the
recently discovered Hazael inscription from
Tel Dan). For other examples of the use of a
threshing sledge, see the comments on Deuteronomy
25:4; 2 Samuel 24:22; and Isaiah
28:28.
1:4. house of Hazael. Because of his achievements
in the ninth century (see 2 Kings
10:32-33), the royal dynasty of Aram/Syria became
known as the “house of Hazael.” This
phrase appears in the annals of Tiglath-Pileser
III (744-727 B.C.), who reigned a century later
than Hazael. Thus Amos is not referring to a
specific king but rather to the dynasty and by
extension to the country of Aram itself.
1:4. fortresses of Ben-Hadad. See the comment
on Jeremiah 49:27.
1:5. Valley of Aven. Because aven means
“wickedness” or “idolatry” in Hebrew, it is
quite likely that this is not a city site but rather
a region where Baal was worshiped (compare
Beth-Aven = Bethel in Hos 10:8. It is
possible that the fertile Beqa’ Valley is the
target of the prophet’s barb.
1:5. Beth Eden. Ninth-century Assyrian annals
from the time of Ashurnasirpal II and
Shalmaneser III both mention Beth Eden (Bit
Adini) as a rebellious Aramean kingdom located
about two hundred miles northeast of
Palestine, between the Euphrates and the Balikh
rivers. Since it was subjugated and renamed
in the reign of Shalmaneser III, the
appearance of Beth Eden in the eighth-century
prophecies of Amos raises the question of
whether this is the same place. However,
Tiglath-Pileser III’s annals continue to use
Beth Eden for an area containing Syrian cities,
and Amos may just be using that tradition
geographic designation. The ruler at the time
of Amos was Shamshi-Ilu.
1:5. Kir. See the comments on Isaiah 22:6 and
Amos 9:7 for this site designated as the homeland
of the Arameans. It is also mentioned in
2 Kings 16:9.
1:6. Gaza in early eighth century. Since Amos
uses Gaza as the synonym for all of the Philistine
city-states, it was presumably the most
prominent at that time. Because of its alliances
with the Arab tribes that controlled the trade
routes south to Arabia, Gaza was a major
commercial competitor of Judah during the
reign of King Jehoram (see 2 Chron 21:16-17.
After the Assyrians began to expand their influence
into Syro-Palestine, however, the political
situation became more complicated.
Amaziah and Uzziah were able to defeat the
Edomites and regain control over the major
port on the Gulf of Aqabah (Elath) in the beginning
decades of the century (see 2 Kings
14:7, 22). Uzziah also gained victories over the
Philistine cities and the Arabs during this time
2 Chron 26:6-7. It is possible that Amos is reflecting
on the enmity between Gaza and
Judah in this oracle. In any case, the Assyrian
Annals of Tiglath-Pileser III (734 campaign
against the Philistines) show that as the century
wore on the city of Gaza was forced to pay
heavy tribute and serve as an Assyrian vassal
state.
AMOS 1:3-8 1:6. selling captives. One of the most lucrative
aspects of warfare and border raiding was the
slave trade. Captives were easily sold to dealers,
who would transport them far from their
homeland (see Ezek 27:13; Joel 3:6-7. Note
that Mesopotamian administrative texts as far
back as pre-Sargonic times (early third millennium)
contain ration lists describing persons
“belonging to” or “attached to” households or
establishments (weaving shops). The actual
number of such persons, who are perhaps better
described as serfs or service laborers, is not
large. Certainly it does not compare to the
huge numbers of slaves found in Greek and
Roman cities.
1:8. Ashdod in early eighth century. The size
of the lower city and its fortifications, built
during the tenth century in the Solomonic
style found at Gezer and Hazor, suggests
prosperity for this Philistine city-state during
the ninth and eighth centuries. Excavations in
stratum 9 demonstrate that the huge city gate
of Ashdod was partially destroyed around
760. This may be attributed to the campaign of
Judah’s king Uzziah against the Philistines (2
Chron 26:6-7). Prior to Assyrian control over
Syro-Palestine, the smaller states of Philistia,
Judah, Israel and Transjordan vied for control
of trade routes and periodically staged military
campaigns as a means of gaining political
AMOS 1:8—2:8 766
hegemony in the region. After 750, however,
Assyria and Egypt will use these smaller
states as part of their own political maneuvering.
1:8. Ashkelon in early eighth century. Like
Ashdod, Ashkelon was one of the five major
Philistine city-states (see the comments on
Judg 1:18 and 14:19). Most of what we know
of the site during the eighth century comes
from Assyrian Annals and tribute lists. However,
there is not much mention of Ashkelon
until the time of Tiglath-Pileser III’s 734 campaign.
The exotic nature of some of the tribute
paid by Ashkelon to the Assyrian ruler
(including roles of papyrus and elephantine
hides) suggests it had commercial links with
Arabia and Egypt.
1:8. Ekron in early eighth century. The site
of Ekron shrank in size during the first two
centuries of the first millennium. This may
be due to Israel’s domination of Philistia
starting in the reign of Solomon. Some new
construction does take place in the eighth
century, including a fortress tower, suggesting
a resurgence during the period when
Judah’s king Hezekiah controlled the region
2 Kings 18:8. Excavations have not demonstrated
any remarkable wealth or prosperity
during the early eighth century, and it may
be that its name in this oracle is simply part
of the usual listing of Philistine cities (see
Jer 25:20.
1:9. Tyre in early eighth century. During the
first quarter of the eighth century, King Pygmalion
ruled Tyre. This was a time of great
prosperity for the Phoenicians, who controlled
most of the commercial activity in the
Mediterranean. They had just expanded their
colonial presence by founding Carthage in
North Africa in 815. Interestingly, the Assyrian
tribute list of Adad-Nirari III from this period
includes the king of Sidon, but not that of Tyre.
Apparently Tyre, like a prosperous Israel
(see Amos 3:15; 6:4), was able to avoid Assyrian
entanglements for the time being.
1:11. Edom in early eighth century. After being
added to David’s kingdom 2 Sam 8:11-13,
Edom eventually rebelled and gained its independence
from Judah during the reign of Jehoram
2 Kings 8:20-22. Amaziah was able to
recapture at least a portion of Edom’s territory
2 Kings 14:7 at the battle of Sela (= es-Sela on
Edom’s northern border), and by the reign of
the Israelite king Jeroboam II (789-749) border
clashes and tension continued to exist between
Edom and its neighbors.
1:12. Teman, Bozrah. See the comments on
Jeremiah 49:7 and 49:13 respectively for these
Edomite sites.
1:13. Ammon in early eighth century. Like
Edom, the Transjordanian nation of Ammon
periodically rebelled against Israelite rule (2
Chron 20:1) and during the eighth century
was forced to pay tribute to Judah (in Uzziah’s
reign, see 2 Chron 26:8. The shift in political
fortunes is evidenced in one Assyrian
source that refers to Ammonite ambassadors
coming to Calah (Nimrud) in the eighth century
to present tribute. However, the first
king of Ammon to be listed in the Assyrian
texts is Shobi, son of Hahash (Tiglath-Pileser
III’s 733 list).
AMOS 1:8—2:8 1:13. treatment of pregnant women. The practice
of ripping open pregnant women is mentioned
very rarely. It is attributed to Assyrian
king Tiglath-Pileser I (about 1100) in a hymn
praising his conquests. It is also referred to in
passing in a Neo-Babylonian lament.
1:14. Rabbah. See the comment on Jeremiah
49:2 for this city, which served as Ammon’s
capital.
2:1. Moab in early eighth century. The
mid-ninth-century Moabite inscription of Mesha
is the only extrabiblical documentary evidence
(compare 2 Kings 3:4-27 currently
available about this Transjordanian nation prior
to Tiglath-Pileser’s campaign into the area
in 734. The hostilities that may have existed
between Moab and the nations of Judah and
Israel can be speculated on, but there is no
concrete evidence. The crime of desecrating
the bones of the king of Edom may be an indicator
of Edom’s alliance with Judah. However,
without a historical context within which to
place the event, it remains a mystery.
2:1. burning bones. The outrageous nature of
this act centers not only on defiling the graves
of the kings of Edom, but also on the further
step of burning their bones to make lime (see
Is 33:12. In this way all honor and respect is
removed from the bodies, and the Moabites
could actually point to walls or houses that
had been painted with the resulting lime mixture.
On the exhumation of human remains
see the comment on 2 Kings 23:16.
2:2. Kerioth. Also mentioned in the Mesha inscription
as a city where the Moabite god
Chemosh had a shrine, this Moabite city has
been identified with el-Qereiyat and Khirbet
Aleiyan (see Jer 48:41.
2:6-16
Sins of Israel
2:8. nature of irony. The great irony in
Amos’s charges against the rich is that they
display their excesses before sacred altars in
a shrine dedicated to God. It is possible that
767 AMOS 2:9—3:9
they were within their legal rights to seize a
garment in default of debt or to purchase
wine with funds that had been generated by
fining the poor for some offense. However,
Yahweh had said Ex 22:25-26 that the outraged
cries of the poor would be heard, “for
I am compassionate.” As in the case of the
worker in the Yavneh Yam inscription, the
creditor is to not only obey the law but also
take into consideration what seizure of
property will do to prevent the debtor from
earning a living (see Hammurabi’s Code,
which forbids seizure of a debtor’s ox).
2:9. destroyed Amorite. Israel is reminded of
the deeds of the Divine Warrior. Prior to the
beginning of the conquest, Yahweh had given
the Israelites a victory over the Amorite kings
Sihon and Og (see the comments on Num
21:21; 21:24-30). Subsequently, the name
Amorites becomes synonymous with the inhabitants
of Canaan (see Judg 1:34-36 and
7:14).
2:9. fruit above, roots below. Amos uses a literary
device known as a merism—paired polar
opposites—to depict the total destruction
of the Amorites. This is a common practice in
prophetic speech (see Is 37:31; Hos 9:6. It is
also found in a Phoenician curse formula
(fifth-century Eshmun ’asor inscription): “May
they have no trunk below nor boughs above.”
2:11. Nazirites. See the comments on Numbers
6:1-21 for this special class of Israelites who impose
on themselves an oath of purification.
AMOS 2:9—3:9
3:1-15
Legal Case Against Israel
3:2. choosing family. The verb used in the Hebrew
text is “know.” The same idiom of a god
knowing a family is used in Akkadian texts to
describe the care that family gods provide for
their worshipers.
3:4. lion behavior. During the hunt a lion will
roar to freeze its prey with fear as the lion
makes its rush. Following a successful hunt a
lion may drag a portion of the kill back to its
den to be eaten later. It may growl while lying
there as a sign of pleasure at its success or as a
warning to other predators to stay away. See
similar examples of lion behavior in Isaiah
5:29 and Ezekiel 22:25.
3:5. bird hunting. See the comment on Hosea
7:12 for the details of ancient bird hunting
with traps and snares. It has been persuasively
set forth by S. Paul that the word NIV translates
“snare” should be rendered “bait,” thus
establishing what everyone knows, that the
bird must be lured into the trap.
3:9. mountains of Samaria. Although the
city of Samaria was located on a single hill,
it was surrounded by a group of hills that
were actually higher than the capital city
(see the comment on 1 Kings 16:24. If the
prophet is talking about affording a vantage
point from which to see the ultimate destruction
of Samaria, then these hills would
be appropriate.
ECONOMIC CHANGES AND SOCIAL CLASSES IN EIGHTH-CENTURY ISRAEL
In the light of the political changes that took place at the beginning of the eighth century (Assyrian expansion
and the capture of Damascus), Israel was able to widen its economic interests and restore its hegemony
over a greater area of the Transjordan. In addition, both Israel and Judah were ruled during the first
half of the century by strong kings (Jeroboam II and Uzziah respectively) with long reigns. This made it
easier to establish a comprehensive economic policy that concentrated on the mass production of export
items such as grain, olive oil and wine. Large areas of the Shephelah and the lowland valleys had already
been given over to wheat production 2 Chron 26:10. Now, in the eighth century, the elite were able to
impose this economic policy on the small hill country farms and villages. As a result, previous agricultural
strategies that attempted to distribute potential risks between herding and farming were overturned,
and the land was given over to specific cash crops. The smaller holdings of the peasant farmers,
overburdened with debts, were enclosed into large estates. This very efficient use of the land, however,
eliminated the mixed crops that had formerly been grown in the village culture and more quickly
exhausted the soil. Leaving fields fallow and grazing animals on harvested fields would have been eliminated
or rigidly controlled. Under this new policy, an attempt was made to increase exports to the extent
that there was a real hunger problem for the peasant class, while the nobility and merchant-class were
able to indulge in the luxury goods supplied by their Phoenician trading partners. Thus in addition to facing
rising prices at home on basic goods, such as wheat and barley, the impoverished peasant farmers
now found themselves forced into debt servitude or day labor. Seeing them ground under the heel of
exploiting employers and cheated by greedy merchants who sold them adulterated or inferior grain for
their meals, it is no wonder that Amos harangued the rich for their lack of concern for the poor. In such an
atmosphere of social injustice, agricultural specialization and economic speculation, the prophet reminds
the Israelites of their covenant obligations. Like the “eloquent peasant” of twentieth-century B.C. Egypt,
Amos warns them that corrupt judges and dishonest businessmen can expect no mercy from an angry
God.
AMOS 3:11—4:1 768
3:11. time between prophecy and fulfillment.
Amos, speaking in the 760s, may have assumed
that the Assyrians would ultimately
serve as God’s instrument to punish Israel,
but he does not state this explicitly. In any
case, Samaria and the nation of Israel will fall
to the Assyrian armies of Sargon II in 722, and
much of the population will be deported to
other portions of the Assyrian empire.
3:12. shepherd’s responsibility. The legal
codes of ancient Mesopotamia (including the
Sumerian Law Code, Hammurabi’s Code and
the Hittite Laws) each contained a clause designed
to aid shepherds who have lost an animal
to a lion or other predator. The shepherd
gave his testimony and took an oath before
the gods. Presumably, if there was any physical
evidence to display, such as “a piece of an
ear,” then this would also have been brought
forward. In that way the shepherd would be
above suspicion of theft. The pieces he
brought did not suggest survival but were
proof of destruction.
3:12. beds/couches. In the midst of the coming
destruction the homes of the rich merchants
and nobles of Samaria will be looted. The fleeing
refugees will only be able to carry away
with them fragments of their wealth. Amos
satirizes their plight as they scavenge portions
(the headboard and footpiece) of their beds.
The irony of this is found in Amos 6:4, where
the prophet condemns the rich for luxuriating
on the ivory inlaid beds and couches.
3:14. altars of Bethel. See the comments on
1 Kings 12:29-30 for the establishment of Jeroboam’s
royal sanctuaries at Dan and Bethel at
the time of the division of the kingdom. Despite
Bethel’s association with the altars of the
patriarchs Abraham and Jacob Gen 12:8;
35:7), it served as a rival to Jerusalem in
Amos’s time, and thus its altars are now to be
condemned as part of Israel’s apostasy.
3:14. cutting off horns of altars. The horns on
the altar represented the place of sanctuary
Ex 21:13-14 and they were also associated
with absolution and atonement Lev 16:18.
Cutting off these horns removed the altar’s
special qualities, desecrated it and transformed
it into nothing more than a damaged
stone. Israel is thus deprived of any hope for
asylum or expiation for their sins in the face of
the coming destruction.
3:15. winter and summer houses. One of the
signs of luxury displayed by the rich of Samaria
was two residences. A summer residence
in Samaria took advantage of the cooler
climate of the central hill country of Israel,
and a winter home, possibly in the warm Valley
of Jezreel, allowed residents to escape the
extremes of weather and temperature. There
are a number of examples of kings being able
to indulge in climatic migration from one official
residence to another, including the eighthcentury
Aramean king of Sam’al, Barrakub,
and Cyrus, the king of Persia.
3:15. ivory adornment. Excavations at the site
of ancient Samaria have revealed fairly large
quantities of ivory that had been used to decorate
furniture and the walls of the Omride palace
(see the comment on 1 Kings 22:39. There
are both Egyptian and Phoenician/Syrian
decorative styles employed, including representations
of the god Horus, lotus blossoms
and the “lady in the window” motif. The Iron
Age ivories differ from those of the Late
Bronze (best represented by those found at
Megiddo) with the addition of glass paste and
inlaid semiprecious stones. It is possible that
some of these ivories were carved and decorated
by native Israelite craftsmen, but more
likely they are expensive imports.
AMOS 3:11—4:1
4:1-13
Judgments with No Effect
4:1. cows of Bashan. Once again demonstrating
his background as a herdsman, Amos uses
the finely bred cattle of Bashan as a metaphor.
These prize animals grazed on the lush grass
available in this region in Transjordan on either
side of the Yarmuk River (see Deut 32:14.
Amos compares these fine cows to the self-indulgent
wives of the nobility and wealthy
merchants of Samaria. Neither these cows nor
these women are capable of seeing beyond
their own personal needs and desires (compare
Is 3:16. The women, like totally self-absorbed
grazing cows, cannot even imagine
that people may be starving while they call for
another cup of wine or another extravagant
meal. It is difficult to say for sure whether the
reference is to domesticated pampered cattle
or to undomesticated ferocious cattle. Both
could be found in Bashan and either picture
can make sense of the analogy.
AMOS 4:1-9 4:1. upper-class women. The prosperity that
had come to Israel’s merchant class and nobility
during the first half of the eighth century
B.C. is the direct result of the spreading Assyrian
hegemony. In 802 the Assyrian king
Adad-Nirari III captured the city of Damascus
and effectively removed Syria from its position
as chief political and economic rival of Israel.
For a brief time, therefore, the city of
Samaria and the rest of Israel enjoyed a period
of peace and prosperity that brought wealth
and allowed for amazing self-indulgence in
luxury goods and new construction projects.
769 AMOS 4:2—5:8
Amos targets the wives of these prosperous
individuals, singling them out as a base cause
for the oppression of the poor. The covenant
had placed obligations on the Israelites to care
for the less privileged, but what Amos sees are
persons who do not count the human cost that
pays for their high living.
4:2. hooks, fishhooks. The Hebrew here is
very uncertain. An attractive suggestion has
been made that the verse describes not what
fish are caught with but what they are transported
in (baskets and pots). This metaphor is
known from the prophetic literature of Mari,
where the king’s enemies are portrayed as
wriggling like fish in a basket. Fishing in
Mesopotamian streams and rivers was done
with woven baskets (sometimes made from
thorn bushes). In fact there is no evidence of
the use of fishhooks in Mesopotamia after
3000. Amos’s metaphor of the capture of the
Israelites after the siege of Samaria may be
better translated as “fish baskets.” If hooks are
in view, however, it is possible that he is referring
to the grappling hooks that were used
during the siege and that might have been
used to impale and drag prisoners.
4:3. Harmon. Since this word occurs only
here, there have been a number of suggestions
on its meaning. Some scholars consider it a
place name and thus the place where the captives
are exiles. Among the suggestions here
are Mount Minni in Assyria (see Jer 51:27 or
Hermal near Kadesh on the Orontes River. For
those who emend the text, the translation of
“dung heap” for hadmon (exchanging a single
letter for one that looks similar) is the most
likely since it is a suitable place for the disposal
of the bodies of prisoners.
4:4. cult sites at Bethel and Gilgal. Bethel has
a long history of cultic activity, ranging back
to the construction of an altar there by Abraham
Gen 12:8 and Jacob’s dream there (Gen
28:10-22). It took on an ominous quality for
Amos when it was designated as one of the
two major cultic centers by Jeroboam (1 Kings
12:29-30). Cultic activity at Gilgal appears in
the conquest narrative when the Israelites
cross the Jordan and Joshua raises a memorial
to commemorate the event Josh 4:19-20. It is
possible that after the division of the kingdoms,
Gilgal was seen as a northern worship
site because of its association with Saul (see
1 Sam 11:15 and 15:21). Hosea also condemns
this place as corrupt Hos 4:15 and 9:15).
4:4. three-year tithes. The better reading of the
Hebrew here would be “on the third day” or
“every three days” (instead of every three
years, see NIV note). It is possible that Amos is
satirizing an aspect of the northern kingdom’s
cultic practice. There is a possibility that freewill
offerings and noncompulsory tithes
(compare Gen 14:20 were given at the sanctuary
shortly after arrival or were tied to some
coming event or vow. To Amos, however, such
frequency of offerings cannot replace true piety
or obedience to the covenant.
4:9. blight and mildew. Farmers are only too
aware of what the forces of nature can do to
their crops. Here God attempts to get Israel’s
attention by destroying the harvest. First, the
sirocco winds strip all of the moisture out of
the air and the plant life. Then, too much rain
falls and the crops turn yellowish-brown and
wither in the fields. See the comment on curses
in Deuteronomy 28:22.
4:9. locusts. Insects can also play havoc with
growing crops as well as the leaves on olive
and fig trees. For another example of locust
swarms and their relation to God’s anger see
Joel 1:4-7. Akkadian Mari texts report that locusts
descended on a town and another explains
that the harvest could not be completed
because of the swarm of insects. For information
concerning the devastation caused by locusts
see the comment on Exodus 10:1-20.
4:13. connection between wind and
thoughts. In Hebrew the word translated
“wind” is the word that is also often translated
“spirit.” It is not so much that the word
had two different meanings but rather that in
the ancient world they did not find it so easy
to differentiate between wind and spirit. In
Mesopotamian thought the gods gave revelation
of their thoughts through dreams. The
messenger who brought these dreams was
named Zaqiqu. The common word zaqiqu refers
to a ghost or a phantom. It derives from
the verb zaqu, which refers to the blowing of
the wind, or to the breath of a god.
AMOS 4:2—5:8
5:1-27
Seeking the Lord
5:5. Bethel, Gilgal. See comment on 4:4.
5:5. shrine at Beersheba. The discovery of a
large horned altar in the excavations of Tell es-
Saba’ dating to the Iron II period provides corroboration
of cultic activity at this southern site.
It is mentioned in the ancestral narratives (Gen
21:33) and is the site where Samuel’s sons operated
as judges 1 Sam 8:1-2. The destruction of
shrines outside Jerusalem by King Hezekiah
(Arad, Beersheba; 2 Kings 18:4 may be a reflection
of Amos’s condemnation of these sites.
5:8. Pleiades and Orion, constellations in ancient
world. Textual evidence from Babylonia,
including the “Venus tablet” of Ammisaduqa
(c. 1650), indicates that astronomical studies
AMOS 5:11-26 770
were conducted with skill and precision. Although
astrology was also prevalent in late
Egyptian periods and in Persian period Mesopotamia,
it seems that this divinatory activity,
interpreting omens (see Is 47:13 is only an extension
of the work of a true science. There are
records of the movement of the planets, placement
of the major fixed stars and constellations,
as well as descriptions of the phases of
the moon and solar and lunar eclipses. Given
the widespread knowledge of the stars and
the planets in both Mesopotamian and Egyptian
cultures, it was important for the biblical
writers and prophets to attribute these celestial
bodies to Yahweh’s creation (see Job 9:9.
Mesopotamian constellations included animal
figures such as a goat (Lyra) and snake (Hydra);
objects such as an arrow (Sirius) and a
wagon (Big Dipper); and characters such as
Anu (Orion). The most popular of the constellations
was Pleiades, often portrayed on seals
even in Palestine and Syria. Neo-Assyrian
texts preserve sketches of stars in constellations.
A prayer to the gods of the night from
about 1700 B.C. invokes the constellations by
name, calling on them to give answers to the
diviner seeking an omen.
amos 5:11-26 5:11. stone mansions. This refers to houses using
hewn stone (called “ashlar”), for many of
the houses in Israel used rough fieldstones in
construction. Often the foundation was stone
while the superstructure was of sun-dried
mud brick. Only the very wealthiest of the upper
class would have been able to afford this
carefully dressed masonry. The limestone
used for this construction was quarried near
Samaria. The curse used here is called a “futility
curse” because it calls for their efforts and
labor to become futile, and it can be compared
to an inscription on a Babylonian boundary
stone calling on the gods to see that anyone
who builds a house on stolen land should
have the house taken from them.
5:12. judicial bribes and oppression. One of
Amos’s principal themes is criticism of social
injustice (see Ex 23:6-8; Deut 16:19; and Hammurabi’s
Code for laws against bribery).
There is a long history of peasant or wisdom
literature pleading for justice under the law
and from kings and officials. For example, in a
collection of Babylonian Wisdom sayings the
“unscrupulous judge” is one who accepts a
present “and yet lets justice miscarry.” Similarly,
the twenty-first century “eloquent peasant”
in Egyptian literature charges that
“lawmakers approve of robbery” and “the inspector
condones corruption.” The tenth-century
Babylonian “Theodicy” decries people
who “fill the storehouse of the oppressor with
gold” while they “empty the larder of the beggar
of its provisions.”
5:20. day of the Lord. See sidebar at Joel 2.
5:21. religious feasts and assemblies. Amos’s
attack is addressed at the empty, mechanically
celebrated h[agîm, the technical term for the
three major pilgrimage festivals (Feast of Unleavened
Bread, Feast of Harvest and Feast
of Ingathering—see the comments on Ex
23:15-16). Religious festivals offered frequent
opportunity for celebrations, communal
meals and social gatherings. What had been
designed as a means to praise and honor God,
however, was not bringing any pleasure to
him.
5:23. music in worship. Mesopotamia and
Egypt have long histories of both popular and
religious music that also must have been
known to the Israelites. Professional musicians,
like the kalu harp-player so well attested
in ancient texts from Old Babylonian Mari and
Sumerian Uruk, may well have been the model
for the Levitical musicians in the Jerusalem
temple as well as the musicians in the northern
shrines of Dan and Bethel. The types of instruments,
liturgical chants, penitential
prayers and laments, and hymns of praise created
by these ancient civilizations set a standard
of style and composition for the Near
East. Ancient Egyptian tomb paintings demonstrate
the postures of dancers as well as a
wide variety of musical instruments. One example
of the technical expertise employed in
sacred music is found in the Psalms associated
with the recitation of the creation story—
Psalms 8, 19, 104 and 139. They contain both
the literary as well as the musical elements
(based on the superscription rubrics, choral
markers and assonances in the text) needed
for a proper performance of music during
worship and the enactment of sacred drama.
5:26. shrine of the king. Because of a mistaken
belief that the god Sikkuth was not introduced
until after the Assyrian conquest (see 2 Kings
17:30), there has been an attempt to emend the
Hebrew so that the text is read “shrine” or
“abode” of the king. In fact, Amos’s statement
probably reflects the degree of cultural influence
exercised by Aramean merchants and
other travelers on the Israelites. Sikkuth or
dSAG.KUD is associated with Ninurta in
Ugaritic sources and specifically with the
planet Saturn.
5:26. pedestal of idols. This translation is also
an attempt to remove the name of an astral deity
from the text with an emendation of the
word kiyyun. The Mesopotamian star god, Saturn,
occurs as kajamanu in Akkadian texts and
has the meaning “the steady one,” an apt title
771 AMOS 5:26—6:6
for the slow-moving orbit of the planet Saturn.
The images of these astral deities were
carried in procession on their festival days.
5:26. star of your god. Since both of the gods
mentioned in this verse are associated with
the planet Saturn, the phrase “star of your
god” is actually a reference to the people’s
worship of astral deities. Sacred processions
paraded the images and symbols of these
gods through the city streets to their shrines,
where sacrifices, sacred dancing and other
cultic activities would take place. Amos, however,
is satirizing these practices. Instead of
simply describing what has been occurring,
he now predicts a “final” procession, but this
time the people carry these idols with them
into exile (compare the carrying of burdensome
idols in Is 46:1.
5:27. exile beyond Damascus. Since the Assyrians
are never directly mentioned in Amos,
it is unclear that this is what he meant when
he spoke of the coming exile of the people of
Israel. Using such an imprecise phrase as “beyond
Damascus” is reminiscent of Jeremiah’s
threat “from the north” Jer 1:14, and both
simply indicate the direction of Mesopotamia
as the source of the coming destruction.
AMOS 5:26—6:6
6:1-14
Woe and Indictment Oracles
6:1. Mount Samaria. For Amos’s parallelism
to work most effectively, Mount Samaria
would have to also contain a worship center
just as Mount Zion does in Jerusalem. It is
likely a reference to the acropolis section of
the city where the temple and palace would
be located. Considering Micah’s condemnation
of Samaria and its idols Mic 1:6-7 and
Isaiah’s reference to “Samaria and her images”
Is 10:11, it seems likely that Israel’s capital
had a major shrine during the reign of
Jeroboam II.
6:2. Calneh and Hamath. Although its exact
location is still uncertain, Calneh, the capital
of the ancient state of Unqi, was most likely
situated in the Antioch plain, near Aleppo.
Hamath (modern Hama, almost 100 miles
south of Aleppo and about 130 miles north of
Damascus) is located on the Orontes River.
(for more information see the comments on Is
10:9). Though both suffered destruction at the
hands of the Assyrians in 738, Israel was also
paying tribute at that time too, so Amos cannot
be that late. We know too little of the history
of northern Syria in the decades
preceding Amos to identify what else he may
be referring to.
AMOS 6:2-10 6:2. Gath. Gath has been tentatively identified
as Tell es-Safi, five miles south of Tell Miqne/
Ekron. Of the five major cities of the Philistines,
it was the closest to Judah. There has
been little excavation at the site, though it has
been confirmed that there are Iron Age remains.
The city was located by the Elah Valley,
one of the principal passes from the coastal
plain into the hill country surrounding Jerusalem.
It was the target of an attack by Uzziah of
Judah (referred to in 2 Chron 26:6 in the time
of Amos.
6:4. beds inlaid with ivory. The idea of a bed
made from some exotic or luxurious material
is reminiscent of King Og’s iron bed in Deuteronomy
3:11 (see also Solomon’s ivory
throne in 2 Chron 9:17-19. Sennacherib’s Assyrian
Annals mention that Judah’s king
Hezekiah included a couch inlaid with ivory
among his tribute items. Ivory decor was very
popular at this time for inlays in furniture and
for wall panels. One of the principal sources of
ivory was elephant tusks, which were imported
from Aram (where Syrian elephants were
not yet extinct at this time). Elephant hides
and tusks, as well as live elephants, were at
times included in tribute payments. Excavations
at Ashurnasirpal’s palace at Kalah produced
some very fine ivory carvings
decorating the walls. Over five hundred ivory
fragments have also been found in the excavations
at Samaria dating to the ninth and eighth
centuries B.C. Many feature Egyptian and
Phoenician artistic motifs.
6:4. choice lambs, fattened calves. For those
who could afford it, the best quality meats
came from specially bred sheep and cattle that
were kept in stalls (see Mal 4:2 and fattened
with barley prior to slaughter. Presumably,
these ancient feed lots could command a higher
price and were well known (see Jeremiah’s
metaphor for overfed mercenaries in Jer
46:21). Evidence of this breed of sheep (Akk.
kirru) is found in Ur III economic texts dating
to the twentieth-century B.C.
6:6. wine by the bowl. The term used for bowl
here is one that is usually associated with cultic
activity (see Ex 24:6-8; Num 7:13. That
suggests that Amos is accusing them not only
of drinking to excess in large bowls but perhaps
also of profaning sacred objects. Note
that archaeologists have found a number of
golden drinking bowls in tombs at Nimrud
dating to the late Assyrian period, some of
which have the names of Assyrian queens engraved
on their sides.
6:6. fine lotions. Banqueters in the ancient
world were often treated by a generous host
to fine oils that would be used to anoint their
foreheads. This provided a glistening sheen to
AMOS 6:7—7:10 772
their countenance and also would have added
a fragrance to their persons and the room. For
example, an Assyrian text from Esarhaddon’s
reign describes how he “drenched the foreheads”
of his guests at a royal banquet with
“choicest oils.” Since Amos may be condemning
the people for misusing cultic vessels in
this verse, he may also be taking them to task
for using the oils that would otherwise have
been used as part of cultic practice (see Ex
30:31-32).
6:7. feasting. The word translated “feasting”
here is a technical term for a funeral meal
(more like a festal memorial meal; thus the use
of vessels and oils usually connected with cultic
rites). The term occurs only here and Jeremiah
16:5, although it is well known in many
other Semitic traditions. Extrabiblical references
to the funeral meal have been found in
Ugaritic texts, in Aramaic texts from Elephantine
(Egypt) and in inscriptions in Punic, Nabatean
and Palmyrene. All of the elements
listed in these verses are connected with these
feasts: meat and wine, music, anointing and
lounging.
6:10. burning the bodies. The burning of bodies
was not a common practice (but see comments
on 1 Sam 31:12 and 2 Chron 16:14, and
the spelling of the verb is unusual. This has
led a number of interpreters to an alternative
reading such that the text does not suggest
burning the body but embalming it with spices
for burial.
6:10. not mentioning the Lord’s name. God’s
wrath is such that the population of the city of
Samaria is to be reduced to a tenth, and the
survivors will be so frightened by what Yahweh
has done that they will be afraid to mention
God’s name lest the angry deity take any
further notice of them. In that sense then, the
command “Hush!” is a sort of warding spell
(like “God forbid” in English) to prevent the
incautious from invoking God (compare Ex
23:13 and Josh 23:7. Assyrian royal documents
from the reign of Enlil-Nirari
(1326-1317) provide some light here. In one
text the king calls out, “May the god by no
means speak!” when the death of a member of
the royal family is announced at court. His intent
may be to ask that the god not act (speak)
against anyone else.
6:13. Lo Debar. This site, one of those captured
by Jeroboam II during his Transjordanian
campaign 2 Kings 14:25, is most often
identified with Tell ’el-Hammeh, just north of
the Jabbok River, in what would have been
Ammonite territory. Amos parodies this victory
by revocalizing the city name to Lo-dabar,
which means “nothing.” He mocks their false
pride in these flimsy accomplishments that
are as nothing to God’s victories.
6:13. Karnaim. This important site is located
in Bashan at Tell es-Sa’ad, on a northern tributary
of the Yarmuk River (see Gen 14:5 and
1 Macc 5:26). Tiglath-Pileser III made it the
capital of the Assyrian province of Qarnina
when he conquered the region in his 738-737
campaign.
6:14. Lebo Hamath to the Wadi Arabah. See
the comment on 2 Kings 14:25 for King Jeroboam
II’s attempt to restore Israel’s borders.
7:1–9
Punishment Alternatives
7:1. locusts. See comment on 4:9.
7:1. king’s share. Although it is not mentioned
elsewhere in the biblical text, this reference indicates
that the king was entitled, as a form of
tax, to a portion of the mown grass. This may
have been a measure instituted to insure the
king’s chariot horses and cavalry had sufficient
fodder. A reverse example of this is
found in a land grant made by the Assyrian
king Ashurbanipal to one of his officials. This
decree exempted the official’s new lands from
being levied for straw, grain or a portion of his
flocks.
7:7. plumb line. This traditional translation is
no longer acceptable, based on the recognition
that the Hebrew ’anak is a cognate of the
Akkadian annaku, meaning “tin.” A plumb
line would have a lead or iron weight attached
in order to determine that a wall is perpendicular
during construction. S. Paul suggests
this stands for a tin wall, a symbol of
how weak or fragile Israel’s defenses are
(compare the iron walls in Jer 1:18; Ezek 4:3.
For now the exact meaning of this phrase remains
uncertain.
AMOS 6:7—7:10
7:10-17
Amaziah Confronts Amos
7:10. prophetic message as treason. Throughout
the ancient world it was believed that
prophets not only proclaimed the message of
deity but in the process unleashed the divine
action. In Assyrian king Esarhaddon’s instructions
to his vassals, he requires that they report
any improper or negative statements
made by anyone, specifically naming prophets,
ecstatics and dream interpreters. It is no
wonder, then, that a prophet negatively disposed
toward a king had to be controlled lest
he bring about all sorts of havoc. One can perhaps
understand why a king would be inclined
to imprison a prophet whose very words
773 AMOS 7:13—8:12
might incite insurrection or impose doom.
7:13. king’s sanctuary. Bethel was one of the
two royal sanctuaries established by King Jeroboam
to serve as alternative worship centers
for the people of the northern kingdom (1
Kings 12:26-30). Amaziah’s post was a political
appointment since the priesthood at Bethel
was established by the crown rather than being
attached to tribal lineage as the Levites
were 1 Kings 12:32. Naturally his loyalties
were to the king, and he was very offended by
any criticism of either the king or the shrine at
Bethel. The state temple was one in which the
king himself participated in the ritual activities.
7:14. shepherd. No village in Judah’s central
hill country could afford to engage in a single
economic activity. Every household would
have had their small fields of wheat and barley,
as well as a small vineyard, a few fig trees
and olive trees on their land. In this way they
could hope that at least some of their agricultural
endeavors paid off. In like manner, a few
sheep, goats and cattle would have served as
an economic hedge. It would have been easy
enough to allow them to graze on the hillsides,
accompanied by a boy (see David’s occupation
in 1 Sam 16:11. A Mesopotamian
parallel to this practice is found in the Akkadian
word naqidu, a term used for a breeder of
cattle, sheep and goats.
7:14. caring for sycamore figs. The sycamore
figs (Ficus sycomorus L.) originated in east central
Africa and spread to Egypt and the Near
East by the Iron Age. The trees are capable of as
many as six crops per year. Since the fruit is inferior
to that of the common fig (Ficus carica L.),
the poor principally consume it. Date gardens
take up to twenty years to reach their full productive
potential. They require much attention
because they have to be pollinated by hand.
The care of the sycamore fig requires that the
fruit be gashed or pierced to encourage an increase
in ethylene gas that speeds the ripening
process. The knife used to gash the fruit is depicted
in Egyptian tomb paintings in Thebes.
AMOS 7:13—8:12
8:1-14
Ripe for Judgment
8:5. clash between economic and religious
concerns. As Nehemiah discovered several
centuries later in Persian-period Jerusalem,
the desire of merchants to conduct business
sometimes makes their compliance with religious
law and Sabbath regulations a matter
for complaint or even circumvention (see
comment on Neh 10:31. There were religious
festivals in surrounding cultures (see comment
on Ex 20:8-11, but only Israel was commanded
to obey the sabbath law and cease all
work (see comment on Ex 31:12-17. This restriction
on trade caused friction and apparently
contributed to corrupt business practices
as a way of “making up” the losses.
8:5. cheating in the market. Certainly, Amos’s
complaints against Israelite merchants are not
unique. For instance, the charge made against
merchants that they use false balances is
found in the Egyptian Instruction of Amenemope
and in a clause in the Babylonian wisdom
literature. Similarly, Hammurabi’s Code
contains a statement about bankers who “use
a light scale to measure the grain or the silver
that they lend and a heavy scale to measure
the grain or the silver that they collect.”
8:6. sweepings with the wheat. In their efforts
to squeeze as much profit as possible from
their holdings, grain merchants were cheating
the poor by selling the “husks” of the wheat.
A similar charge is made in the Egyptian Tale
of the Eloquent Peasant against those who “substitute
lesser for better goods.” The word
translated as “sweepings” occurs only here,
but it is related to the word “to fall” and reflects
the poorest quality or that which is left
over.
8:8. rising like the Nile. There is a threemonth
inundation cycle in the flow of the Nile
River (from August to October). The increase
in volume is the result of monsoon rains in
Ethiopia that swell the Nile and its tributaries.
Although the height of the inundation is irregular,
the Egyptians early in their history
learned to make efficient use, through irrigation
canals and other means, of whatever the
rise of the Nile brought to them.
8:9. sun go down at noon. Since a lunar or solar
eclipse was considered a portent of evil or the
anger of the gods in the ancient Near East,
there are many citations in the literature.
Among them is the prediction by the prophet
Balaam in the Deir ’Alla inscription that the divine
assembly has decided to “bring darkness
instead of light.” Priests of the moon god Sin in
Babylonian would wear torn garments and
sing dirges during an eclipse, and there are numerous
letters and omen texts in Babylonian
and Assyrian records referring to eclipses.
Many are written to kings either warning them
of a coming eclipse or assuring the monarch
that they will be kept informed of the likelihood
of coming occurrences. For biblical examples
see Joel 3:15 and Zechariah 14:6.
8:10. mourning practices. See comments on
Genesis 37:34-35; Leviticus 19:28; and Deuteronomy
14:1-2.
8:12. sea to sea. In their staggering search for
AMOS 8:12—9:6 774
water during the drought, the people will
search from one end of the kingdom to the
other. From “sea to sea” is used fairly often to
distinguish east and west (from the Mediterranean
in the west to the Dead Sea or Jordan
River) by the biblical writers (see Ps 72:8; Zech
9:10). A similar expression occurs in the Karatepe
inscription of the Aramean king Azitawada:
“from sunrise to sunset” (see Is 45:6 for
east to west or a sense of universality. Since it
is combined here with “north to east,” it is
possible that it defines the southern latitudinal
border of the northern kingdom.
8:12. north to east. The southern boundary
has been defined in the previous line, and the
western boundary is obvious. From Bethel
one could still search to the Galilee region to
the north, heading for places like Samaria or
Dan, and to the east, whether Beth Shan or the
Transjordan territory of Gilead.
8:14. shame/Ashima. While the uncertainty
with this word has led to its being translated
“shame,” it seems most likely that it is a reference
to the Syrian god Ashima (NIV note). This
deity’s title comes from the Aramaic for “the
name” and thus is a shorthand for any number
of the northwest Semitic gods and goddesses
(Baal, Anat, Astarte). Although official
introduction of the worship of Ashima does
not occur until after 722, this does not preclude
this god’s being worshiped in Samaria
before this time. Later evidence for worship of
Ashima comes from the Elephantine letters.
8:14. god of Dan. Since Jeroboam I had instituted
the worship of Yahweh at Dan by creating a
royal sanctuary there 1 Kings 12:28-30, it is
appropriate for Amos to refer to the god of
Dan. He is probably also referring to the golden
calf placed there by Jeroboam as a symbol of
Yahweh and as a substitute for the ark of the
covenant. Dan continued to have cultic significance
for many centuries. Evidence of this is
found in a late-third-century bilingual (Greek
and Aramaic) inscription that contained the
phrase “to the god who is in Dan.”
8:14. god of Beersheba. Amos now completes
his condemnation of false worship practices
among the Israelites by a reference to the
“way” of the “god” of Beersheba. “From Dan
to Beersheba” is a common phrase for the full
extent of the land Judg 20:1; 1 Sam 3:20, and
Amos uses it to demonstrate the universality
of Israelite apostasy (see Amos 5:5.
AMOS 8:12—9:6
9:1-15
Coming Destruction and
Restoration
9:1. tops of the pillars. In order to describe
how complete the coming destruction will be,
Amos again employs a merism. This time his
range is from the top to the bottom of the
shrine at Bethel, from the capital that decorates
the top of the pillars to the doorjamb (see
Zeph 2:14. It is possible to compare these
earth tremors to Isaiah’s call narrative Is 6:4,
but there it is just a reflection of God’s magisterial
presence. Ancient Near Eastern examples
of similar destruction mention walls,
gates, doors or doorjambs being smashed or
demolished (including the Gilgamesh Epic
and the inscription of Tukulti-Ninurta I).
9:2. grave/heaven contrast. Amos employs a
merism contrasting the cosmic distances between
heaven and the depths of Sheol (see Ps
139:8). The boasting of Mot in the Ugaritic
Hymn to Baal and Anat also provides this contrast
to the powers of the underworld or death
to that of heaven and life. In the ancient
world, heaven and the netherworld were not
considered to be “spiritual” places outside of
the cosmos. Rather, they represented the extreme
ends of the cosmos.
9:3. top of Carmel. As part of this series of
phrases warning the Israelites that they cannot
hide from God’s wrath, Amos uses the image
of the highest point within their nation.
Mount Carmel stands eighteen hundred feet
above sea level and is a commanding presence,
with dense forests and many caves that
some might presume to be excellent hideouts
(see the comment on Amos 1:2.
9:3. serpent in the bottom of the sea. From
the mountaintop to the bottom of the ocean,
there is no place to hide. Even at these depths,
God can command the sea serpent to do his
biding (compare Jon 1:17. The Israelites knew
well the tradition of Yahweh subduing the
great sea creatures (see comment on Ps 74:14
and 104:26). Similar contests of strength are
found in the Babylonian creation epic, Enuma
Elish, and the Egyptian hymn to the sun god,
Ra, who must repulse the dragon Apophis repeatedly
in order to complete his circuit
across the skies. For more information see
comments on Genesis 1:20; Exodus 7:1; and
Isaiah 27:1.
9:6. cosmic temple. Amos’s attempt to express
God’s complete control over all creation begins
with a multistoried or many-chambered
sanctuary or palace in the heavens (compare
Ps 78:69; Is 66:1. These “upper chambers”
bind together the vaults of heaven while at the
same time rest upon the waters (see Ps 104:3.
A precedent for these lofty chambers is found
in the Enuma Elish. It contains a description of
the building of the Esagila temple to Marduk
in Babylon in which the gods “built a
775 AMOS 9:7—OBADIAH 1:3
stage-tower as high as Apsu (waters above the
heavens).” In the biblical and ancient Near
Eastern view the cosmos was a temple and the
temple was a microcosmos.
9:7. Cushites. See the comment on Numbers
12:1 for a description of these people from ancient
Nubia in the Sudan south of Egypt.
9:7. Philistines from Caphtor. For a Philistine
connection with Caphtor (Crete), see the comment
on Jeremiah 47:4. Ezekiel 25:16 connects
them with another of the Sea People groups,
the Kerethites. See the comment on Deuteronomy
2:23 for their connection with the Avvites.
The prophet uses the universalism
theme to show God’s concerns for all nations.
The Philistines and Arameans, like the Israelites,
had been brought to Palestine, but Israel’s
covenant relationship with Yahweh now required
them to be singled out for punishment.
9:7. Arameans from Kir. Amos refers to Kir as
the homeland of the Aramean tribes here, but
2 Kings 16:9 speaks of Kir as the place where
the conquering Assyrians exiled the
Arameans after King Rezin was executed. Isaiah
22:6 seems to support this latter reference
since it speaks of Kir in relation to Elam, south
and east of the Tigris River. Assyrian records
from the reign of Tiglath-Pileser I (1115-1107)
speak of the migration of these tribes into Assyria
during the twelfth century. What Amos
may be doing here and in 1:5 is to point out
that just as the Arameans had been sent back
to their place of origin, God just as easily
could dispatch the Israelites from the land of
Canaan.
9:9. grain in a sieve. The work of processing
harvested grain included crushing the stalks
on the threshing floor with a sled, winnowing
(see Jer 4:11 and finally using a sieve to separate
the kernels of grain from small stones and
other debris. The sieve mentioned here (kebarah)
has large holes and works best when
shaken sideways and in a circular motion.
This ordinarily forces the debris to the sides
and allows the kernels to fall to the ground
where they can be collected (see Ecclus 27:4).
The initial NIV translation of s[eror was later
corrected from “kernel” to “pebble” to reflect
the true action of the sieve.
9:12. remnant of Edom. Amos employs the
phrase “the remnant of” two other times (1:8
for the Philistines and 5:15 for Joseph). In this
case he may be referring to a portion of the
territory of Edom rather than to all of it. King
Uzziah had captured the Edomite port at
Elath 2 Kings 14:22, and it has subsequently
been lost again in the reign of Ahaz (2 Kings
16:6) to the Syrians and Edomites. In this
eventual restoration of the Davidic kingdom,
Amos may have this valuable port city in
mind.
AMOS 9:7—OBADIAH 1:3
O B A D I A H
1. Edom. The principal theme of the book of
Obadiah is an indictment of Edom for its
crimes against Judah. This nation, located
south and east of the Dead Sea, has a mixed
tradition among the Israelites. Much as Jacob
and Esau, the traditional founders of the two
nations, had an ambivalent relationship, so
Edom is at times seen as a friend and ally
Deut 2:2-6; 2 Kings 3:9 and on other occasions
as a deadly enemy Num 20:14-21; Amos
1:11-15). During the period of the Neo-Assyrian
empire and the Neo-Babylonian empire
(734-586) Edom had been a vassal state. Most
likely Obadiah’s complaint against Edom relates
to its participation in the final destruction
of Jerusalem and the exile of its people by
Nebuchadnezzar of Babylon in 587-586 B.C.,
but records are unclear concerning the precise
role that Edom played.
1. envoy building coalition. When nations
went to war in the ancient Near East, it was
necessary to call on all covenant partners and
vassal states to send troops and supplies for a
combined effort. Messengers would be sent to
call on them to honor their treaty commitments
and conscript the specified number of
soldiers (seen in 1 Sam 11:3-4 and the reciprocal
defense pact found in the treaty between
Pharaoh Rameses II and the Hittite king Hattusilis
III). The Mari texts even describe the
practice of sending envoys to the temple of a
god to inform the deity of the military situation
and call on his aid in the coming conflict.
3. topography of Edom. The region of Edom
is a mountainous land, dominated by ridges
that extend from the Zered River south to the
Aqaba. The area is filled with mountain peaks
rising as much as fifty-seven hundred feet
OBADIAH 1:5-16 776
above sea level, sharp crags, caves and clefts
in which armies could hide. A number of
Edomite cities were also located in these nearly
inaccessible sites, such as Bosrah and the
rocky peak known as Umm el-Biyara in Petra,
which some identify with Sela.
5. significance of grapes. Edom was known
for its fine mountain-side vineyards. The destruction
of the country is likened to the double
despoilings of thieves and gleaners. What
the thieves or harvesters leave, the gleaners
will take. All that will remain is the rotten and
crushed fruit left on the ground.
6. Esau/Edom connection. The use of Esau interchangeably
with Edom is based on the understanding
of Esau as the ancestor of that
nation in Genesis 36:31-39 (see Mal 1:2-3.
There one finds a list of eight kings who
reigned in Edom prior to the establishment of
the Israelite monarchy.
OBADIAH 1:5-16 6. hidden treasures. This phrase occurs only
here in the Old Testament and cannot be adequately
translated because of its unusual formation
and the lack of additional use
elsewhere to help supply a context. Similar
words in Isaiah 45:3 and Jeremiah 49:10 provide
the basis for the current translation. What
is indicated by the text is the thoroughness of
the plundering of Edom. Secret treasuries
were known in the ancient world, but this was
especially appropriate to Edom, where, because
of the terrain, whole cities could be kept
secret.
7. breaches of international etiquette. Treaties
between nations, such as that between
Egypt and the Hittite empire (Rameses II and
Hattusilis III) or the Vassal Treaties of the seventh-
century B.C. Assyrian king Esarhaddon,
functioned as mutual defense pacts and required
the signatories to provide arms, information
and legal reciprocity. Edom is accused
here of a total breach in these agreements: refugees
have been forced back to their own borders
without any relief; nonaggression clauses
by covenant partners have been violated; and
hospitality customs, in which eating a meal
together is the basis of peace agreements (seen
in Ps 41:9 and phrases in Mari and El Amarna
texts referring to covenant meals), have been
completely ignored. The breaking of treaty
agreements when convenient or beneficial is
well attested in the ancient world. Examples
include Egypt’s failure to supply needed
troops to the Canaanite kings during the Amarna
period and the Babylonian king, Nabonidus,
breaking his treaty with the Medes in
order to make one with the Persians, whom he
considered a greater threat.
8. reputation of wisdom of Edom. The tradition
of Edomite wisdom can be somewhat
substantiated by the nation’s association with
Job (from Uz, which is considered by some to
be in Edom) and with Job’s friend Eliphaz the
Temanite. Living on the fringe of the northern
Arabian desert and benefitting from the caravan
trade and accessible copper deposits, it
may be that Edom was known for its business
acumen or diplomatic shrewdness (see the
parallel statement in Jer 49:7.
9. Teman. There is some difficulty in pinpointing
the exact location of the tribal territory of
Teman. Some scholars tie it to Bozrah, identified
as its capital city after the eighth century
B.C., and place Teman in the northern region
of Edom. However, a number of others, using
the references from the fourth-century A.D.
historian Eusebius, locate Teman in the southern
part of Edom and tie it to the ancient king
Husham Gen 36:34. The Kuntillet ’Ajrud inscriptions
also mention “Yahweh of Teman”
and suggest a southern location for this region.
In this passage it is synonymous with
the nation of Edom.
10. violence against Jacob. The fraternal relationship
between Edom/Esau and Jacob/
Judah is common in Obadiah (see comment
on v. 6) and thus does not have to denote a
treaty arrangement. This adds to the shock
and shame of violence done against a neighbor
with traditional kin ties. The word used
here for violence has a range of meaning, from
murder and rape to wickedness and bloodshed.
In this instance it serves as a “shock
term” to emphasize the degree of damage inflicted
and the justification for Edom’s punishment.
The Neo-Assyrian annals make similar
statements expressing anger and amazement
when a treaty partner revolts and military reprisal
becomes necessary.
11. casting lots for Jerusalem. The practice of
casting lots as part of the divination process in
Babylonia and Assyria is described in the
comment on Urim and Thummim in Exodus
28:30. The greed with which the invaders look
upon Jerusalem suggests visions of looting
and great wealth that will result from the
city’s destruction (see Is 17:14. Armies regularly
established criteria for the division of
spoils (seen in the penalties imposed on officers
in the Mari texts who fail to share this
wealth with their soldiers). Casting lots may
have been one method for distribution of
goods and slaves, since it implied divine intervention.
16. drinking on the holy hill. Edom initially
drank in celebration of Jerusalem’s fall along
with her allies. Ultimately, however, it will be
Edom, along with the nations who have par-
777 OBADIAH 1:19—JONAH 1:3
ticipated in Jerusalem’s destruction, who will
be forced to drink perpetually from Yahweh’s
“cup of wrath” (see Ps 75:8; Is 51:17; Jer
25:15-16).
19. territorial changes. What is envisioned
here is both retribution against Israel’s enemies
and the reclamation of all of Israel’s traditional
territories. Thus the Negev, synonymous
with the area around Beersheba and the
lower portion of the Dead Sea, would take
over the territory of Edom. The Shephelah, a
narrow ridge of land between the coastal
plain and the hill country, would expand into
the Philistine city-states. Ephraim and Samaria,
the region conquered by the Assyrians in
721, would be reclaimed by the people of
Judah. And, finally, Gilead in Transjordan
(stretching from the lower Galilee to the Arnon
River) would once again be ruled by Benjamin
(the tribal territory between Bethel and
Jerusalem).
20. Zarephath. Located on the coastal highway
between Tyre and Sidon in Phoenicia,
Zarephath is depicted as the restored Israel’s
northern border. A commercial center specializing
in the processing of purple dye and
manufacture of ceramics, this town is mentioned
in Egyptian records from the thirteenth
century and is included in the list of cities that
surrendered to the Assyrian king Sennacherib
in 701 (see 1 Kings 17:9.
20. Sepharad. Possible locations for this site
range from Spain to the Hesperides to western
Media. These identifications are based on
place names and some textual evidence from
the Neo-Assyrian period. However, the most
likely site for Sepharad is Sardis in western
Asia Minor. This was the Lydian capital during
the Persian period, and a bilingual inscription
found there names the city in Aramaic
with the same consonants as the Hebrew
name in Obadiah. This would be a very far
distance for exiles from Jerusalem to travel,
but the implication in the text is that even the
most distant would return to reclaim a portion
of the land.
OBADIAH 1:19—JONAH 1:3
J O N A H
1:1-17
Jonah’s Flight
1:1. chronology. Jonah is known from 1 Kings
14:25 as a prophet in the time of Jeroboam II
who reigned in the first half of the eighth century
B.C. (see comments on 2 Kings 14.
1:2. Nineveh. Nineveh is modern Tell Kuyunjik
located on the Tigris River some six hundred
miles upriver from the Persian Gulf in
north Iraq. In the eighth century Nineveh had
not yet entered its period of glory. At the beginning
of the seventh century Sennacherib
made this ancient cult center for the goddess
Ishtar the capital city and beautified and enlarged
it to nearly two thousand acres. Archaeologists
have successfully excavated
Sennacherib’s famous “palace without rival,”
which features wall reliefs depicting Sennacherib’s
siege of Lachish in Judah. The temple of
Ishtar that had been maintained by kings as
early as 2400 B.C. has also been identified. At
the time of Jonah it was one of the major metropolitan
areas in Assyria with a circumference
of a bit less than three miles.
1:2. Assyria and Israel in the first half of
the eighth century. Assyria had posed a
significant threat to Israel in the ninth century.
Israel had been part of the western coalition
that opposed Shalmaneser III’s
attempts to expand into the Mediterranean
region (see comment on 1 Kings 22:1. In
841 the Israelite king Jehu accepted Assyrian
control and paid tribute (see comment
on 2 Kings 10:34. In the intervening decades,
however, Assyria had weakened
considerably, and by the time of Jeroboam
II many decades had passed with no antagonism
from Assyria.
1:3. Tarshish. Tarshish was the farthest known
geographical point. While its exact location is
unknown, most believe it was in southern
Spain, though some have favored Carthage in
north Africa. We can be certain that it was a
port in the western Mediterranean known for
its trade in exports.
1:3. Joppa. Joppa is located just south of modern
Tel Aviv on the Mediterranean. This harbor
town is mentioned in Egyptian and
Phoenician texts as well as texts from Canaan
(the Amarna tablets). During the monarchy
period it was often under the control of the
Philistine city Ashkelon.
1:3. ship. Merchant ships were of various sizes
and averaged a speed of two to four knots. In
Solomon’s day the ships going to Tarshish
JONAH 1:3—2:6 778
would not return for three years. A ship of this
size would have had a crew of less than a dozen.
Cargo typically consisted of grain, wine
and olive oil.
1:3. fare. From the language used many have
concluded that the fare Jonah paid hired the
whole ship for his use. Whether or not this is
the case, the fare would have been substantial.
1:5. each cried to his own god. Patron deities
were rarely cosmic deities, so the sailors
would not have thought that their personal or
family gods had sent the storm. In the polytheistic
context of the ancient world, one
could generally identify divine activity with
confidence, but it was another matter altogether
to discover which god was acting and
why. The sailors call out to their gods in the
hope that one of their patron deities might be
able to exert some influence on whichever god
has become disturbed enough to send the
storm. They are calling out for assistance, not
in repentance. The more contacts made the
better, so the captain awakes Jonah so that he
could also call upon his patron deity.
1:7-10. lots. Although the casting of lots was
sometimes used to allow the deity to communicate,
in many instances they were considered
more like flipping a coin or drawing
straws. As a result the lots were not cast here
to determine who was guilty, but to decide
who would be first to volunteer information
about themselves that might expose an offense
against the gods. It is understandable
that no one would be eager to go first. For the
casting of lots, each individual brought an
identifiable marker. The markers were placed
in a container, which was shaken until one of
the markers came out.
JONAH 1:3—2:6 1:9. cosmic deity. Jonah’s reply to their questions
identifies only his ethnic association
(Hebrew) and the God he serves. Most significant
is his description of the Lord as a cosmic,
creator deity—just the type of God who
would be capable of sending such a storm.
1:10. he had already told them. He had told
them earlier that he was fleeing from his God,
but that had not concerned them—that was
his problem and probably not all that uncommon.
Their terror now increases as they realize
that Jonah’s flight from a cosmic deity has
put them all in jeopardy of suffering the wrath
of Jonah’s god.
1:11-16. what shall we do? The sailors’ next
question concerns appeasement. In the religious
thinking of the ancient world the people
rarely thought in terms of repentance, because
the motivations of the gods could not easily be
discerned. Since the gods were neither moral
nor consistent, their anger might be entirely
whimsical and their acts of punishment arbitrary
or childish. Therefore worshipers sought
to appease the gods’ anger. Different gods
might be appeased in different ways, so Jonah
is consulted.
1:12. throw me into the sea. The men are reluctant
to follow Jonah’s advice because they
believed that deities were protective of the
lives of their worshipers. Putting Jonah to
death by throwing him in might expose them
to the retributive vengeance of Jonah’s God.
1:16. offered sacrifice. When the sea grows
calm, the men respond with worship. The sacrifice
was most likely a grain offering, probably
not burnt on a wooden ship but perhaps
thrown into the sea. Alternatively (since all
the cargo had been jettisoned) the text may refer
to a sacrifice that was made on their return
to dry land (there would be no point in continuing
on to Tarshish).
1:16. made vows. Vows in the Old Testament
and in the ancient world typically concerned
sacrifice. For instance, the sailors may have
vowed to offer a memorial sacrifice of some
sort to Yahweh each year on the anniversary
of this event. The vows acknowledged that
the sailors had experienced an act of divine
power. The text in no way suggests that they
had abandoned their gods and accepted the
monotheistic faith in Yahweh. Acknowledging
the power of one god did not preclude the
worship of others.
1:17. great fish. Jonah was swallowed by what
the text designates a “large fish”—probably
the most general description that could be offered.
There is nothing to settle the question of
whether it was technically fish or mammal,
because Hebrew would use this term for any
sea creature. Species identification is therefore
impossible. Although studies could be done
on gullet sizes of various species that regularly
inhabit the Mediterranean, the text’s insistence
on the Lord’s direct involvement
suggests that we should not expect that there
was anything regular or ordinary about the
fish. In the beliefs of the ancient world, large
sea creatures represented the forces of chaos
that were overcome by the creator deity in the
act of creation. Here, as always, Yahweh is
portrayed as in complete control of the sea
creatures—this one is simply doing his bidding.
2:1-10
Jonah’s Prayer of Thanksgiving
2:1-6. Jonah’s prayer. This prayer may have
been a well-known hymn or a piece adapted
from known material. The fish is not men-
779 JONAH 2:7—3:5
tioned and the threat of the waters is a common
metaphor in hymnic material. The sea
was considered a threatening realm of chaos,
and only death could be expected there. However
intimidating the fish may have been,
Jonah understood it as the Lord’s deliverance.
2:7-10. Jonah’s relationship to the Lord.
God’s presence was in the temple, so Jonah’s
prayer reaches him there. Though Jonah is
aware of his disobedience, he still considers
himself loyal to the Lord. He has not taken up
idol worship.
jonah 2:7—3:5 2:9. Jonah’s vow. The prayer does not specify
what it is that Jonah has vowed, but most
vows in the ancient world concerned rituals to
be performed. Leviticus speaks of vow offerings
in its description of the various sacrifices
(see comments on Lev 3:1-5 and 27:2-13). With
no further specification of the nature of the
vow, it is likely that Jonah would fulfill his
vow with a sacrifice of thanksgiving. There is
no indication that he vowed to obey by going
willingly to Nineveh. In a hymn to Shamash
the sun god is identified as the one who saves
those who are surrounded by mighty waves
and accepts libations in return.
3:1-10
Jonah and the Ninevites
3:1-4. went to Nineveh. The journey to Nineveh
from Joppa (where we assume the fish
left Jonah) was about 550 miles. Caravans
usually traveled twenty to twenty-five miles a
day to make the trip in about a month.
3:3. large city. The size of Nineveh is expressed
in terms of the time that it would take
Jonah to carry out his assignment. He is not
circling the circumference of the walls but going
to all the public places in the city to make
his proclamation. His itinerary would have included
many of the dozen gate areas as well
as several of the temple areas. There would
have been certain times during the day when
significant announcements could be made.
3:4. Jonah’s message. Jonah’s message is one
of impending judgment, as is common for a
prophet. We should not confuse a prophetic
role with a missionary role. The prophet in the
ancient world had the task of conveying whatever
message God gave him for a particular
audience. The missionary has the task of conveying
God’s message of salvation given to
everyone. The prophet’s message was rarely
as pleasant as the missionary’s. In Jonah’s
message there is no hint of a call to repentance
or a call to put away their false gods. There is
no instruction concerning what God wants of
them nor indictment of their evil deeds. There
are no conditional offers made. The prophet in
the ancient world did not come to deliver a
comprehensive theology or to convert to a
particular religious worldview. He came to
deliver a message from God.
3:4. prophets in ancient Near East. Prophecy
was well known in the ancient world, so this
kind of situation would not be foreign to the
Assyrians. There are a number of references to
Assyrian prophets and their messages in documents
from the time of Ashurbanipal about a
century after Jonah. Prophets served as official
or unofficial advisors to the king. In the
prophecies preserved in the time of Ashurbanipal,
the messages are consistently positive,
affirming the king’s actions, decisions and
policies. Earlier examples from Mari in the
eighteenth century B.C. were more often negative
but still show the prophets as offering
messages to the king.
3:5-10. believing prophecy. The Ninevites believed
that Jonah’s message was a message
from a god who was likely to do as he threatened.
That conclusion would have been
reached by comparing Jonah’s message to the
message of the omens. Omens were observations
made in the natural world that were believed
to be related to what the gods were
doing in the historical realm. One of the most
common opportunities to observe omens was
by examining the entrails of animals that were
sacrificed daily. The configurations of organs
such as the kidney or liver were believed to
give favorable or unfavorable omens. Other
omens were recorded from the behavior of animals,
the flight of birds, the movements of the
heavenly bodies and many other phenomena.
If omens had been unfavorable for a few days
or weeks prior to Jonah’s proclamation, the
people would have readily accepted the truth
of his message. If sacrifices were offered and
the entrails verified an impending doom,
Jonah’s word would be taken very seriously.
3:5. reception of foreigner’s prophecy. It
would not have mattered that Jonah was an
outsider representing another country or another
deity. The polytheistic beliefs of the ancient
world allowed for hundreds of gods, any
of whom might be capable of impacting their
lives for good or ill. Foreign delegations
would at times have included prophetic personnel
so that the favor or disfavor of the major
deities involved could be expressed
concerning any negotiations. If the Ninevites’
own divinations had supported Jonah’s message,
they would have had no reason to suspect
treachery or hoax. The fact that he was a
foreigner would have served as evidence of
the truth of his message, for why would some-
JONAH 3:5—MICAH 1:1 780
one have traveled all this distance unless impelled
by deity? Remember that Jonah did not
ask them to change religions, nor did he seek
to dethrone their national god.
3:5-10. response. The response of the Ninevites
is both typical and atypical. It is atypical
in that there is little evidence for fasting as a
religious response in the practice of Assyrians
or Babylonians. There are examples of
the king donning sackcloth “as befitting a
penitent sinner” (Esarhaddon, Ashurbanipal).
The usual approach would be to try to appease
deity by the performance of certain rituals
(sacrifices, libations, etc.) or by incantations
to prevent the deity from acting. It is
therefore likely that the Ninevites were trying
an Israelite approach to responding to divine
anger. What is typical is that they were
trying to appease the angered deity. They
had no idea what had angered Yahweh, but
any inquiry into Israelite religion would
have revealed that their God was interested
in justice and that repentance of injustice featured
fasting and sackcloth, which did regularly
accompany mourning. Their rituals
(sackcloth and fasting) and their ethical reforms
show that they took Jonah seriously
but do not offer evidence of conversion. The
polytheism of Assyria would have had no
conception of monotheism, covenant or law.
The only conversion known in this system
was the shuffling of the gods in the pantheon.
The Ninevites did not get rid of their
idols, nor did they show any inclination to
replace their gods with Yahweh of Israel. To
recognize a god’s power was not the same as
to accept him as your one and only god.
3:6. arose from his throne. In Assyria when an
omen or prophecy suggested the king was in
danger, it was common for a substitute king to
be appointed. This individual would sit on the
royal throne and wear the royal robes. Meanwhile,
the king would engage in acts of purification.
Often, after an appropriate time, the
substitute king would be killed. It was hoped
that this would divert the danger from the
king. In this text there is no mention of a substitute,
but the king’s actions might reflect that
this procedure was being used.
3:8. beasts covered with sackcloth. The dressing
of the animals in sackcloth (a coarse material
made of goat’s hair) further expresses the
Ninevites’ lack of understanding of Israel’s
God. Even animals might offend deity, so they
must be included in the appeasement ritual.
JONAH 3:5—MICAH 1:1
4:1-11
The Object Lesson
4:1-4. Jonah’s anger. Jonah is angry that the
Lord has so easily capitulated to the pagan
tactics of appeasement. He is embarrassed
and theologically scandalized that Yahweh
should offer compassion so readily, for this
suggests that Yahweh can be bought. The
Ninevites would view him no differently from
their own gods.
4:5-9. vine and worm. The plant that brings
Jonah shade is described by a general term
usually associated with the gourd family. As
with the fish, the terminology does not allow a
more specific identification. The insect that
destroys the gourd plant is most likely of the
aphid variety.
4:8. scorching east wind. The east wind here
would not be a h[amsin (or sirocco) because
then the sun would not be a factor. The east
wind was a problem in Palestine because of
the desert to the east, but for Nineveh an east
wind would often result in rain. Here it is a
particular type of east wind (NIV: “scorching”),
but this word is used only here so it is
difficult to understand precisely.
4:11. population of Nineveh. Assyrian scholars
have estimated the population of Nineveh
(city and surrounding countryside) when it
was the capital city at about three hundred
thousand, so the hundred and twenty thousand
here for an earlier period is not implausible.
M I C A H
1:1-16
Judgment Coming to Samaria and
Jerusalem
1:1. Moresheth. Located approximately six
miles northeast of Lachish in the Shephelah,
Moresheth (Tell el-Judeideh, about twenty
miles southwest of Jerusalem) would have
been one of the suburbs of the Philistine city
of Gath (Tell es-Safi). After the establishment
781 MICAH 1:1-10
of David’s kingdom, it served, along with Lachish,
Adullam and Mareshah, as a fortified
center 2 Chron 11:8. All of these sites, along
with “countless” villages, were destroyed by
Sennacherib’s Assyrian army in 701 B.C.
1:1. chronology. Since the editor gives us the
names of the kings of Judah who reigned during
Micah’s ministry as a prophet, we can date
this material to the last half of the eighth century.
Micah’s first oracle Mic 1:2-7, which
deals with Israel’s northern capital of Samaria,
would date to just prior to that city’s destruction
by the Assyrians in 722 B.C.
1:3. treading the high places of the earth. The
sense of majesty inherent to a theophany is
magnified here by the impression of Yahweh
“coming” from his “dwelling place.” The
power implicit in “treading on” is used very
often of vanquishing enemies Deut 33:29; Ps
108:13). However, in this case the image is of
God displaying control over creation, using
the earth’s mountains as stepping stones
Amos 4:13. A similar image is created of the
swift, mountain-hopping movements of the
divine messengers in the Ugaritic Epic of Baal
and Anath. Cities were typically built on hills
because of their natural defensibility, and
armies chose hills as strategic points of control.
The metaphor of treading on the heights
therefore also speaks of victory and security.
1:5. Samaria. It was Omri who built Samaria
and established it as the capital of the northern
kingdom, Israel, early in the ninth century.
About twelve miles west of the previous capital,
Tirzah, the city is located at an important
crossroads with easy access to the Jezreel Valley
to the north, Shechem to the southeast and
the coast to the west. It is near both major
north-south routes that run west of the Jordan.
The excavations at the site have uncovered
what is believed to be Omri’s palace on
the acropolis as well as parts of the wall separating
the acropolis from the lower city. The
wall was about five feet thick and built using
the finest masonry of the day (ashlar stones
set in a trench using headers and stretchers).
Ahab improved the fortifications by adding a
casemate wall over thirty feet thick.
1:6. the fall of Samaria. The Assyrian sources
describe the “ravaging” of Samaria (c. 724-721
B.C.), which may have denoted the entire land.
Some archaeological evidence for the destruction
has been found at the Israelite city of
Shechem. This accords with the typical Assyrian
strategy of wasting the territory of a particular
state and then surrounding the main
city, which had now been cut off from its resources.
Both Sennacherib and Nebuchadnezzar
II used this policy against Jerusalem. The
three-year siege of Samaria shows that it was
heavily fortified, for the Assyrians were unmatched
in siege warfare. The city fell in 722/
721. Although Shalmaneser III is given credit
for the conquest of Samaria in the Bible, his
successor Sargon II claimed the very same in
the Assyrian annals. Sargon also claims to
have rebuilt the city.
1:6. pouring stones into the valley. The forcefulness
of Yahweh’s wrath against Samaria is
compared to the destructiveness of earthquakes.
Since cities were typically built on
hills, the destruction of a city wall was accomplished
by pulling down the stone walls into
the valley around.
1:7. temple gifts. Many temple gifts would
have been given in exchange for the services
of the sacred prostitutes (see comments on
Deut 23:17-18. These gifts could have been
silver or gold (which could, in turn, be used in
the manufacture of idols) or grain or animal
gifts. Alternatively, however, Micah, like Hosea
Hos 4:10-15, may simply be equating
idolatry with harlotry. Supporting the false
worship at the idolatrous temples would be
an act of unfaithfulness to Yahweh. The idols
which have been worshiped in this shrine are
to be destroyed along with their worshipers,
and the looting of the temple will provide its
conquerors with the wealth to continue their
devastating path.
1:8. barefoot and naked. There are a number
of mourning rituals employed in the ancient
Near East. Some require sacrifices, like those
attested in the Ebla tablets, and are part of the
royal cult of the dead. In other cases, constant
weeping and lamenting mark the acts of
mourners (as evidenced in the Ugaritic Epic of
Keret). When mourners tear Lam 2:10 or
strip away their clothing and footwear (compare
Isaiah’s enacted prophecy in Is 20:2, they
are putting aside their former status, signifying
defeat (compare the restriction against
mourning in Ezek 24:17. In this way they acknowledge,
as Job does, that they came into
this world naked Job 1:21.
MICAH 1:1-10 1:8. jackal and owl. The choice of animal voices
here are those often heard in the wilderness
and wastelands Is 34:13; Jer 50:39; “prophecy
of Balaam” from Deir ’Alla). Both make a
piercing sound that would chill the soul and
hint of death (note the use of the jackal as an
image for the Egyptian god Anubis, whose responsibilities
were for the dead and for
tombs).
1:10-15. itinerary. All of the sites listed in these
verses are in western Judah, in the hill region
known as the Shephelah. Sennacherib’s report
of his campaign offers detailed information
MICAH 1:13—2:5 782
about the Philistine battles, but little about the
Shephelah. In the Philistine account, Eltekeh,
Timnah and Ekron are named. This would
mean the army was poised just a few miles
north of Gath as it prepared to go into Judah.
If Micah 1 represents a line of march, it would
suggest that the Assyrians came south
through Gath and took the road that passes a
couple of miles west of Lachish (the most
prominent fortress of the region), then circled
around to the south in order to come at Lachish
from the southeast. After Lachish, the
route heads northeast toward Jerusalem, with
only Mareshah out of order. What is suggested
is widespread devastation throughout the
Shephelah region. Archaeological surveys
have identified a reduction in the number of
occupied sites in the region from nearly three
hundred in the early eighth century to less
than fifty in the seventh century. The population
was likewise reduced to less than fifteen
percent of what it had been. Gath is probably
located at Tell es-Safi. Many of the city names
are used for word play unique to this text:
Beth Ophrah (meaning “dust”), Shaphir
(“horn”; site unknown, though speculated to
be Tell ’Eitun), Beth Ezel (“standing place”; location
unknown), Zaanan (“she comes out”;
possibly the Zenan of the Lachish area in Josh
15:37) and Maroth (“bitter”; site unknown).
Lachish is the most important of the cities in
this itinerary and will be discussed separately.
Moresheth Gath is Micah’s home village and
is probably to be identified with Tell el-Judeideh
(see comment on 1:1). It is in the center of
a ten-mile radius in which all of these sites appear
to be located. The pun on its name suggests
the flight of its citizens. Aczib (possibly
Tel el-Beida, northeast of Lachish) is compared
to a “failed stream,” which here equates
with a fortress that failed to serve the king’s
defensive line. Mareshah, northeast of Lachish,
is punned with the word meaning “heir,”
suggesting a country without a future. Adullam
(Tell esh-Sheik Madhkur) similarly lacks a
future in the face of the enemy assault.
1:13. Lachish. Dominating the Shephelah and
western Judah, Lachish served as the center
point of the defensive line of the kings of
Judah. Located midway between Jerusalem
and the Philistine city states, Lachish guarded
the major roads from the coast inland. Its site,
Tell ed-Duweir, shows evidence of occupation
from the Chalcolithic Period, with massive
construction of city defenses and an impressive
city gate in the Middle Bronze II (as a major
Canaanite city) and Iron II (as the western
bastion established after the division of the
kingdoms; 2 Chron 11:5-10. Despite its commanding
position (a tell 150 feet high), the city
fell after a siege by the Assyrian king Sennacherib
in 701 (Annals of Sennacherib; for more
information see 2 Chron 32:9. Graphic evidence
of the ferocity of this siege are found in
Assyrian reliefs from the royal palace at Nineveh
depicting the events and the remains of a
massive siege ramp on the southwest corner
of the tell. A mass burial, with approximately
fifteen hundred bodies, may also be a result of
the fall of the city. Written records of a later
siege by the Babylonian king Nebuchadnezzar
in 586 also exist in the form of twenty-one
ostraca letters that were discovered in a
guardroom in the city gate. They describe the
desperate situation of the defenders as they
take note of the extinguishing of the signal
fires from neighboring towns.
1:16. shaved heads. There are several rituals
associated with mourning, including tearing
one’s clothing, cutting oneself (see the comment
on Lev 19:28, fasting (see the comment
on 2 Sam 12:16 and casting dirt or ashes in
one’s hair (see the comment on 2 Sam 13:19.
Shaving the hair also functions as a sign of
mourning Jer 41:5 as well as a part of purification
rituals Lev 14:8-9; Num 6:9. For instance,
Assyrian priests were shaved at the
time of their installation. Similarly a man portraying
himself as a doctor in The Poor Man of
Nippur (Sultantepe Tablets) shaves his head.
This may be associated with purifying himself
or because of the physician’s repeated contact
with the diseased and dying.
MICAH 1:13—2:5
2:1-13
Injustice and False Prophecy
2:2. seized property. The acquisition of property
by oppressing the poor and weak violates
both the law against coveting as well as the injunction
not to violate the covenantal division
of the land to each Israelite household after
the conquest. Despite these laws, the mounting
debt of small landowners and the political
power exercised by large landowners led to
abuses (see comment on Is 5:8, which are
mentioned in Egyptian wisdom literature (Instruction
of Amenemope).
2:5. assembly of the Lord. See the comment
on Deuteronomy 23:1-8 for this technical term
for the group of men enfranchised to make decisions
within the Israelite community and to
serve in the military.
2:5. dividing the land by lot. When the father
of a family died, the landholdings were divided
among the sons by lot. The Eshnunna
Laws, the Hammurabi Code and the Middle
Assyrian Laws all make reference to this situa-
783 MICAH 2:11—4:10
tion. Texts from Tell Sifr specifically mention
dividing the estate by lot. Here Micah suggests
that the one who has oppressively accumulated
landholdings will have no one to
pass them on to.
2:11. acceptance of optimistic prophets. In
Assyria, prophets were expected to be supportive
of the king and his policies. Israelite
prophets tended to be more counterculture
and more often than not were critical of the
reigning kings. As Jeremiah 28:8-9 notes, the
people are to be wary of “the prophet who
prophesies peace.” The role of prophets in ancient
Israel is to provide reproof and warning
to the people when they violate their covenant
obligations. This differs from ancient Near
Eastern prophets, such as those mentioned in
the Mari texts, who generally concern themselves
with cultic violations (failure to make a
sacrifice or build a promised temple) or with
matters of warfare.
3:1-12
Corrupt Leaders
3:2-3. cannibal analogy. The rapacious nature
of the leaders and judges of Judah is compared
to a cannibalistic feast in which the people
fall victim to the economic knives and
voracious appetite of these corrupt officials.
The realistic aspects of preparing the flesh and
cracking the bones for their marrow may well
be based on the necessities of survival during
famines or military sieges (see comment on
2 Kings 6:29.
3:5-7. unsuccessful prophets. A failed or unsuccessful
prophet is one who no longer receives
any communication from God (see the
“famine” of God’s words in Amos 8:11-12.
This has been brought about by the greed of
the prophets who sell their deceptive prophecies
rather than speaking them freely in response
to God’s prompting. The commercialization
of prophetic speech assures
“peace” or prosperity for the merchants and
the nobility who give the prophets “bread”
and brings down threats of ruin, allegorized
here as “war,” on those who fail to bribe them.
Micah, who was not a member of the prophetic
guild, but, like Amos, simply a man chosen
by God to speak Amos 7:1-15, replaces their
failed rituals and divinatory practices with the
true word of God. Prophets of this period in
Assyria were often in the employ of the royal
court and were expected to support the legitimacy
of the regime. We would use the expression
that it was important for them to
recognize which side their bread was buttered
on.
3:12. plowed like a field. An area had to be totally
cleared of debris in order to be plowed
and planted. This metaphor demonstrates
how completely the city and its foundations
would be destroyed. The armies of Assyria
will plow the city, returning it to its original
state as cultivated land (compare Is 5:6. While
this did not occur in his lifetime, Jeremiah
takes up the oracle, and it is quoted by the elders
at his trial Jer 26:18, demonstrating that
the predictions of the prophets were compiled
and studied.
MICAH 2:11—4:10
4:1—5:15
Days Near and Far
4:3. swords into plowshares. Rather than
“plowshares” that turn over the dirt as they
plow, this may refer to the metal tip of the
plow that breaks up the earth and scratches
out a furrow. This tip is about seven inches
long. However, this same Hebrew word is
used in 2 Kings 6:5, where it appears to refer
to some sort of axe. Since the sword is “broken
up,” it is possible that the resulting product is
metal shards that could be put to various uses.
4:4. own vine and fig. Vineyards and fig trees
were the basic elements of the diet and economy
of the village culture of ancient Israel, and
their loss would devastate the people (Joel
1:6-7). The idyllic image of peace and prosperity
in the ancient Near East is to be able to sit
under one’s own vine and fig tree. Egyptian
tomb paintings, Assyrian reliefs and the biblical
writers commonly use the phrase to refer
to a people who control their own lives, without
foreign interference, and are able to cultivate
the land which the gods/God has given
to them 1 Kings 4:25; Is 36:16. The vine and
fig provided some shade as well as fruit, and
enjoying them indicated some long-term prospects
as each took several years to become
productive.
4:8. watchtower/stronghold. Although Migdal
Eder (NIV: “watchtower of the flock”) is a
place name elsewhere Gen 35:21, it is paralleled
in this context with Ophel, a section of
the old city of David on the eastern hill of the
city of Jerusalem. As such, both images are of
a citadel or watchtower protecting the “flock”
and serving as a rallying point from which
God’s eventual restoration of the nation and
the people will occur (compare the opposite
image in Is 32:14. If the term refers to an actual
citadel tower, it could be the central tower
of the Ophel (the citadel or the hill it was on)
in Jerusalem (daughter of Zion).
4:10. Babylon. It would have been more logical
in Micah’s day if he had assigned Ashur or
MICAH 4:12—5:6 784
Nineveh as the place of exile. But prophecy is
not always logical. In Micah’s time, the
Neo-Assyrian empire, under the Sargonid rulers,
Sargon II and Sennacherib, was the most
powerful political network the world had ever
seen. It stretched across the Near East and
would eventually even include Egypt for a
short time. The ravaging army of Sennacherib
was responsible for destroying many towns
and villages in Judah during his two invasions,
and the Assyrian reliefs even depict
captives being taken away from Lachish. During
this period, Babylonia and its Chaldean
rulers were subjected, just like all other nation
states, by the Assyrians. However, they, like
the Medes in western Iran, periodically tested
the Assyrian hegemony with revolts or by attempting
to subvert Assyria’s allies and vassal
states. Particularly troublesome was Merodach-
Baladan, who ousted Assyrian rulers of
Babylon on at least two occasions. Finally in
689 B.C. Sennacherib sacked the city and assumed
the title of king of Babylon. Shortly after
660, as the Assyrian empire began to
crumble, Babylonia and Media combined to
put even greater pressure on the last of the
great Assyrian kings, Ashurbanipal. His death
in 627 marked the end of Assyrian world
power and the emergence of Nebuchadnezzar
and the Neo-Babylonian empire.
4:12. sheaves to the threshing floor. One of
the principal agricultural installations in the
village culture throughout the ancient Near
East was the threshing floor. Sheaves of grain
were brought to this central location, where
they would be threshed and winnowed. Because
of the importance of agriculture and fertility,
the threshing floor was often a place of
ritual importance. Threshing floors were
large, flat, open areas and certainly could have
been useful for other purposes besides threshing.
It is no surprise, therefore, that it should
double as an open-air facility when space constraints
or the desire for public visibility rendered
the palace facilities inadequate. Consequently
it became a place of assembly where
legal as well as business transactions could be
finalized. In the Ugaritic Epic of Aqhat, the
king, Danil, publicly judges cases at the
threshing floor outside the gate of his city. It
was a place where the good was separated
from the bad.
4:13. horns of iron, hooves of bronze. Although
there are no direct references to animals
pulling a threshing sled in the biblical
text (see, however, comment on 2 Sam 24:22,
Micah is clearly describing standard operations
at a threshing floor. Egyptian tomb
paintings depict oxen and donkeys pulling a
sled weighted with pieces of flint and metal
over the grain, and this custom is still followed
by farmers in the Middle East. There is
also some evidence for metal shoes being attached
to the feet of these animals to more efficiently
cut the stalks of grain.
5:1. strike on the cheek with a rod. To be
struck on the cheek is generally considered a
gesture of contempt (see 1 Kings 22:24; Job
16:10). Hammurabi’s Code provides for a variety
of punishments for the person who strike
others on the cheek—from flogging and mutilation
to stiff fines. Striking Judah’s “judge”
implies both the contempt of the nations as
well as the impotence of Judah’s ruler to respond.
In the New Year festival (akitu) that
was practiced in both Assyria and Babylon,
the priest slapped the king on the cheek in a
ritual that led to the king claiming he was innocent
of injustice.
MICAH 4:12—5:6 5:2. Bethlehem. The double place name Bethlehem
Ephrathah reflects a tribal distinction
within the Bethlehem community and also reinforces
the tie to David’s family (see comments
on Ruth 1:1; 1 Sam 16:4; 17:12). Linking
the future messianic king to the origins of
David’s household rather than to Jerusalem
recalls how David was chosen directly by Yahweh
as king and breaks with the hereditary
succession pattern. This suggests the expectation
of a new David.
5:2. ruler with origins from ancient times.
Most of the Neo-Assyrian kings claimed that
their kingship had been ordered by the gods
from days of yore. Ashurbanipal claimed to
have been created by Ashur and Ninlil and
proclaimed king since the days of yore by
Ashur and Sin, created for kingship in the
womb of his mother.
5:5. Assyrian invasion. The Assyrians invaded
Judah in 713 (though the major objective of
the campaign was Philistia) and in 701 under
Sennacherib. This text more likely discusses
the latter invasion. For detailed information see
the sidebar in 2 Chronicles 32. Shepherds usually
refer to kings, so the seven/eight may refer
to the coalition that is expected to be
organized against the invasion. Sennacherib’s
inscriptions mention Sidon, Ashkelon and Ekron
(with help from Egypt and Nubia) as being
fought and conquered. Other city-states
and territories submitted and paid tribute (Arvad
and Byblos in the north, and Ashdod,
Ammon, Moab and Edom in the south). It is
unclear how many of these may have actually
been part of the anti-Assyrian coalition.
5:6. land of Nimrod. Nimrod, the “mighty
hunter before the LORD,” only appears in Genesis
10:8-11 (see comment there), in the period
785 MICAH 5:12—6:5
before the flood. There he is identified as the
founder of many Mesopotamian cities, including
Babylon and Nineveh, so he appropriately
represents any Mesopotamian empire.
5:12. witchcraft. Literally thousands of texts
have been uncovered that deal with magic, including
incantations that help alleviate the
pain of a toothache, help a baby that is stuck
in the womb and help a mother who was barren.
It appears that the common person hired
an incantation priest for even the most mundane
problem. The priest then came and recited
a spell to either exorcise a problematic
demon or other divine irritant. Certainly then
they would resort to incantation priests to try
to avoid disasters that were either portended
or threatened. Incantations were intended to
magically bind the supernatural powers that
posed a threat. Magical and divinatory practices
were common in Mesopotamia and
Egypt, where exorcists, diviners and magicians
were fixtures at court, interpreting
omens and performing rituals. In addition to
these professional practitioners, there were
sorcerers who performed malevolent forms of
magic. The biblical text outlaws both, since
their work invoked deities other than Yahweh
and attempted to manipulate the divine.
5:13. sacred stones. Standing stones or
mas@s@ebot were apparently a common feature of
Canaanite religion and also appear as memorials
in a number Israelite covenantal contexts
(see Ex 24:3-8; Josh 24:25-27. Their association
with Asherah, Baal and other Canaanite deities
are the basis for their being condemned as
a rival and threat to Yahweh worship. Archaeologists
have discovered sacred stones at
Gezer, Shechem, Dan, Hazor and Arad. In the
latter three cases they are clearly within a sacred
precinct and part of the cultic practices at
these sites. The Hazor stones include incised
representations of upraised arms and a sun
disk.
5:14. Asherah poles. Asherah can be either the
name of a fertility goddess or the name of a
cult object (as here). The goddess was popular
in the religious deviations in Israel and was
sometimes considered a consort of Yahweh.
An indication of this belief is found in the inscriptions
from Kuntillet Ajrud and Khirbet
el-Qom. In Canaanite mythology she was the
consort of the chief god, El. She appears in
Mesopotamian literature as early as the eighteenth
century, where she is consort of the
Amorite god Amurru. The cult symbol may or
may not have born a representation of the deity
on it. The pole may represent an artificial
tree, since Asherah is often associated with sacred
groves. Sometimes the cult object can be
made or built, while on other occasions it is
planted. We have little information of the
function of these poles in ritual practice. The
writer of Kings points to the veneration of
Asherah poles as one of several reasons for
Assyria’s conquest of Israel (see comment on
2 Kings 17:10. The reforms of Hezekiah and
Josiah both attempted to outlaw these images
sacred to the Canaanite goddess Asherah.
MICAH 5:12—6:5
6:1-16
God’s Lawsuit
6:1-2. court case of covenant violation. Using
treaty formulas and terminology from ancient
Near Eastern treaties, such as that negotiated
between Rameses II and Hattusilis III, the
rib-pattern or covenant lawsuit is found in
most of the Hebrew prophets (see Is 1:2-4; Jer
2:4-9). As in this case, all of creation is called to
witness Israel’s violation of the covenant with
Yahweh (see comment on Is 1:2, and a judgment
is declared justifying the punishment of
God’s covenant partner.
MICAH 6:5-11 6:5. Balak/Balaam. The prophet calls to mind
for his audience the famous incident when a
foreign nation and a renowned seer are
thwarted. Instead of the requested curse, a
blessing is pronounced over Israel. In Numbers
22:6 Balaam is said to be a man whose
blessings and curses are effective. He was
from the region of upper Mesopotamia, near
Carchemish, and had an international reputation
as a true prophet. Balak was the king of
Moab at the time of the Exodus. His interest in
Balaam seems to be based on his ability to invoke
blessings or curses—no matter which
god he called upon. In 1967, a Dutch archaeological
expedition, led by H. J. Franken, discovered
some inscribed pieces of plaster at a
site in Jordan known as Deir ’Allah. Apparently
written in Aramaic, the fragments date
to about 850 B.C., and they mention Balaam
son of Beor, the same figure described as a
“seer” in Numbers 22—24. Although the text
is very fragmentary, with many breaks and
uncertain words, it can be established that (1)
Balaam was a seer, (2) he received a divine
message during the night, and (3) his message
was not what his neighbors expected to hear.
Whether this text refers to the events described
in the Bible is problematic, but it does
establish a nonbiblical tradition, current just a
century before Micah, of a prophet named Balaam.
6:5. Shittim to Gilgal. See the comments on
Joshua 2:1 and 4:19. Shittim was Joshua’s
camp east of the Jordan River, and Gilgal was
the place where the Israelites miraculously
MICAH 6:6—7:2 786
crossed the Jordan and established a base
camp from which to begin the conquest. An
abbreviated itinerary such as this is typical of
Mesopotamian royal annals that include the
list of cities along the victorious trek of the
king.
6:6. year-old calves. Yearling animals would
have been more valuable than newborn ones.
Thus to offer a year-old calf as a burnt offering
would be real financial sacrifice and would
represent a major ritual of purification or initiation.
At the heart of this practice, however, is
a polemic against the formulaic religious rituals
of Mesopotamia and Egypt in which the
process transcends the meaning. The prophet
tries to establish exactly what Yahweh requires
and like Samuel (see comment on
1 Sam 15:22 determines it is obedience and
love, not simply going through the motions of
making sacrifices.
6:7. hyperbole. There is a steady escalation of
the size and precious nature of the offerings
listed by Micah. Only Solomon could offer
thousands of sacrificial animals 1 Kings 8:63.
Oil was used for libations (see comment on
Lev 14:15. Human sacrifice was abhorred by
the Israelites, seeing it as a statute of Canaanite
and Phoenician religious practice (see comment
on Gen 22:1-2. In fact, while Yahweh
had a claim on the first-born son of every family,
the Law required them to redeem the sons
and substitute animal sacrifice (see comment
on Num 3:12-13. God was not asking to be
appeased through extravagant gifts. The most
extravagant offering they could give him
would be their obedience.
6:10. ill-gotten treasures. Micah condemns
corrupt merchants who cheat their customers
to enrich themselves. While these practices
were to be condemned whenever they occurred,
it would be particularly harmful during
times of war when profiteers would take
advantage of shortages to raise prices (2 Kings
6:25). This is also a theme developed by Amos
(8:5-6) and Hosea (12:7-8). There are also a series
of fair business practice laws in the Code
of Hammurabi and the Laws of Eshnunna
which set prices and establish standards of behavior.
6:10. short ephah. Just as Amos criticizes dishonest
merchants who make the ephah
“small” and the shekel “great” Amos 8:5,
Micah also cautions them against cheating
their customers with a false measure of grain.
The ephah and the hin were used as the primary
dry and liquid measures and were equal
to half a bushel or one gallon Lev 19:36. One
of the offenses listed in the Shurpu incantations
was buying by a large measure and selling
by a small one.
6:11. dishonest scales/false weights. A just society
was one in which the government standardized
and guaranteed honest weights and
measures. The prologue to the law code of the
Ur III king Ur-Nammu (c. 2100) includes a list
of the measures he had taken to insure justice
and truth throughout his realm. This included
the standardization of all the copper and stone
weights used in commerce. The Egyptian Instruction
of Amenemope warns against tampering
with scales or the weights used for buying
and selling. In a Babylonian Hymn to Shamash,
Shamash as the god of justice will punish the
merchant who uses deceptive practices with regard
to the scales or the weights. The fact that
Micah complains of false weights indicates a
lawless period without strong government or a
concern for covenant obligation (see Prov 11:1;
20:23).
6:14-15. punishment. These curses of infertility
and loss are similar in form to those found
in the Egyptian execration texts and in coffin
texts found in tombs. They represent Yahweh’s
justice against the covenant violations
of Israel (see the set of curses in Deut
28:15-44). Several other prophets also use this
form of “futility” curse (threatening lack of
success in a course of action: Hos 4:10; Zeph
1:13).
6:16. statutes of Omri. Like the “sins of Jeroboam”
that are so often invoked as the height
of evil by a king 2 Kings 13:2, 11, the names
of Omri and Ahab also serve as labels for
monarchs guilty of idolatry (for the crimes of
Ahab see comment on 1 Kings 18:4. The dynasty
of Omri had come to an end with the
death of Zechariah in 753 just a generation
earlier than Micah.
MICAH 6:6—7:2
7:1-20
From Ruin to Restoration
7:1. agriculture reference. According to the
Gezer Almanac, an inscription dated to
around 925 B.C., the gathering of summer fruit
was the last harvest of the year, taking place in
late August and September. This would be the
second crop of figs (the first ripening in June),
and this fruit would be dried for consumption
through the winter months (see Is 16:9; Jer
48:32). Once it had been harvested and the
gleaners had taken all that remained, no further
fruit could be expected for many months.
7:2. hunting with a net. Fowling and fishing
were the common man’s form of hunting
since they required only nets and traps.
Egyptian tomb paintings depict hunting
birds with a net (see Prov 1:17 and the an-
787 MICAH 7:14—NAHUM 1:2
tiquity of the net is to be found in the Sumerian
word for hunting that is an ideogram in
the shape of a net. Isaiah 51:20 describes using
a net, possibly a corral of nets, to hunt
antelopes that may have been driven into
the trap by a line of beaters. It is truly a lawless
time when every man is both hunter and
hunted (see Ps 10:9.
7:14. geography. Bashan and Gilead are fertile
regions lying east of the Jordan River. They
had originally been part of the division of the
land (see the comment on Josh 13:24-29 and
13:30-31 for Gad’s and Manasseh’s assignment)
but were lost to Assyria during the
eighth century. The expectation here is that in
the day of Yahweh’s triumph all the lost territories
would be restored to Israel (see Jer
50:19).
7:17. snake licking dust. Just as the serpent
was cursed in the garden of Eden to eat dust
(see comment on Gen 3:14, the enemy nations
will also be humbled (see Ps 72:9. Since foreign
nations are often depicted as serpents (Is
14:29; Jer 8:17, this may be a further condemnation
of the use of snakes as fertility symbols
and deities in Mesopotamian and Egyptian religious
art. In the Amarna texts, eating dirt or
dust is a metaphor for suffering defeat.
7:19. treading sins underfoot. Yahweh’s forgiveness
of Israel allows a conquest of sin in
much the same way that a monarch triumphs
over his enemy, treading him underfoot or
placing his foot on his neck (see comments on
Jos 10:24; Ps 60:12. Similar images of the activities
of “Divine Warrior” gods are found in
Anat slaughtering her enemies in Ugaritic
epic and the military exploits of the Babylonian
god Marduk and the Hittite god Teshub.
N A H U M
1:1. Nineveh. This oracle against the Assyrian
capital city of Nineveh most likely dates to the
period between 663 B.C. (the date that the
Egyptian city of Thebes is captured by the Assyrians—
Nahum 3:8 and the fall of the city to
a combined army of Babylonians and Medes
in 612 B.C. Nineveh, on the east bank of the Tigris
River (ancient Kuyunjik and modern Mosul),
was about six hundred miles upriver
from the Persian Gulf and just over 250 miles
from Babylon. It functioned as one of the major
cities of Assyria for much of its history—
serving the Old Akkadian, Amorite and Mitanni
dynasties prior to the establishment of
the Middle Assyrian kingdom in the
mid-fourteenth century B.C. At the height of
this expanding empire’s power, in the reign of
Sennacherib (705-681 B.C.), it became Assyria’s
capital. Excavation of its palaces has revealed
stone reliefs of the invasion and ransacking of
Judah in 701. The library of its last great king,
Ashurbanipal (668-627 B.C.) has provided
scholars with copies of much of ancient Mesopotamia’s
literature and scientific works.
1:1. Assyrian history of this period. The last
great Assyrian king, Ashurbanipal, ruled from
668 to at least 635, when it is believed that he
abdicated. It appears that he does not die until
627. After his reign, Assyrian history becomes
confused, and it is sometimes difficult to determine
who is in charge, though the two main
rulers were Ashur-Etil-Ilani and Sin-Sharra-
Ishkun. During Ashurbanipal’s reign, most
of Syria-Palestine passively accepted Assyrian
rule (though Tyre presented continual difficulties).
Manasseh of Judah was, for the most
part, a cooperative vassal. However, from 652
to 648 a rebellion was led by Ashurbanipal’s
brother, Shamash-Shum-Ukkin (appointed
king of Babylon), who appears to have won
the support of Manasseh (see comment on
2 Chron 33:11. Babylon’s last revolt came in
626, when the Chaldean Nabopolassar declared
himself king and established a dynastic
line that became the Neo-Babylonian empire.
These Babylonians, allied with the Medes,
brought the fall of the Assyrian empire, starting
with the overthrow of Ashur in 614, then
Nineveh in 612, Haran in 610 and, finally,
Carchemish in 605.
micah 7:14—Nahum 1:2 1:1. Elkoshite. The place or clan name Elkosh
only appears in the book of Nahum. No exact
location for Nahum’s village has been established.
Jerome places it in the Galilee (possibly
el-Kauzeh or Capernaum) and somewhat later
traditions locate it either near Nineveh or in
Syria. None of these suggestions currently
have sufficient evidence to make a positive
identification.
1:2. jealous deity. The theme of Yahweh as a
jealous god appears first in the Ten Commandments
Ex 20:5, is repeated in Joshua’s
NAHUM 1:3-14 788
covenant renewal oration following the conquest
Josh 24:19 and is reflected again in
Ezekiel’s vision of the “image of jealousy”
Ezek 8:5, which blocks his entrance into
Jerusalem’s temple. The word represents a determination
to defend zealously and aggressively
that which rightfully belongs to him
from those who would lay claim to it. This attribute
of God is designed to prevent either
comparison with other gods or any subordination
of Yahweh in worship or ritual to any
other deities. Failure to acknowledge Yahweh’s
sole position is justification for vengeance.
1:3. whirlwind and storm. As in Habakkuk
3:10, Yahweh is portrayed as master of the
storm and controller of the winds that can
bring both life and destruction. This type of
figurative language, demonstrating God’s
majesty, is also found in the theophany in Job
38:1 (also see comment on 1 Kings 19:11-13
and is a common feature in ancient Near Eastern
epic poetry. For example, in the Ugaritic
Epic of Baal and Anath the god Baal is described
as the “Rider of the Clouds,” and his “voice”
is the sound and fury of thunder and lightening.
Similarly, in the Babylonian story of creation,
Enuma Elish, the storm god Marduk
defeats the primordial goddess of watery chaos,
Tiamat, through his control of the winds
and his use of the lightning.
1:4. drying bodies of water. The image of God
controlling the power of the rivers and seas is
a common one in the ancient world (compare
Jesus’ stilling the waters of the Sea of Galilee
in Mk 4:39. The most potent Old Testament
example is the parting of the Red Sea. The
Ugaritic cycle of Baal stories portrays the
storm god in a monumental contest for supremacy
with the god Yamm, the sea—an image
whose origin may have sprung from
observation of the stormy seas off the Mediterranean
coast near Ugarit. Yahweh’s “rebuking”
the waters is also mentioned in Isaiah
50:2 and Psalm 104:7. In each passage the majesty
of God over the forces of nature is made
clear, as is the ability to impose drought on
generally fertile areas.
1:4. Bashan and Carmel. Among the most
lush and fertile areas within the region of Syria-
Palestine was Bashan and the Carmel range
of hills. This comprised the northern portion
of the Transjordanian plateau, east of the Sea
of Galilee, and the hill country extending
northwest toward the Bay of Acco on the
Mediterranean coast, just south of Lebanon.
Both Carmel and Bashan were known for their
pastures and cattle grazing. To see them transformed
into blighted and drought-stricken
lands would have been a reversal of their traditional
role as places blessed with richness
and plenty. This type of prophetic speech is
part of the “world turned upside down”
theme found outside the Bible in the prophecies
of Balaam (Deir ’Alla inscriptions) and the
visions of Neferti (Old Kingdom Egypt).
1:5. effects of theophany. The thunderous effects
of Yahweh’s voice and presence resemble
the earth-shattering shocks of an earthquake.
However, the references to the hill country
and the control over the forces of the storm
suggest that this theophany is modeled after
the frighteningly close thunder, lightning and
strong winds characteristic of a mountain
storm. A similar example of this imagery is
found in Psalm 29:3-9, where “voice of the
Lord” shatters the mighty cedars of Lebanon
and makes “Lebanon skip like a calf.” Ugaritic
(Baal cycle) and Hittite myth (Song of Ullikummis)
both describe the use of winds and lightning
by the storm god in much the same
frightening manner.
1:13. yoke and shackles. Prophetic speech often
refers to the burden of political domination
as a yoke or shackles. In the Amarna
letters the rulers of the Canaanite city-states
speak to Pharaoh of how they willingly
placed themselves in the yoke to serve Egypt
faithfully. Akkadian wisdom literature indicates
that bearing a god’s yoke is desirable because
of the fringe benefits. In the Atrahasis
Epic the gods find the yoke of Enlil unbearable
and so rebel. Assyrian inscriptions describe
their conquest of other lands as imposing the
yoke of the god Ashur on the people, and rebellion
was portrayed as throwing off the
yoke. The prophet is thus using an image familiar
throughout the ancient Near East.
1:14-15. history of Nineveh after its fall. According
to the Babylonian Chronicle, Nineveh
was destroyed by the combined Medean and
Chaldean (Babylonian) army led by Nabopolassar
(625-605 B.C.) in the spring of 612 B.C. after
a three-month siege. Ritual and actual
desecration of the site occurred with the carrying
of its ashes back to Babylon. The reported
inundation of the city (based on classical
sources, Diodorus Siculus and Xenophon)
would have probably involved the damming
of the Khosr River which flowed between the
two citadels of Nineveh on the east bank of
the Tigris River (Kuyunjik and Nebi Yunus).
The city never reached its former heights
again, although it was rebuilt and there are
Hellenistic, Parthian and Roman remains at
the site.
NAHUM 1:3-14 1:14. Assyrian temples and gods. From the
time of Shamshi-Adad I (c. 1813-1781 B.C.) the
789 NAHUM 1:15—2:6
principal gods of Assyria’s pantheon were the
king of the gods, Ashur, and Ishtar, the goddess
of love and war. Other gods included
Ninurta (warfare and hunting), Adad (storm
god), Sin (moon god) and Shamash (sun god),
as well as many lesser deities, and each had a
cult center and attendant priestly community.
These temples were heavily subsidized by the
grants made to them by the monarchy, based
on the looting of neighboring countries during
nearly continuous periods of warfare.
Much of their rituals and religious festivals
were borrowed from older Sumerian and
Babylonian forms. Nearly every Assyrian royal
annal describing military campaigns includes
the statement “by the command of
Ashur” as the justification for war. The “Banquet
Stele” of Ashurnasirpal II’s palace at
Nimrud, which chronicles his military victories,
makes it clear that the gods of Assyria
were residents of his palace. Similarly, the text
bands that decorated the walls of the palace of
Sargon II at Khorsabad include the invitation
for “Ashur, father of the gods, the great lord,
and Ishtar, who dwell in Assyria” to take up
residence there. Sennacherib moved the Assyrian
capital to Nineveh and rebuilt the huge
temple complex to the goddess Ishtar as part
of his building campaign to create restored
cult centers for the gods and a “palace without
rival.” It was normal procedure in the ancient
world to destroy the images of the gods
and desecrate the temples of defeated cities.
The images would be toppled over and disfigured,
with heads and limbs cut off.
1:15. Judah’s history under Assyrian power.
From around 734 B.C. until the fall of Nineveh
in 612, Judah was a vassal state within the Assyrian
empire. King Ahaz paid tribute to
Tiglath-Pileser III and stayed out of the plots
to gain independence that led to the destruction
of the northern kingdom of Israel and the
devastation of many of the other neighboring
states. Hezekiah did attempt to assert some
measure of independence (cleansing the temple,
closing the local high places), but that led
to an invasion of Judah by Sennacherib (see
comments on 2 Kings 18, the destruction of
many towns like Lachish, the deportation of
some of the population and a siege of Jerusalem
that impoverished the nation. The long
reign of Manasseh (see comments on 2 Chron
33) was marked by a complete submission to
Assyrian control. In addition to a wide range
of stipulations designed to promote and demonstrate
political loyalty, Esarhaddon’s vassal
treaties required respect for the god Ashur as
king of the gods and as their own god. Manasseh’s
cooperation allowed for a period of
peace and rebuilding, but represented a political
and theological compromise that marked
him, in the eyes of the biblical writers, as the
worst of kings. It is only the political chaos
following the death of Assyria’s last great
king, Ashurbanipal (see comment on 1:1), that
allows Judah to temporarily assert its freedom
under King Josiah.
2:3. soldiers wearing red. Not yet bloodied in
battle, the red uniforms of the soldiers may indicate
they are a professionally equipped and
well-trained fighting unit (see the blue-clad
soldiers in Ezek 23:6. In Greece the Spartans
were known for wearing red tunics under
their armor as an indicator of membership in
their ranks and as a further effort to intimidate
their opponents. In Assyria it was common
rhetoric to speak of cities and countrysides
dyed red with the blood of enemies, and the
army marching through the blood of their enemies.
Additionally, Isaiah 9:5 refers to a practice
of warriors rolling their garments in
blood. It would be logical, therefore, that
armies would choose to wear red tunics to
suggest that they were covered with the blood
of their enemies. Paintings at Til-Barsip show
red uniforms, and classical sources describe
soldiers of this period as wearing red or purple
tunics.
2:3. metal on chariots. Metal ornamentation of
chariot bodies to strengthen them for plowing
through ranks of infantry is attested in the
Judges period, and examples of decorated
chariots have been found in Assyrian reliefs
and Egyptian tomb paintings.
NAHUM 1:15—2:6 2:5. protective shield. This word occurs only
here in the Bible and is possibly a term borrowed
from the Akkadian language used by
the Assyrians and their besiegers. In Akkadian
the term refers to a plug or something used
to stop something up. Since the next verse
speaks of manipulating the sluice gates in an
attempt to bring about the collapse of the palace,
a plug may have been used to block
where the water would usually have flowed
through the city walls after the river had been
dammed up at the reservoir created by Sennacherib
about two miles up the Khosr River.
2:6. river gates at Nineveh. Sennacherib had
created an elaborate network of canals and
sluice gates to control the waters of the Khosr
River and to provide irrigation channels to the
city of Nineveh and its surrounding farm
land. Though the language of this section is
difficult, one scenario would involve damming
the river, then scrambling to the walls
while the dam held in order to position some
sort of plug where the water entered the city.
When the gates were opened, the wall of wa-
NAHUM 2:6—3:10 790
ter would rush at the walls and effect their
collapse. The Babylonian Chronicle does not
mention the use of flood waters as one of the
methods of conquering the city, though classical
sources do. Archaeological evidence at
Nineveh suggests a great conflagration but
gives no indication of flood damage.
2:6. palace of Nineveh. The “palace without
rival,” or the “Southwest Palace” as it is
known today, was built by Sennacherib between
703 and 691 and consists of a huge complex
of interconnected rooms and courts
(estimated at 1635 by 786 feet, an area large
enough to fit twenty-five football fields).
Those areas closest to the throne room were
decorated with carved limestone facades,
massive statuary (winged bulls and
fish-scaled giants), and intricate reliefs of military
campaigns, while the outer courts, with
their more utilitarian functions, were devoid
of elaborate design or statues. The palace has
been excavated over a period of 120 years,
starting in the 1850s by A. H. Layard, and is
still not completely uncovered. Its layout was
dictated by the preexisting Ishtar temple and
ziggurat on the highest point of Kuyunjik and
by the Khosr and Tigris Rivers to the southeast
and west.
NAHUM 2:6—3:10 2:11-12. lion metaphor. The iconography of
the Assyrian gods depicts Ishtar, the patron
goddess of Nineveh, as accompanied by a lion,
and the sun god Shamash is often portrayed
as a winged lion. Assyrian kings, like
Esarhaddon (680-669), described themselves
like lions in their rage and fierceness in battle.
Here, however, the lions who had so proudly
taken whatever they wanted for themselves
and their cubs are cowering and no longer in
command. In this way the prophet throws one
of Assyria’s favorite metaphors back in its face
as a taunt.
3:4. offenses of Nineveh. The actual events
behind the crimes of Nineveh mentioned here
are unknown. However, this harlotry and sorcery
are both well-known metaphors used to
depict a city or nation that victimizes others,
for both witch and prostitute exert their power
over the weak, vulnerable or unwary. Other
instances of this seductive harlot image include
Babylon in Revelation 18:3 and Jerusalem
in Ezekiel 16:15-22 and 23:2-8. There may
also be a reference here to Ishtar, the patron
goddess of Nineveh, whose rituals and sacred
stories often contained explicit sexual activity.
It may actually be referring to the web of political
intrigue created by the Assyrians as
they expanded their control over much of the
ancient Near East. The taunting of Hezekiah
by Sennacherib’s representative, the Rabshekah
Is 36, includes reference to the maneuvering
for power by Egypt and Assyria Is 36:4-6,
while the smaller states were drawn into
treaties and vassalage that impoverished and
destroyed them. Certainly the economic exploitation
of the natural resources of Syro-
Palestine by the Assyrians would also fit
Nahum’s list of charges against Nineveh (see
Rev 18:14-17.
3:7. no one to comfort. One scholar (Becking),
noticing the similarity between a number of
the judgment pronouncements in Nahum and
the curses in vassal treaties, recognized in this
line the Assyrian curse that the dead would
have no one to care for their spirit by pouring
out libations.
3:8. Thebes. As he taunts Nineveh, Nahum reminds
them that another heavily fortified city,
Thebes (known as “No Amon” to the Greeks
and thus named in the Hebrew), had not been
able to withstand the Assyrian armies of
Ashurbanipal in 663. The Kushite ruler, Tantamani,
had taken control of Thebes and Memphis
in 664, drawing a response from the
Assyrians, who supported the current northern
regime of Necho (whom Tantamani executed).
Under the Assyrian onslaught,
Tantamani briefly made a stand at Thebes before
abandoning it to the invaders and fleeing
to Napata. Thebes, located about 325 miles
south of Memphis (which is about 15 miles
south of Cairo) on the east bank of the Nile
River, had, like Nineveh, an elaborate system
of moats and other defenses that gave the illusion
of invulnerability. Also like Nineveh, it
was a sacred city, dedicated to the god Amon
and containing the magnificent temples of the
Karnak complex.
3:9. Cush, Egypt, Put, Libya as allies. At the
time that Thebes was conquered by the Assyrians,
it and Egypt was being ruled by a Cushite
(Nubian) dynasty (Twenty-Fifth Dynasty).
The capital of Nubia was Napata (between the
third and fourth cataract of the Nile, eight
hundred miles south of Thebes, in modern
Sudan). Ancient Libya was mostly along the
coast west of Alexandria but included the
long expanse of desert west of the Nile Valley.
Put is more difficult. The most likely conclusion
is that Put is an alternate name for Libya
and that together they refer to the area to the
west of ancient Egypt represented by the
modern state of Libya.
3:10. lots cast for nobles. As the leaders of
Egypt were forced to surrender, they were distributed
as slaves among the Assyrian commanders
along with the rest of the loot.
Provision for the division of spoils, including
the casting of lots, is also found in Homer’s Il-
791 NAHUM 3:14—HABAKKUK 1:6
iad, the Mari texts and Joel 3:3.
3:14. preparation for siege. Fortifications for
cities in the ancient Near East consisted of
earthen ramparts, a sloping glacis, towered
gates and walls (sometimes twenty-five to
thirty feet thick) constructed on a stone foundation
and made of sun-baked mud bricks.
However, wind and rain eroded these walls,
and they had to be constantly repaired. Thousands
of bricks were needed and countless
hours were spent making them. Many royal
annals and inscriptions mention the repair or
construction of city walls as a major accomplishment,
and this would have been even
more important in anticipation of a siege. Nineveh’s
city walls, constructed by Sennacherib,
ranged approximately seven and a half miles
in circumference. It was also necessary to insure
an adequate water supply during a siege.
Nineveh’s water came mainly from the river
and the system of aqueducts connected to it,
but that supply could be compromised by the
enemy outside the walls. The drawing of water
here would refer to the activity of filling
huge cisterns within the city.
3:15-17. locust metaphor. Swarms of locust
have periodically plagued the Near East
throughout its history. They originate in
desert and steppe regions as unwinged grasshoppers,
and as their population grows they
transform themselves into winged locusts
whose numbers can literally blot out the sun
as they eat, mate and infest the area with huge
quantities of their young (see comment on Ex
10:1-20).
3:17. guards and officials. Nahum is using
well-known Assyrian titles here referring to
courtiers and scribes (probably a more general
title for administrative officials). Records of the
period show that some of the administration
led by Ashur-Uballit II managed to flee west to
Haran when the fall of Nineveh was imminent.
3:18. identity of king of Assyria. Since the
date of the book of Nahum is uncertain, it is
not possible to determine which king of Assyria
is referred to in this final oracle. Most
scholars would say that the earliest date
would be shortly after the capture of Thebes
in 663 and the terminus date would be the actual
fall of Nineveh in 612. It may be Nahum
was written as encouragement to the people
of Judah to revolt as the Assyrian empire began
to break apart after Ashurbanipal’s death
in 627. The reference may alternatively be to
Sin-Shar-Ishkun, who was the Assyrian king
when Nineveh fell.
NAHUM 3:14—HABAKKUK 1:6
H A B A K K U K
1:1-11
First Complaint and Response
1:2-4. complaints about social injustice.
Although Habakkuk is speaking to the people
of Judah in the late seventh century
B.C., his statements regarding social injustice
are quite similar to those made by
Amos to the northern kingdom of Israel in
the eighth century. Both prophets condemn
the self-indulgent and corrupt leaders of
their time (see the sidebar on Amos 2:6-8
dealing with economic and social conditions
in the eighth century and the comment
on Amos 5:12 on the corrupt justice
system). Accusations of social injustice are
standard fare in Egyptian wisdom literature.
The writers attempt to hold the leadership
of the nation to a very high
standard, and they feel it is essential for the
survival of their culture that corruption be
exposed and dealt with by the highest
powers. Thus in the period of the Middle
Kingdom (2050-1800) a Dispute over Suicide
was composed to expose those social ills
that had nearly destroyed Egyptian society
during the just completed First Intermediate
Period (2258-2050). The man who asks
for the release of death through suicide
complains that “everyone is a thief,”
“hearts are covetous,” and “crimes outrage
no one.” Also during this time of instability,
the Tale of the Eloquent Peasant speaks of
the need for Egypt’s administrators to
check the actions of lawmakers who “approve
of robbery” and inspectors who
“condone corruption.” He calls on judges
not to accept bribes or to countenance perjury.
In the ancient Near East justice was
the most basic and necessary characteristic
of society. It was the job of the king to
maintain justice. To an even greater extent,
the covenant required of Israel that justice
be strictly maintained on both a personal
and societal level.
1:6. chronology. If Habakkuk’s prophecy is
HABAKKUK 1:6—2:17 792
to be understood as utterly amazing and unbelievable
(1:5), it must have been given before
Babylon was sweeping across the earth.
It therefore seems necessary to conclude that
the book should be dated prior to the Battle
of Carchemish in 605. Otherwise, Habakkuk’s
prediction of Yahweh’s “raising up
the Babylonians” would have been anticlimatic.
The Babylonians only became a significant
threat to Judah after 605, and by 597
they had already captured Jerusalem and
taken King Jehoiachin as a hostage (see the
comments on 2 Kings 24:10-14. Babylon became
an independent state in 625 and began
its expansionist activities by 620. It is impossible
to offer more precision for dating the oracles
of Habakkuk.
1:6. Babylonians (Chaldeans). The Chaldeans
are first mentioned in Mesopotamian sources
in the ninth century B.C. Although related ethnically
to the other Aramean tribes of southern
Babylonia, they had a distinct tribal
structure. As the Assyrian empire began to
weaken, Chaldean leaders, including Nabopolassar
and Nebuchadnezzar, eventually
gained their independence and established
the Neo-Babylonian dynasty after 625. Nebuchadnezzar
inherited this powerful state in
605, becoming its most famous king. He literally
rebuilt the city of Babylon, solidified
Babylonian control throughout the Near East
and even attacked Egypt (although unsuccessfully).
His long reign lasted until 562. He was
briefly succeeded by three descendents who
reigned a total of six years. The last king of the
dynasty of Nabonidus, who had apparently
been a high official during Nebuchadnezzar’s
reign. He reigned until 539, when Babylon
was captured by the Medo-Persians under
Cyrus the Great.
1:8. Babylonian cavalry. Given the description
here of swiftly moving cavalry, it seems
most likely that these are spear-carrying
horsemen rather than mounted archers. Assyrian
reliefs from the palace of Sennacherib
at Nineveh show how effectively these
mounted soldiers could traverse hills and
woodlands. Their sudden appearance would
have terrified local villagers. In open country
the chariot corps functioned as mounted
infantry and archery platforms, serving as a
frontal assault force, while the infantry followed
them. Mounted bowmen and spear
carriers, fighting in pairs for protection,
stood on the flanks to protect the army from
being taken in the rear and also to bar the
escape of enemy soldiers.
1:10. earthen ramps. See comments on Isaiah
29:2 and Jeremiah 32:24; 33:4 for discussion of
the use of earthen ramps in siege warfare.
HABAKKUK 1:6—2:17
1:12—2:20
Second Complaint and Response
1:12. rock. The metaphor comparing deity to a
rock focuses primarily on the issues of protection
and shelter. A large rock could provide
shade, and caves were sometimes found in
rocky areas. This is not a metaphor common
in the river cultures of Egypt or Mesopotamia,
with their abundance of alluvial plains (see
the sidebar on metaphors at the beginning of
Psalms). It is possible that the term is more
than a metaphor because it appears in personal
names in the same place as a divine name
would normally appear (for example, Elijah
means “Yahweh is my God,” so by comparison
Elizur Num 1:5 would mean “Zur
[Rock] is my God”). It also occurs in the
Amorite and Aramaic personal names from
Syria in the position of a divine name.
1:15-16. fishing equipment. At least in royal
inscriptions and art, fishing was done with
woven baskets rather than individual hooks
(see the comments on Ezek 12:13 and Amos
4:2). Naturally, in these instances the point is
political, depicting the strength of a ruler who
can trap his enemies like fish or birds (see the
comment on Hos 5:1 in a net.
2:2. herald running with tablets. The idea of
running with a message suggests its urgency
or importance. What is unclear is whether the
“one who reads the message” is a herald (with
NIV) whose task is to run from location to location
reading aloud his proclamation, or
whether it refers to anyone who reads the
message. In the former case the inscribed tablets
would be entrusted to a professional. In
the latter the inscription would be set up in a
public place, and as individuals read it, they
would run off to spread the news. Preference
lies with the former, since the text here speaks
of tablets. Publicly posted inscriptions would
usually be on stelae. Professional messengers
were a common fixture in royal courts such as
those at ancient Mari and Babylon. They were
needed as “runners” to carry their lord’s commands
(see also Jer 36:4 and Baruch’s mission
as Jeremiah’s scribe and messenger).
2:17. Lebanon. According to his royal annals,
Nebuchadnezzar ordered his army to construct
a road “for the transport of the cedars”
of Lebanon. He describes how they “cut
through steep mountains, split rocks, [and]
opened passages” to build this commercial
logging road. This was done in the name of
freeing the land of its foreign enemies. However,
these trees actually were used to build
793 HABAKKUK 2:18—3:5
his palace and to enhance the temple of Marduk
in Babylon. It may be assumed that the
workers also hunted the mountainous areas of
Lebanon for the food they needed to supplement
their own stores.
2:18. image teaching lies. The uselessness of
worshiping or consulting idols is once again
declared here (see Is 46:7 and Hos 4:12 for other
examples). Isaiah applied the phrase used
here to a false prophet Is 9:15, but Habakkuk
is referring to the priests who manipulate people
by “making the idol speak” or pronounce
an oracle. The Babylonian baru priests functioned
as diviners, interpreting omens, signs
and performing rituals that were designed to
solicit an answer from the gods.
2:19. bringing wood, stone to life. See the
comment on Isaiah 44:17-18. The ritual of
“opening the mouth” was employed in Babylon
to transform a wooden image, decorated
with gold and precious jewels, into the physical
embodiment of the god. The incantations
of the priests proclaimed to the god, “From
this time forth you shall go before your father
Ea.” Ceremonial processions then take place,
the mouth of the image is washed repeatedly
(fourteen times in all), and food and drink are
presented. After a evening of sacrifices the
priest opens the eyes of the image with a
wand of tamarisk, and then the “god” is enthroned
within the temple and dressed with
the insignia of office.
HABAKKUK 2:18—3:5
3:1-19
Habakkuk’s Prayer
3:1. shigionoth. This verse serves as a superscription
to the third chapter and functions in
the much the same way that superscriptions
or rubrics do in the Psalms. Shigionoth appears
in the singular form in Psalm 7:1. Presumably
it refers to a particular kind of song. If a linguistic
connection can be made with Akkadian
shigu, it possibly refers to a lament.
However, its exact meaning is still unknown.
For this and other musical terms, see the sidebar
on musical terms in Psalms.
3:2-19. Habakkuk’s psalm and mythology. As
can be seen frequently in Isaiah and Ezekiel,
the prophets often make use of familiar mythological
imagery in order to convey their message.
Two of the ways that this can take place
are (1) history can be told using mythological
motifs; and (2) mythological tales can utilized
with historical elements substituted in. The
first is illustrated when the exodus and, especially,
the crossing of the Red Sea are told using
the mythological motif of divine combat
with the sea (see comment on Ex 15:3. The
second can be seen in Isaiah 27 or Ezekiel 32,
where familiar myths are turned into oracles
against real nations in real historical contexts.
Habakkuk uses both of these techniques as he
interweaves elements from Babylonian and
Canaanite mythology into this hymn. The
general flow of this chapter shows some similarity
to the Babylonian Enuma Elish. Marduk’s
praise is sung, he acquires weapons
(similar list), he rides on the storm with assistants
by his side, and the enemy is split open
and crushed. This sequence is not unique to
Enuma Elish but shows the intention of Habakkuk
to adopt these well-known motifs and
transform them to new use.
3:3. Teman. See the comments on Obadiah 9
and Jeremiah 49:7 for this site that is mentioned
in the Kuntillet ’Ajrud inscription and
either may be a city or a portion of the country
of Edom.
3:3. Mount Paran. The area or “wilderness” of
Paran is generally considered to be a region
south of Palestine, but there is a difference of
opinion on whether it lies westward into the
Sinai peninsula or to the east of the Arabah in
the vicinity of Teman (see the comments Num
10:12 and Deut 33:2.
3:3. sun metaphor. Hymns to the Babylonian
sun god, Shamash, use similar terminology.
One incantation refers to Shamash shining
forth and filling the lands with his heavenly
splendor. Yahweh is occasionally praised in
terms that are also used in sun worship and in
some periods was probably misconstrued as a
sun god (see comment on 2 Kings 23:11. Official
evidence of sun worship in ancient Israel
seems to be tied primarily to the reign of Manasseh.
The horses and chariots of the sun that
he set up are destroyed by Josiah as he attempts
to cleanse the temple complex of foreign
religious influence (see comment on
2 Kings 23:11. Place names such as Beth
Shemesh, Ein Shemesh, and Mount Heres
Josh 15:7; Judg 1:35 also attest to the popularity
of sun worship.
3:4. rays in his hand. A typical pose of divine
warrior storm gods in the ancient Near East is
with bolts of lightning in an upraised hand.
3:5. plague, pestilence. The terms are personified
here as associates of Yahweh in battle. The
Hebrew word translated “pestilence,” resheph,
is the name of the Canaanite god of the
plague. He is well known from Ugaritic, Phoenician
(identified with Apollo) and Aramaic
inscriptions. He is also associated with the
Babylonian Nergal, who was connected with
plague. In ancient Near Eastern mythology
the gods going into battle are often accompanied
by two associates.
HABAKKUK 3:7—ZEPHANIAH 1:5 794
3:7. tents of Cushan. This ethnic term, probably
of a nomadic tribal group, appears nowhere
else in the Bible. Since it appears in
parallelism with Midian, it may be presumed
that their territory was also in the southern
steppe. They may in fact have been a subgroup
of the Midianites.
3:7. dwellings of Midian. For Midian and the
Midianites, see the comments on Exodus 2:15
and Numbers 22:4-7. Habakkuk here predicts
the route of the divine warrior from his holy
mountain to attack the Babylonians. Apparently
this will startle but not harm the inhabitants
of the southern regions.
3:8. conflict with rivers/sea. In Canaanite literature
from Ugarit there is a lengthy myth devoted
to the war between Baal and Yamm
(Sea) and his associate Nahar (River), who
represent the forces of chaos and destruction.
Habakkuk indicates that Yahweh’s anger was
not directed against these mythological foes,
but against the enemies of his people (v. 13).
3:9-11. cosmic effects of divine warrior. The
idea of a divine warrior who leads his people
into battle is well developed in the Israelite
conquest narrative (see the comments on Josh
2:11 and 3:17). It also appears in the Moabite
inscription of King Mesha and in the prophets
(see the comment on Jer 32:21. A particularly
spectacular example is found in the “Song of
the War of Yahweh” in Isaiah 34 (see the comments
on Is 34:4. It may be compared as well
with a portion of the Ugaritic Baal epic in
which that deity’s approach is marked by the
“withering of the heavens” and whose voice is
described in the Aqhat legend as “double
deep,” a thundering exclamation that presages
the rains. F. M. Cross cites an El Amarna
text in which a subject prince, Abimilki of Tyre,
refers to Pharaoh Akhenaten as the one
“who utters his (battle) cry in the heavens, like
Haddu so that the whole land shakes at his
cry.” A Mesopotamian lamentation of the first
millennium uses terminology for divine judgment
similar to Habakkuk when it speaks of
the heavens rumbling, the earth shaking, the
sun lying at the horizon, the moon stopping in
the sky and evil storms sweeping through the
land. For more specific information concerning
the movements of the heavenly bodies
connected to warfare see comments on Joshua
10:12-13.
HABAKKUK 3:7—ZEPHANIAH 1:5
Z E P H A N I A H
1:1-13
Judgment Against Judah
1:1. chronology and pedigree. This superscription
dates the book to the reign of Josiah
(640-609 B.C.). Since Josiah came to the throne
as a small boy, a regency made up of priests
and court officials ruled Judah until 622 (see
2 Kings 22:1. Because there were several persons
with the name Zephaniah in the period
just prior to and during the exile, adding a
short genealogy helped indicate which person
was responsible for the oracles (compare a
similar practice of attaching the prophet’s
name to a list of prophecies in the Mari texts
and the Assyrian Annals of Esarhaddon).
1:4. Josiah’s reform. The cultic abuses and
idolatry described in this verse anticipate the
actions taken by Josiah after 622 B.C. (see the
comments on 2 Chron 34. When Josiah was
able to effect his cleansing of the temple and
elimination of foreign gods, idols and priests,
he did it in the name of a restoration of the
covenant’s provisions (see 2 Kings 23:24-25.
A similar reform had been carried out by
Hezekiah about eighty years earlier (2 Kings
18:4). In both instances the apparent weakness
of the Assyrian monarchy contributed to attempts
by small kingdoms like Judah to assert
their political and religious independence.
1:5. worshiping starry host. Worship of the
starry hosts refers to the celestial gods (sun
god, moon god and Venus particularly; in
Babylonia, Shamash, Sin and Ishtar respectively),
who were primary in most ancient religions.
Controlling calendar and time,
seasons and weather, they were viewed as the
most powerful of gods. They provided signs
by which omens were read, and they looked
down on all. By the end of the second millennium
a major compilation of celestial omens,
the seventy tablets of the work known as Enuma
Anu Enlil, had been compiled and was consulted
for nearly a thousand years. Stamp
seals from Israel in this period show that astral
deities were very popular. There were
many constellations recognized by the Mesopotamian
astrologers (many, though not all,
the same we recognize today, transmitted
through the Greeks), but the zodiac was not
795 ZEPHANIAH 1:5—2:12
yet known. For more information see comment
on 2 Chronicles 33:5.
ZEPHANIAH 1:5—2:12 1:5. Molech. See the comments on Leviticus
18:21 and Deuteronomy 18:10. Many consider
Molech to have been a netherworld deity featuring
rituals with Canaanite origins focusing
on dead ancestors. An eighth-century B.C.
Phoenician inscription speaks of sacrifices
made to Molech before battle by the Cilicians
and their enemies.
1:8. foreign clothes. Since Judah had been under
foreign (Assyrian, Egyptian and Babylonian)
domination for over a hundred years, it
is not surprising that government officials and
those who wished to curry favor with their
overlords would adopt their clothing styles as
well as other cultural traits. Neither Judean
nor Babylonian dress of this period is well attested
in the inscriptional materials, so detailed
comparison is not possible. Differences
could have included the articles of clothing
that were worn or the style, material, weave
or dyes that were used. A later example of the
adoption of foreign styles is found in the Hellenistic
period, when Jason, the high priest,
forced the nobility of Jerusalem to wear a
broad-brimmed hat associated with the Greek
god Hermes (2 Macc 3:12).
1:9. stepping on threshold. The threshold was
typically made of a single stone that spanned
the doorway, raised slightly from the level of
the floor. Sockets were cut into the outer edges
of the threshold on which the gates or door
swung. The height of the threshold would
prevent the doors from swinging out. Entryways
were often considered both sacred and
vulnerable. Superstitious belief presumably
held that stepping on the threshold would allow
the demons that haunted the entryway to
gain admission. Similar superstitions have
continued in the Near East and the Far East
from Syria to Iraq to China, but ancient information
concerning this superstition is lacking.
1:10. Fish Gate. Jerusalem had many gates to
serve its various quarters. The Fish Gate provided
an entrance through the northern wall
just to the west of the Tower of Hananel (Neh
12:38-39). Archaeological excavations confirm
that it opened upon a ridge leading from the
temple enclosure to the Benjamite plateau. Its
name probably derives from the presence of a
fish market established there by Tyrian merchants
(see Neh 3:3.
1:10. New Quarter. This section of Jerusalem
was created when Hezekiah built the first defensive
wall around the western hills of the
city 2 Chron 32:5. Manasseh apparently repaired
these walls during his reign (2 Chron
33:14). Avigad’s excavations have disclosed a
seventh-century wall over 225 feet long and
24 feet thick. It may have surrounded the entire
western hill, providing additional protection
to the northern section of the city.
1:11. market district. As each district of Jerusalem
is called upon in turn to lament, the
Mortar or market district in the western section
of the city takes up the wail. Based on the
Hebrew word maktesh (bowl or mortar; see
Prov 27:22, it was probably located in one of
the folds or depressions within the Tyropoeon
Valley and was enclosed within the city walls
in the seventh century.
1:14—2:15
Day of the Lord Oracles Against
Nations
1:14. Day of the Lord. See sidebar at Joel 2.
2:4. Philistine cities in late seventh century.
After Sargon II’s and Sennacherib’s campaigns
of the late eighth century and the capture
and destruction of many of the Philistine
cities, these sites were then rebuilt by the Assyrians,
and several of them (particularly Timnah
and Ekron) prospered as centers for olive
oil production. Archaeological evidence has
identified industrial districts where olive oil
was processed and cloth was woven (based on
large numbers of loom weights in these levels).
There are indications of Egyptian presence
in Philistia after the Assyrian empire
collapsed (see comment on Ezek 25:15. These
cities were then destroyed in 600 B.C. in the
campaigns of the Babylonian ruler Nebuchadnezzar.
2:8-9. Moab and Ammon in late seventh century.
Like all the small kingdoms in Syro-Palestine,
Moab and Ammon were vassals of the
Assyrians during the eighth and seventh centuries.
Evidence of this is found in the mention
of four Moabite kings in the Assyrian
Annals (ranging from the time of
Tiglath-Pileser III to Ashurbanipal). It can be
expected that they gained some measure of independence
toward the end of the seventh
century as chaos reigned in Assyria (see the
comment on Ezek 25:8. However, Josephus
records that they were subjugated by the
Babylonians shortly after the fall of Jerusalem
(see the comment on Ezek 25:2.
2:12. Cushites in late seventh century. It is
unclear what prompted this oracle against
Ethiopia. The Cushites had not ruled Egypt
since the supplanting of their dynasty in 664
by the Saite dynast Psammeticus I. While this
native Egyptian pharaoh did ally himself with
the Assyrians after 616, no specific event or
campaign in Palestine is referenced in his or
ZEPHANIAH 2:13—HAGGAI 1:1 796
his successors’ inscriptions prior to the 609
campaign of Necho II. There has been some
suggestion that this reference to Cush should
be understood in relation to Mesopotamia (as
is possible in Gen 10:8, since it precedes the
oracle on Assyria.
2:13. Assyria in late seventh century. After
the death of Ashurbanipal in 627, the disputes
among his heirs and potential successors so
weakened the Assyrian empire that it swiftly
fell apart. This collapse was hastened by two
factors. First were the harsh administrative
policies. The hatred generated against the Assyrians
was further compounded by their use
of extreme terror tactics in warfare (see the
sidebar on the siege of Lachish in 2 Chron
32:9). The emergence of a Babylonian-Median
coalition provided a match for Assyria’s army,
and by 612 the Assyrian capital at Nineveh
had been captured and destroyed (see the
comment on Is 13:1. The final step in completely
eliminating all vestiges of Assyrian
power came at the Battle of Carchemish in
605. Its empire fell to the Egyptians and
Neo-Babylonians to divide (see the comment
on Is 31:8.
ZEPHANIAH 2:13—HAGGAI 1:1
3:1-20
Hope for Jerusalem
3:3. officials as lions. The prophet’s analogy
between Judah’s officials and ravenous lions
may be compared to the lament in Psalm
22:12-21, where the sufferer is threatened by
roaring lions and calls out for rescue from
their open mouths (see also Jer 2:30. In seventh-
century Assyrian literature the lions’ pit
occurs as a metaphor for vicious and antagonistic
courtiers of the king.
3:9. purifying lips. Mesopotamian rituals often
featured the purification of lips as symbolic
of the purification of the person. It was
viewed as a prerequisite, especially for diviner
priests, before they could appear before the
divine council and report what they had witnessed.
3:10. rivers of Cush. As alluded to in 2:12
above, Cush can refer to several different
places in the Old Testament, though it most
frequently is the designation for the area
translations usually render “Ethiopia.” This
is misleading, for the area Cush refers to is
not modern Ethiopia (Abyssinia) but the
area along the Nile just south of Egypt, ancient
Nubia (in modern Sudan). The boundary
between Egypt and Nubia in ancient
times was usually either at the first or second
cataract of the Nile. It is unlikely that
Nubia ever extended much beyond the sixth
cataract at Khartoum. This verse would then
refer to the region of the Blue and White
Niles in Upper Egypt. Alternatively, since
no Israelites were known to have been scattered
to the region of Nubia, this verse may
refer to the rivers of Mesopotamia (see Gen
2:13).
ZEPHANIAH 3:9—HAGGAI 1:4
H A G G A I
1:1-15
Call to Build the Temple
1:1. chronology. The use of a precise date to
introduce a particular prophetic narrative is
common in the postexilic writings. The monarch
mentioned here is Darius I, who seized
the throne of Persia on September 29, 522 B.C.
This followed what had been almost seven
months of trouble in the empire, beginning
with the revolt by Gaumata on March 11 and
his subsequent usurpation of the throne on
July 1 of the same year, upon the death of
Cambyses. Even after Darius secured the
throne, revolts continued, as recorded on the
famous Behistun Inscription. The date given
in Haggai is August 29, 520.
1:1. Zerubbabel. Zerubbabel was the heir to
the Davidic throne (grandson of Jehoiachin;
see comment on 2 Kings 24 and served as
governor of Judah under the Persian king
Darius I. There was a significant amount of
expectation surrounding him that had a messianic
flavor to it. Undoubtedly some expected
him to set up the promised kingdom and
bring freedom from their slavery (to the Persians).
While his duties were primarily secular,
he is described in Ezra, along with the
priest Joshua, as the force behind the rebuilding
of the temple in Jerusalem. Governing under
the auspices of the Persian king, he was
responsible for maintaining law and order,
and for the collection of taxes. Though Zerubbabel
is the last Davidic heir to serve in the
role of governor, archaeologists have found a
seal of Shelomith (listed as a daughter of
797 HAGGAI 1:1—2:18
Zerubbabel in 1 Chron 3:19, where she is designated
as either a wife or an official of
Elnathan, the governor who is thought to
have succeeded Zerubbabel.
1:1. Joshua. Joshua was the high priest in the
early postexilic period. His grandfather, Seraiah,
had been executed by Nebuchadnezzar
when Jerusalem fell to the Babylonians (2
Kings 25:18-21; note that Ezra is also from the
line of Seraiah, see 7:1). Judah’s heir to the
throne, Zerubbabel, served as governor, but
since Judah was still under Persian control,
there were restrictions on the extent of his
control (so as not to compete with the Persian
king). Consequently, rule in the community
was now divided between the governor and
the high priest, giving the priest a more prominent
role. Little is known about him except
that he was one of the leaders who helped get
the temple rebuilt. There are no contemporary
extrabiblical references to him.
1:4. paneled houses. The term “paneled” can
mean “covered,” “roofed,” or “paneled,” but
the point in any case is that it represents the
finishing touches. Their homes were not “in
process” but were fully appointed, while the
temple remained a ruin. The term does not
imply luxury or great expense, though paneling
can be of that nature. Wood paneling was
unusual in private residences, although Solomon’s
throne was “paneled” 1 Kings 7:7.
1:7. prophetic role in temple rebuilding. In
the seventh century, Assyrian prophets offered
encouragement to kings Esarhaddon
and Ashurbanipal to rebuild the temples of
particular deities. This message from the gods
was considered essential for the kings to feel
free to proceed with the building preparations.
The deity who was to dwell in the temple
was the only one who could authorize the
undertaking.
1:15. chronology. The date here is about September
21, 520 B.C., three and one-half weeks
after the first prophecy.
2:1-9
Temple Grandeur
2:1. chronology. This would have taken place
on October 17, 520, about seven weeks after
the first prophecy.
2:3-4. temple glory and God’s presence. The
main reason for all of the splendor built into a
temple was to make it worthy of the deity’s
presence. Honor was bestowed by the wealth
and luxury of the building and its furniture.
Some would have even felt that this was necessary
to induce the deity to make the temple
his dwelling. Here Haggai deflates their fears
by assuring them that the Lord intends to inhabit
the “less-than-glorious” house and will
subsequently bring splendor to it.
HAGGAI 1:1—2:18
2:10-23
Defilement and Blessing
2:10. chronology. The equivalent date is December
18, 520, over three and one-half
months since the first prophecy.
2:12. transmission of purity. The “holy meat”
consecrates anything it touches (e.g., the fold of
a garment), but nothing that touches the fold of
the garment would in turn be consecrated. The
situation pictured here may have been quite
common at this time. The altar had been rebuilt
within a few years of the return (535), but the
temple had not yet been built. This means that
meat from the sacrifices could not be eaten in the
regular temple precincts, as was the norm. Instead,
the food would have to be transported to
the eating place. The regulations governing the
transfer of purity are not found in Scripture and
so must have been part of Israelite oral tradition.
The law in Leviticus 6:27 states that whoever
touches the flesh of a sin offering will be consecrated,
and when any of the blood splashes on a
garment, that garment had to be washed.
2:13. transmission of impurity. Ritual defilement,
however, was passed on by contact in a
manner like a contagious disease (see comments
on Lev 11:8; 22:3-9). In fact, contact with
a corpse caused the highest degree of defilement.
Those who were ceremonially unclean
because of a corpse were not allowed to participate
in organized worship (e.g., Num 9:6;
see further the comment on Num 19:11 and
often were sent away from the camp (Num
5:2). Thus, food touched by one who was defiled
was contaminated.
2:17. blight, mildew and hail as divine punishment.
The three punishments described here,
blight, mildew and hail were all typical forms of
divine correction in ancient Israel (see comment
on Amos 4:9. Blight is derived from a Hebrew
term signifying a scorching wind. The term usually
refers to the hot east wind that blows across
the land from the desert. The term “blight” refers
to the debilitating effects of the wind, causing
the withering and destruction of plants and
grain. Mildew is a term that refers to a disease of
grain caused by a fungus. It has been thought
that it is often caused by drought and excessive
rains. A third adverse weather condition is hail,
which, if followed by a strong wind, will damage
crops. Like the other terms, hail is often seen
as divine judgment (see comment on Josh 10:11.
2:18. chronology. December 18, 520 (the same
date mentioned in 2:10), is described here as the
HAGGAI 2:23—ZECHARIAH 1:9 798
date of the founding of the Lord’s temple. Thus
the date of was great importance to Haggai.
2:23. signet ring. The term “signet” probably refers
to a seal, which could have been either a
cylinder seal worn with a cord around the neck
or a stamp seal embedded in a ring, which is referred
to here. The former was very common in
Mesopotamia, while the latter was used in Israel.
Thousands of cylinder seals and stamp seals
have been found in Mesopotamia and Syro-
Palestine respectively. They were a sign of
authority, identification and ownership.
Z E C H A R I A H
1:1-6
Call to Repentance
1:1. chronology. Zechariah dates his oracles
very precisely, as did his contemporary Haggai.
His ministry began in November-December
of the year 520 B.C., overlapping Haggai
by one month.
1:1. Iddo. If several ancestors are mentioned
in a genealogical note, the last one is usually
someone of importance. In Nehemiah 12:4 an
Iddo is mentioned among the priests who returned
from exile with Zerubbabel in the first
wave in 538. If this is the same Iddo, it indicates
that Zechariah is of a prominent family
with a priestly heritage.
haggai 2:23—zechariah 1:9
1:7-17
First Vision: Myrtle Valley
1:7. chronology. This vision occurs several
months after the initial oracle. It is dated to February
15, 519 B.C. Since the next chronological
notation does not occur until after this sequence
of visions, it should be considered as offering the
framework for the visions, which give central attention
to the rebuilding of the temple. It is likely
not coincidence, then, that the vision occurs
just one week prior to New Year’s day, when
temple building and restoration projects usually
commenced in the ancient world. In addition,
some scholars believe that Darius marched to
Egypt in 519 to secure its renewed loyalty and
that the preparations of the army for this march
were a source of concern for the people of Judah.
They could have felt very uncertain about what
demands might be made on them and how they
would be treated.
1:9. angel directing vision. Angels not only
delivered messages from deity but explained
those messages and answered questions concerning
them. Thus Gabriel is seen in Daniel
8:16 as one who can interpret the vision. In the
polytheistic context of the ancient world the
messengers of the gods were generally gods
themselves (of lower rank). In Mesopotamia
APOCALYPTIC LITERATURE
“Apocalyptic” is the name that has traditionally been given to a particular category (genre) of literature.
Apocalyptic is defined by its characteristics. It has some traceable roots outside the Bible (see the sidebar
on Akkadian apocalypses in Dan 11 but finds its earliest true members in Old Testament books such as
Daniel and Zechariah. In the Bible it is intricately intertwined with prophetic literature. There are over a
dozen Jewish apocalyptic works during the intertestamental period, the most prominent being 4 Ezra and
the books of Enoch. The book of Revelation is the New Testament’s contribution to the genre. Other Christian
apocalypses began to appear on the heels of the New Testament, including works like the Shepherd of
Hermas, the Apocalypse of Peter and the Ascension of Isaiah. The genre was a favorite of the Gnostics, whose
literature contains numerous examples. Apocalypses feature a narrative framework and often portray an
angelic interpreter or guide alongside the prophet. The angel may take the prophet on a tour of heavenly
realms to convey certain realities and activities. Alternatively, he may unveil a future time of trouble and
deliverance. This literature operates by means of a broad spectrum of symbols using significant numbers
and mythological images. It draws heavily on both biblical and extrabiblical literature. It tends to schematize.
When reading apocalyptic, there are a couple of important guidelines to keep in mind. First, each
detail does not necessarily carry symbolic significance. Even the details that do carry symbolic significance
may not be transparent to us and speculating accomplishes little. Second, it is important to remember
that the apocalyptic vision is not the message itself but rather is the vehicle or occasion for the
message. So, for instance, the message of the first vision of Zechariah (1:7-17) is not that there are going to
be four horses of different colors in a myrtle grove. The message is laid out very clearly in verses 14-17.
Apocalyptic is simply a medium.
799 ZECHARIAH 1:10—2:2
we find individuals such as Nuska and Kakka,
while the well-known Hermes serves the
function in Greek mythology. In a dream of
Nabonidus a young man appears to offer an
interpretation of a celestial omen that has been
observed.
1:10. sent throughout the earth. The Persians
were well known for their mounted couriers,
who traveled daily through the empire maintaining
the most efficient communication system
known in the ancient world. The myrtle
trees evoke the image of palace gardens. Persian
kings enjoyed the parks of trees that
stood beside the audience halls and received
visitors and reports there.
1:11. Persian peace. Just as royal couriers
would be reporting to their superior that all
was peace, so these angelic couriers bring
their report to the angel of the Lord. The fact
that Darius was now securely seated on the
throne and smoldering revolts had been
quenched would have been good news for the
empire but bad news for the Jews. Their hopes
for the restoration and reestablishment of a
Davidic monarchy that had been excited at the
prospect of the collapse of the Persian empire
were now dashed. Additionally, if Darius’s
army is on the way to Egypt through Judah
(see comment on 1:7), the horseman’s report
could offer assurance that there will be no
trouble from the Persians as they pass
through.
1:16. status of rebuilding. Ezra 3 reports work
that had been done on the temple site prior to
520. Certainly the altar had been set up on its
foundation and was operational, but the chronological
note introducing the building of a
foundation in Ezra 3:10 is not as clear as it
could be (see comment on Ezra 3:8. It is not
impossible that a foundation was laid a second
time.
ZECHARIAH 1:10—2:2
1:18-21
Second Vision: Horns and
Craftsmen
1:18. four horns. It was common in Mesopotamia
for kings and gods to wear crowns featuring
either protruding or embossed horns.
Sometimes the sets of horns were stacked one
upon another in tiers. The winged lion from
Ashurnasirpal’s palace has a conical crown on
its human head with three pairs of tiered
horns embossed on it. It is difficult to determine
what the significance of the four might
be. Suggestions include the presentation of a
four-empire scheme (see comment on Dan
7:17) or perhaps a reference to the four corners
of the earth from where these enemies have
come (see comment on Ezek 7:2. Given the
context of temple building, a persuasive suggestion
is that the symbolism of the horns was
evoked from the four horns of the altar. An altar
had been set up on the temple site soon after
the arrival of the returnees (see comment
on 1:16) but probably would have had to be
removed for the reconstruction work to take
place.
1:20-21. craftsmen. Among the many categories
of Babylonian temple personnel at the end
of the sixth century was one designated
“craftsmen” (ummanu). A number of different
guilds were included in this group (those who
worked with materials such as wood, metal,
leather, gold, cloth, stone and gems, as well as
those who carried out tasks such as laundering).
This same term was extended to serve as
a title of royal advisors believed to be supernaturally
endowed. Individuals of this title
are also identified as the sages who composed
famous pieces of literature. In short, this term
referred to various experts in the employ of
the palace and temple. The Erra Epic makes it
clear that it was the ummanu who were responsible
for crafting divine images. The Hebrew
term used here can also refer to a wide
range of guild workers, including those who
craft images and serve the temples, but is never
clearly extended to sages or royal administrative
advisors. In the Canaanite pantheon
the important deity Kothar-wa-Hasis is the
craftsman of the gods. He makes the weapons
of the gods and is responsible for building
Baal’s house. In the Egyptian pantheon, Ptah
of Memphis is the craftsman deity, who was
thereby considered a creator as well as the patron
of artisans. If it is correct that these are
the craftsmen who are dismantling the altar
(see previous comment), then they are artisans
in the employ of the temple carrying out a sacred
and ceremonial task.
2:1-13
Third Vision: Measuring Line
2:2. measuring Jerusalem. The placement and
orientation of a temple was considered extremely
important (see the comment on Ex
26:1-36). This is also evidenced in temple
building texts both mythological and historical
in Mesopotamia. In Enuma Elish when
Marduk is preparing to build his cosmic temple,
he measures the Apsu (the area where the
foundation of the temple will be laid). From
Sumerian times through Assyrian and Babylonian
periods the possession of the measuring
equipment is a sign of the divine commission
for the rebuilding project. It is through this
ZECHARIAH 2:5—3:9 800
equipment that the leader is given divine direction.
Additionally this equipment was used
to determine the exact location of previous
temple foundations.
ZECHARIAH 2:5—3:9 2:5. glory within. As early as Sumerian literature
it can be observed that the presence of deity
in a city represents the city’s protection.
For example, in the Curse of Agade the gods
take their leave of the city and thereby make it
vulnerable to its enemies.
2:6. land of the north. Especially in Jeremiah,
the north was direction that the enemy was
going to come from (see comment on Jer
1:14-15). Eventually it became clear that Babylon
was that enemy from the north. Even
though Babylon was located east of Jerusalem,
all traffic flowed in an arc around the Syrian
desert. Thus Babylonians would come into
Judah from the north, and Israelites would go
to Babylon from the north. Now Zechariah is
urging them to flee from the lands of their
captors.
2:6. four winds. In Mesopotamian thinking
there were occasionally seven winds, but four
was the more usual. The four were connected
with compass points in accordance with the
direction they blew from, just as they are today.
3:1-10 Joshua’s Investiture
3:1. Satan. Here and in the book of Job the
word sat[an appears with a definite article
(“the”), which makes it clear that it is not being
treated as a personal name. The Hebrew
word sat[an is used to describe an adversary
and can be used of human beings or supernatural
beings. Even the angel of the Lord can exercise
this function Num 22:22. The term
does not clearly take on the role of a personal
name until the intertestamental period (specifically
the second century B.C.). Though the individual
functioning as an adversary to
Joshua here may well be the one who later
bears the name Satan, that cannot be concluded
with certainty. Those who serve as adversaries
are generally in the role of calling God’s
policies and decisions into accountability.
3:3. Joshua. Joshua is the high priest in the
early postexilic period. His grandfather, Seraiah,
had been executed by Nebuchadnezzar
when Jerusalem fell to the Babylonians (2
Kings 25:18-21; note in 7:1 that Ezra is also
identified as being from the line of Seraiah).
Judah’s heir to the throne, Zerubbabel, served
as governor, but since Judah was still under
Persian control, there were restrictions on the
extent of his control (so as not to compete with
the Persian king). Consequently, rule in the
community was now divided between the
governor and the high priest, giving the priest
a more prominent role. Little is known about
Joshua except that he was one of the leaders
who helped get the temple rebuilt. There are
no contemporary extrabiblical references to
him.
3:4. those standing before him. The scene that
includes an accuser and one standing in the
dock evokes the imagery of a heavenly court.
Such a concept had a long-standing tradition
in both Israel and the ancient Near East. In the
ancient Near East the major decisions were all
made in the divine council. There the gods
would consult with one another and share
their information and opinions. The familiar
picture of a heavenly throne surrounded by
the heavenly council is well known from the
Ugaritic texts (most notably the Epic of Keret),
though this Canaanite council is made up of
the gods of the pantheon. Examples occur also
in the tenth-century building inscription of
Yehimilk from Byblos and the Karatepe stele
of Azitawadda. In the Akkadian Enuma Elish it
is the assembly of the gods that appoints Marduk
as their head. Fifty gods made up this assembly,
with seven in the inner council. In
Israelite belief the gods were replaced by angels
or spirits—the sons of God or the heavenly
host.
3:5. investiture. There is no mention in this
section of the most notable items of the
priest’s regalia—no ephod, no breastplate, not
even any linen—just the turban. This suggests
that Joshua’s priestly status is not the issue. In
a relief of Ashurbanipal (seventh century) the
king wears a special turban as he carries the
foundation brick in a basket on his head. Alternatively,
then, we could view Joshua being
prepared for his role in the temple reconstruction.
3:8. branch. Most consider the word “branch”
a technical term referring to a rightful heir of
an established dynastic line—in Israel, a future
Davidic king who would restore the
monarchy. A similar usage has been found in
a Phoenician votive inscription from Cyprus
honoring Melqart that dates to the early third
century B.C. There it refers to a legitimate
“branch” of the Ptolemaic dynasty of Egypt.
The Dead Sea Scrolls from Qumran do not use
the term in a messianic sense, but the kingship
sense does occur in Ugaritic and Assyrian
texts. For instance, Tiglath-Pileser III is described
as the shoot or scion of the city of Baltil
(Ashur) who brings justice to his people.
3:9. seven eyes on the stone. It has generally
been held that the seven “eyes” are seven facets.
The problem is that gemstones were
801 ZECHARIAH 4:1-4:10
shaped but not faceted in the ancient world.
Given the context, it is preferable to associate
this stone with a new foundation stone for the
temple (see the comment on 4:7). In Mesopotamia
there are beads of precious stones given
as gifts to the temple that are cut in the shape
of eyes and engraved with the names of the
donors. Assyrian and Babylonian kings included
gemstones in the foundation deposits
of temples. Nabopolassar reports spreading
gold, silver and imported stones on foundations.
Foundation stones were sometimes
overlaid with precious metals and could
therefore be encrusted with gems. If Zechariah
reflects this practice, the seven “eyes” are
being inlaid on the stone rather than engraved
on it.
ZECHARIAH 4:1-4:10
4:1-14
Lampstand and Olive Trees
4:1. angel directing the vision. See comment
on 1:9.
4:2. description of lamp. This solid gold lamp
consists of a pedestal on which a large bowl
rests. Arranged around the rim of the large
bowl are seven lamps. These lamps are small
shallow bowls that hold the oil. Such bowl
lamps are common throughout the biblical
period, though they take varying shapes in
different periods. Typically they feature a
pinched area on the rim where a wick can be
squeezed in with the bottom of it submerged
in the oil. The wick will then draw oil up to
burn. Each of the seven lamps here has seven
pinched spouts around its rim, as attested in
some excavated lamps. In this way the large
lamp has forty-nine lights. The large bowl presumably
contained oil that was somehow
channeled to the seven smaller lamps. There
are no excavated artifacts that bear a resemblance
to the complex lamp described here.
An alternative design that has a little more
support from archaeology is that of the kernos.
This type of vessel features a pottery ring
(instead of a bowl) on which the seven lamps
are mounted. Kernoi that were used as lamps
have been found in Persian-period Palestine.
4:3. setting of the lamp. O. Keel has demonstrated
that in the iconography represented on
seals of the eighth and seventh centuries, the
deity is often represented stylistically. Astral
images usually represent the deity, most commonly
the crescent moon with its horns facing
upward. Both the shape and the fact that light
is involved can easily parallel the lamp of this
vision. Additionally, this symbol is flanked by
worshipers, sometimes represented stylistically
as trees, though often of the cypress variety.
It is not impossible that, as B. Halpern has
suggested, the vision of the lampstand provides
a description of that which will be inscribed
on the foundation stone. The main
advantage to this is that it draws together the
seven eyes of the stone in 3:9 with the seven
eyes representing the lamps in 4:10, since the
lampstand and the stone would be one and
the same.
4:6. Zerubbabel. Zerubbabel was the heir to
the Davidic throne (grandson of Jehoiachin,
see comments on 2 Kings 24 and served as
governor of Judah under the Persian king
Darius I. There was a significant amount of
expectation surrounding him that had a messianic
flavor to it. Undoubtedly some expected
him to set up the promised kingdom and
bring freedom from their slavery (to the Persians).
While his duties were primarily secular,
he is described in Ezra, along with the
priest Joshua, as the force behind the rebuilding
of the temple in Jerusalem. Governing under
the auspices of the Persian king, he was
responsible for maintaining law and order,
and for the collection of taxes. Though Zerubbabel
was the last Davidic heir to serve in the
role of governor, archaeologists have found a
seal of Shelomith (listed as a daughter of
Zerubbabel in 1 Chron 3:19, on which she is
designated as either a wife or an official of
Elnathan, the governor who is thought to
have succeeded Zerubbabel.
4:7. capstone. Rather than a capstone, this is
more likely to be the foundation brick that is
always significant in temple building and restoration.
One of the most detailed templebuilding
accounts in ancient Near Eastern literature
describes Gudea’s construction of a
temple for Ningirsu around 2000 B.C. The ceremony
concerning the premier brick shows its
centrality to the building procedure. In
Neo-Assyrian texts, Esarhaddon personally
brings out the old premier brick from the site
of the temple so that restoration can begin.
The reference to level ground here suggests
that Zerubbabel is ceremoniously removing
the premier brick from the prior temple to indicate
that the restoration can begin.
4:9. Zerubbabel to complete the temple.
In the Autobiography of Adad-Guppi, Adad-
Guppi, the mother of King Nabonidus (just a
few decades prior to Zechariah) is told in a
dream that her son will construct the temple
of the god Sin in Harran. He will complete the
work and bring renewed glory to Harran and
its patron deity.
4:10. plumb line. The Hebrew speaks only of
a tin stone. Some temple restoration projects
in the ancient world featured a tin bracelet
ZECHARIAH 4:10—5:4 802
used by the one who removed the premier
stone (see the comment on 4:7 above). Tin was
also occasionally used as a tablet for the foundation
inscription.
4:10. seven eyes of the Lord. The seven “eyes”
of the Lord are represented by the lamps. If
the connections suggested between 3:9 and 4:3
above are correct, these seven “eyes” are also
the same ones mentioned in 3:9 and are embedded
in the foundation stone as part of the
picture of the lampstand.
4:12. golden pipes. In the seals described in
the comment on 4:3, there are also portrayed
what Keel identifies as “tassels” extending
from the crescent moon. In this vision they
take the form of pipes conducting oil from the
trees to the lamp.
4:14. significance of oil. The word used for oil
in verses 12 and 14 refers to the raw material,
unprocessed oil. This would not be used for
anointing (NIV’s “anointed” in the Hebrew is
“sons of oil”). As a raw material it is often connected
with prosperity, but it is difficult to
know what connection that would have here.
Given the context of laying the foundation of
the temple, it may be important that the ceremonial
laying of the foundation often featured
mortar mixed with oil rather than water. If
this connection is valid, it would again identify
Joshua and Zerubbabel as the ones carrying
out the building project. Sennacherib claims
that he sprinkled a foundation with oil as if it
were river water.
ZECHARIAH 4:10—5:4
5:1-4
Flying Scroll
5:1. flying scroll. The description of the scroll
as flying suggests that it is at least partially
unrolled. Though in English we can speak of a
flag flying as well as a creature flying, Hebrew
usage is only in the latter category (though
sparks and clouds are also said to “fly”). This
is confirmed in verse 4, where the scroll is sent
out and enters houses. There is no parallel to
flying scrolls in extrabiblical literature.
5:2. dimensions compared. The dimensions of
the scroll are the same as the portico area of
Solomon’s temple, but it is difficult to identify
any significance to such a correlation. The
thirty-foot-long scroll is not unusual for ancient
scrolls, but the fifteen-foot width is extraordinary
and out of proportion. Concern
for proportionality has led some to consider
the thirty-foot length as a reference to only the
few columns that were visible in a partial unrolling
of the scroll. It would be highly unusual
to unroll the entire scroll. Conventional
practice would be to unroll both sides of the
scroll simultaneously to move through the
scroll, maintaining the visibility of just a few
columns of text at a time. Having the open
section thirty feet long would be more consistent
with the giant size suggested by the fifteen-
foot width. Since a column of writing on
a scroll was typically about half as wide as the
height of the scroll, probably two columns
would be visible, with the still rolled portions
on either side making up the remainder of the
width.
5:3. curse on the scroll. The word used here
for curse refers to the dire consequences called
down on one who violates an oath, or to a
public summons intended to collect information
concerning a crime that has been committed
(see Lev 5:1. Failure to reveal information
that one has would implicate a person as an
accomplice, subject to the same punishment
as the perpetrator.
5:3. written on both sides. Though scrolls
usually had writing on only one side, it is not
without precedent for the writing to carry
over onto the other side (see Ezek 2:10. Having
said that, however, it is not at all clear that
the text is referring to a scroll written on two
sides. In almost every use of this idiom, the
two sides are left and right, not front and
back. If front and back were intended, the
same idiom that is used in Ezekiel 2:10 would
have been the logical choice. It is therefore
more likely that two columns are exposed on
the scroll (see comment on 5:2), with one addressing
the punishment for theft and the other
the punishment for swearing falsely.
5:3. thieves and oath breakers. The text suggests
a connection between theft and oath breaking.
What oath could be made that, if broken,
would constitute theft? One possibility is that individuals
had made pledges of funds to accomplish
the building of the temple and were now
reneging on their oaths. In that case they would
be guilty of stealing (it had been pledged and,
therefore, no longer belonged to them) and of
oath breaking. The sanctions (represented in the
scroll) are now going forth to ferret them out
and bring the consequences down on them. The
problem of investing in their own houses instead
of the temple is referred to in Haggai 1:4;
the accusation of theft for holding back that
which has been pledged is seen to be a postexilic
problem in Malachi 3:8-10.
5:4. curse entering a house and remaining in
it. If, as suggested in the above comments, the
offenders have reneged on their promised
contributions to the temple, it is appropriate
that their obstruction of the building of the
Lord’s house should result in the destruction
of their own houses. It is another way of say-
803 ZECHARIAH 5:5—6:8
ing that their unfaithfulness will come back to
haunt them in such a way that the punishment
is suited to the offense.
ZECHARIAH 5:5—6:8
5:5-11
Woman in the Basket
5:6. measuring basket. Special ceremonial
containers were used to transport the premier
stone as well as to house the foundation deposits.
This container is described only by its
size, an ephah, which is generally considered
about two-thirds of a bushel. There is no indication
as to what material it is made out of.
The container used for foundation deposits in
Mesopotamia is called a quppu and could be
either a wicker basket or a wooden chest.
Judging from what was placed in them, they
could be of varying sizes.
5:7. lead. Though the NIV interprets this as a
cover, the text refers to it in verse 7 as a “talent”
of lead (a particular weight, usually the shape of
a convex disk) and as a stone of lead in verse 8.
Temple foundation deposits often included metal
pieces (gold, silver, iron, bronze, lead), sometimes
small scraps, other times large blocks and
at times square convex tablets or bricks.
5:7. woman inside. The small size of the container
has led to the conclusion that the woman
sitting inside refers to a figurine. The connection
of this to temple building could be that figurines
were often buried next to the foundation
deposit or beneath the door-pivot stone. Such
figurines could either indicate dedication to a
particular deity, or represent an apotropaic
(protective) deity. It is very tempting to see this
vision as entailing a foundation deposit box
taken from the ruins of the temple that contained
a figurine and a piece of lead.
5:9. women with wings. In the Old Testament
angels are not female and are not portrayed
with wings (though in Dan 9:21 Gabriel perhaps
comes in swift flight; but see comment
there). In Ugaritic literature Baal’s sister, Anat,
is portrayed with wings. In Mesopotamian art
winged creatures are generally either protective
genies or demons. The goddess Ishtar is
also occasionally portrayed with wings. Two
winged female genies are portrayed flanking a
stylized tree in a relief from the ninth century.
5:11. building a house for it. The pronoun “it”
is feminine, as are the woman and the ephah.
Since the second part of this verse makes reference
to the container rather than to the
woman, the house is seen as being built for it
rather than for her. This would further confirm
that the container should be identified as
a foundation deposit that will be set in place
in a temple there. The word “house” is often
used for a temple.
6:1-8
Four Chariots
6:1-5. charioteer messengers of deity. These
are called the four spirits, the same terms as
the four winds in 2:6. Psalm 104:4 refers to the
winds as the messengers of Yahweh, and that
SUMMARY OF THE TEMPLE-BUILDING CONNECTIONS TO ZECHARIAH’S VISIONS
The series of visions starts off with the affirmation that Yahweh still cares about his people despite the
secure standing of the Persian empire. The first vision indicates that his plan for the future is going to be
accomplished through the rebuilt temple. The second vision begins the process of preparing the site for
the rebuilding. The dismantling of the altar is envisioned as representing the terrifying of the nations. The
third vision continues the preparation by measuring the city (1:16 shows that measuring the city is part of
the preparation for building the temple). Measurements of the city served the purpose of determining the
placement of the temple. Such a process would not be productive in this case, however, because the city is
not going to have walls to calculate from. It would be highly unusual for a temple not to be protected by a
wall because of all the valuables stored there and the need to preserve the sanctity of the area. In a preamble
to the fourth vision, Joshua is prepared to play his role; he is purified for the rituals surrounding the
premier stone and given the ceremonial cap on which the stone is carried. This foundation stone is ornamented
with seven semiprecious stones that serve as seven lamps in the inscribed decoration. The
inscription on the stone is a typical scene of a lampstand (representing the temple and indirectly Yahweh,
who dwells there) flanked by stylized trees. Here they are olive trees that supply the oil to keep the lampstand/
temple going. Oil is also used to pour over the foundation and mix with the mortar for the placement
of the ceremonial premier stone. In this vision, Zerubbabel is the one responsible for ceremonially
removing the previous premier stone so that the leveling of the site can take place. The fifth vision represents
an attempt to call in the pledges that have been made for the funding of the building project. The
deadbeats are guilty of breaking their oaths and, in effect, of stealing because they have kept that which
had been pledged to the temple rebuilding fund. The sixth removes an idolatrous figurine that would
have been deposited in the foundations in a previous renovation. It is sent back to Babylon where it
belongs, and there a temple can be built for this foundation deposit. The sequence ends with the temple
serving its function as a base of operations from where Yahweh can carry out his military and political
plans.
ZECHARIAH 6:9—9:2 804
is the function they are serving here. The
horsemen in chapter 1 were comparable to the
Persian courier service, but chariots were not
used that way. It is unusual that a chariot
should be used by a messenger, because it
would only slow him down and tire his horses
unnecessarily. In the ancient Near East a supernatural
being in a chariot was usually
transporting the deity rather than serving as a
messenger (see comment on 2 Kings 2:11.
ZECHARIAH 6:9—9:2
6:9-15
Joshua’s Crown
6:11. high priest’s crown. The crown referred
to here is a circlet, and, though it is occasionally
worn by royalty, it more often adorns a person
who is being honored or celebrated. It can
be made of precious metals, as it is here, but
can also be made of flowers or greenery.
7:1-14
Fasting Question
7:1. chronology. The date equivalent is December
7, 518 B.C. This is nearly two years after
the last date given in chapter 1 and the last
date given in the book. There is no evident
correspondence to any particular event in either
the Jewish calendar or the activities of
Darius that would give this date significance.
7:2. people of Bethel. The town of Bethel was
about twelve miles north of Jerusalem and
was on the northern fringe of the Persian
province known as Yehud (Judah).
7:3. fast of the fifth month. Nebuchadnezzar’s
destruction of the temple had taken
place in the fifth month (see 2 Kings 25:8. It is
logical that a fast day had been established on
that date. The delegation would undoubtedly
wonder whether they should continue to observe
a fast for the destruction of the temple
now that it was being rebuilt. Zechariah responds
by questioning whether the fast focused
on a petition to rebuild the temple or on
a petition that concerned repentance for the
sins that had brought about the destruction.
7:5. fast of the seventh month. The only
known event from the seventh month that
could reasonably the occasion for a fast is the
assassination of Gedaliah Jer 41. He had
been appointed governor of Jerusalem by
Nebuchadnezzar after the fall of Jerusalem.
7:5. purpose of fasting. Fasting is little attested
in the ancient Near East outside of the Bible.
It generally occurs in the context of
mourning. In the Old Testament the religious
use of fasting is often in connection with making
a request before God. The principle is that
the importance of the request causes an individual
to be so concerned about his or her
spiritual condition that physical necessities
fade into the background. In this sense the act
of fasting is designed as a process leading to
purification and humbling before God (Ps
69:10; 102:4). It is not an end in itself, but rather
it is the disciplined training in preparation
for an important event.
8:1-23
Oracles of Restoration
8:19. various fasts. The fasts of the fifth and
seventh months have been identified in the
comments on chapter 7. The other two also
appear to be connected with the events surrounding
the siege of Jerusalem. The fourth
month represented the end of Davidic kings
occupying the throne. It was in the fourth
month that the last king of Judah, Zedekiah,
secretly fled the city after a year and a half of
siege. The tenth month had marked the beginning
of the siege of Jerusalem by the Babylonian
armies.
8:22. powerful nations seeking the Lord. This
was already a theme in preexilic prophecy. See
comment on Isaiah 2:2.
8:23. grasping the hem. Grasping the hem of
the garment was a common phrase found in
Ugaritic, Aramaic and Akkadian (languages
related to biblical Hebrew). In Akkadian the
phrase was “to seize the hem.” In both Israel
and Mesopotamia, grasping the hem of someone’s
garment was a gesture of supplication
and submission. Saul’s grasping of Samuel’s
skirt was a final plea for mercy. This is also the
case in the Ugaritic Baal cycle, where Anat
seizes the hem of Mot’s garment to plead for
her brother Baal.
9:1-17
Coming Judgment
9:1. Hadrach/Damascus. Hadrach is not
known from any other biblical references but
is familiar from Neo-Assyrian sources beginning
in the mid-eighth century as the district
of Hatarikka. It is located along the upper
Orontes River between Aleppo and Hamath.
It is the northernmost area of the Persian satrapy
known as Abarnahara (land across the
river) that dominated the region between the
Orontes and the Euphrates. Damascus dominated
the northeastern region of the satrapy
between the Orontes and the Syrian desert.
During this period it was a province, as was
Hadrach.
9:2. Hamath in early fifth century. Hamath is
805 ZECHARIAH 9:2-14
likewise a term that could refer to a region as
well as a city. It was located about 130 miles
north of Damascus along the Orontes. If it was
a province during this time, as some suggest,
its territory would most likely have been the
area between the Orontes and the Mediterranean.
Neither archaeological or literary sources
provide much information for the sixth and
fifth centuries.
ZECHARIAH 9:2-14 9:2. Tyre and Sidon in the early fifth century.
These cities represent the province(s) of Phoenicia
between the Litani River and the Mediterranean.
Though as port cities these two
were important to the Persian military efforts
in the west, there is little information about
them during this period.
9:5-6. Philistine cities in early fifth century.
The area of ancient Philistia was now identified
as the province of Ashdod. Gaza served
as the base for Persian military operations
against Egypt, and Ashkelon was a prosperous
port city. Excavations at Ashdod suggest a
thriving town during the Persian period but
historical documents give little information.
9:7. blood, forbidden food. This speaks of a
change in Philistine diet such that they will
conform to Jewish law. The Israelites were forbidden
to eat meat without draining the blood
(see comments on Lev 17:11-12, and there
were regulations concerning animals that
could or could not be eaten (see comments on
Lev 11.
9:7. Ekron like Jebusites. The Jebusites were
native to the region of Jerusalem at the time of
the conquest of the land under Joshua. They
continued to control Jerusalem for the centuries
of the Judges period up to the conquest of
Jerusalem by David. There are a few textual
indications that they were absorbed into Israel
rather than wiped out (see comment on 2 Sam
24:18). Ekron has been identified as Tell Miqne
in the Sorek Valley, about twenty miles southwest
of Jerusalem and fifteen miles from the
Mediterranean. It features a forty-acre lower
city, a ten-acre upper tell and a two-and-ahalf-
acre acropolis. Excavations since the early
1980s have given a good picture of this town.
It was known for its production of olive oil
and had over one hundred processing plants.
An inscription found on the site in 1996 that
dated to the seventh century B.C. provided the
first example of the Philistine dialect of West
Semitic using the Phoenician script. After Ekron’s
destruction by Nebuchadnezzar in 603,
there was very little occupation of the site.
9:9. king riding donkey. It was common in
the ancient Near East for a king to ride a mule
(see comment on 1 Kings 1:33, but here the
reference is to a common donkey. Although
Akkadian texts do evidence a king riding a
donkey, it is by no means a royal mount. The
word translated “colt” in the NIV refers to the
same animal that is the mount for the sons of
judges in Judges 10:3. Using a donkey for a
mount is more likely to be connected to humility
than to royalty.
9:10. battle bow. In Assyrian texts from the
seventh century (Esarhaddon), a deity breaking
the bow of the enemy is a way of describing
conquest. In this passage the action
appears to prevent future battle. In other biblical
texts the same concept is expressed by the
idea of beating swords into plowshares (see
comment on Is 2:4.
9:10. sea to sea. Rather than referring to particular
seas such as the Mediterranean and the
Dead Sea, the universal tone of the passage
suggests that reference is being made to cosmic
seas that encompass all the inhabited
lands.
9:10. River to ends of the earth. When “river”
is used with a definite article, it is usually a
name for the Euphrates. Here there is no definite
article, suggesting a more abstract cosmic
reference. In Akkadian literature the great cosmic
river is known as apsu and would serve as
a suitable contrast to the ends of the earth.
“The ends of the earth” is used to refer to the
most distant known places.
9:13. Greece in the early fifth century. The
Hebrew term used here, “Javan,” was probably
the Greek name Ionia, the Greek region of
the western coast of Turkey and the Aegean islands.
Ionian Greeks settled this area just before
the first millennium B.C. There is evidence
of contact between them and the Assyrians by
the eighth century B.C. By the time of Zechariah
the Greeks have been involved in warfare
with the Persians (see comment on Esther 2:1.
9:14. divine warrior. In the divine warrior motif
the deity is fighting the battles and defeating
the deities of the enemy. In Assyria Nergal
is the king of battle, and Ishtar is viewed as a
war goddess. The Canaanite Baal and the
Babylonian Marduk are divine warriors. In
this worldview human warfare is viewed simply
as a representation of warfare among the
gods. The stronger god would be victorious
regardless of the strengths or weaknesses in
the human combatants. Thunder and lightning
were considered to regularly accompany
the presence of a deity, especially in a battle
setting. From the Sumerian Exaltation of Inanna,
to the Hittite myths about the storm god,
to the Akkadian and Ugaritic mythologies, the
gods are viewed as thundering in judgment
against their enemies. Baal is depicted as
grasping a handful of thunderbolts. Thunder-
ZECHARIAH 9:15—11:4 806
ing terminology is picked up in royal rhetoric
as Hittite or Assyrian kings portray themselves
as the instruments of the gods, thundering
against those who have violated
treaties or stood in the way of empire expansion.
9:15. bowl from sprinkling corners of altar.
The horns of the altar were sprinkled with the
blood of the sacrifices, so it was blood that
filled these bowls. The comparison to the
bowl therefore suggests massive bloodshed.
ZECHARIAH 9:15—11:4
10:1—11:3
Deliverance of Judah from
Oppressive Shepherds
10:1. Yahweh as fertility deity. There is a long
history in the ancient Near East of particular
worship being offered to the storm god who
brought rain and fertility to the fields. Baal
was that god in the Canaanite system. Israelites
in the preexilic period had been inclined
to attribute the fertility of the fields to Baal
even while they gladly acknowledged Yahweh
as their national God (see comment on
Hos 2:1.
10:2. idols and diviners. The word translated
“idols” is teraphim, which are not representations
of the gods, but, most likely, of the ancestors
(see comment on Gen 31:19. These
images would most likely “speak” through
omens or through the necromancers who professed
skill in communicating with the spirits
of the dead. Experts in divination not only interpreted
dreams (see comments on Dan 1:17;
2:4), but also specialized in inducing revelatory
dreams (see comment on 1 Sam 3:3.
10:3. leaders as shepherds. The ideology of
the king as a shepherd to his people is applied
to Lugalzagessi of Sumer as early as around
2450 B.C. The contemporary king Urukagina
of Lagash claimed that the god Ningirsu
owned his state and that the king had been
chosen as a “shepherd” to administer the city
on behalf of the gods and the people. Gods responsible
for maintaining justice (Shamash in
Mesopotamia, Amon in Egypt) are likewise
represented in this way. This ideology continued
in the ancient Near East into the monarchy
period, occurring in reference to Ashurbanipal
of Assyria (seventh century) and Nebuchadnezzar
(sixth century).
10:4. cornerstone. Israelite Iron Age architectural
design made increasing use of cut stone
masonry over the rough boulders and rubble
construction of earlier periods. In order to
provide stability and to bind two adjoining
walls together, a finely shaped block of stone
was inserted that became the cornerstone. It
would have been a larger stone than those
normally used, and its insertion often required
special effort or rituals. Its large,
smooth surface was a natural place for inscribing
religious slogans, the name of the architect
or king responsible and the date of
construction. It is possible that the cornerstone
could also serve as the foundation stone.
10:4. tent peg. It could be said that the tent
peg is to the tent what the cornerstone is to a
building. Alternatively, there is an Old Assyrian
inscription of Irishum that suggests that a
peg is driven into the wall of a temple as a
symbol of its completion. In such a case the
foundation stone marks the beginning of the
project, while the peg marks the end of it. The
terms both came to be used metaphorically as
that which is foundational (as in Is 22:23; Ezra
9:8). Such pegs were sometimes included in
Mesopotamian foundation deposits.
10:10. places of exile. Although Assyria is the
well-known site of exile for both the northern
kingdom and groups from the southern kingdom
(see comment on Is 22:2-3, it is evident
that there were also colonies of Israelites that
had either fled to Egypt or been taken to Egypt,
perhaps as early as the eighth century but certainly
by the seventh century (see comment on
Jer 43:7.
10:10. Gilead and Lebanon. Referring to
Gilead (tableland east of the Jordan) and Lebanon
(Beqa Valley along the Litani River between
the Lebanon and Anti-Lebanon
mountain chains) for Israel would be like referring
to Montana and Wyoming in the United
States. Images would be evoked of wide
open, sparsely inhabited spaces.
11:1-3. destruction of forests and pastures.
Forestation and pasturage are valuable resources
in this land that offers so little of them.
Vast stretches of potentially productive land
become trackless waste land when the greenery
is destroyed. The modern state of Israel is
reclaiming the land’s productivity by reintroducing
forestation into desolate areas. Ancient
invaders strategically destroyed farmland, pasturage
and forestation when seeking to cripple
a nation long-term (see comment on 2 Kings
3:25).
11:4-17
Drama of Two Shepherds
11:4. flock marked for slaughter. The temple
kept extensive herds that had been given as
firstfruit offerings (and for other reasons) and
were marked for slaughter in that they had
been promised to the Lord. There would
therefore be many shepherds in the employ of
807 ZECHARIAH 11:6—12:11
the temple to watch over these herds.
11:6. handing people over to neighbors. The
Hebrew word for neighbor is very close to the
Hebrew word for shepherd. The parallel with
the word “king” in this verse has led some to
conclude that the word “shepherd” was the
original reading. Alternatively, there may just
be a play on words here.
11:12. thirty pieces of silver. By verse 12 it is
difficult to know whether Zechariah is still in
his role as shepherd and is collecting shepherd
wages, or whether he is collecting wages
for his prophetic role (last line of v. 11). Information
from the law codes in the second millennium
B.C. indicates that a shepherd would
normally make ten shekels in a year. On the
other hand a prophet might expect to be paid
well for his skills. The fact that a slave was
worth thirty shekels is not helpful here, since
Zechariah is not being bought as a slave. In
Sumerian usage “thirty shekels worth” has an
idiomatic meaning along the lines of “two
bits” or “a plug nickel,” meaning that something
was virtually worthless. While this
would fit the context here, the jump from
Sumerian to postexilic Hebrew is a large one
and cannot be relied upon.
11:13. thrown to the potter. Three possible explanations
have been given here, and it is difficult
to decide between them. First, it is likely
that there was a pottery shop in the vicinity of
the temple that served the temple’s needs. But
why would this money be thrown there? Second,
the word for potter simply means “fashioner,”
so some have suggested that here it
refers to a metalworker who is perhaps going
to make a figurine out of the silver. This may
offer an explanation of why the silver is
thrown here, but it requires an unusual meaning
to be applied to a fairly common noun.
Third, it has been observed that the word rendered
“potter” can, with very little change, be
understood as “treasury.” Some of the early
translations take this route, and it can find
some support in the New Testament as well
Mt 27:5-6, though Matthew also refers to the
potter). Each interpretation has its difficulties,
and no information from the ancient Near
East can shed light on the actions of the
prophet.
11:16. tearing off hoofs. Herds of sheep were
rarely used for meat. The wool was far more
valuable. A shepherd’s main responsibility
was to preserve the life and health of the
sheep so as to vouchsafe their continued productivity.
Eating the meat spoke of the shortsighted
self-indulgence of undisciplined
appetites rather than wise management of
long-term resources. The tearing off of the
hoofs may represent an attempt to persuade
the owner that the sheep had been devoured
by a wild animal so that the shepherd would
not be held accountable. Alternatively, the
shepherd may be seeking to sell the hoofs so
as to get a small return.
ZECHARIAH 11:6—12:11
12:1-14
Deliverance of Jerusalem
12:2. cup (bowl) of reeling. The expression
“cup of reeling” is used elsewhere in Isaiah
51:17, 22, but here the text actually speaks of a
bowl (saph) rather than a cup. It is possible
that the author chose the word “bowl” in order
to execute a wordplay. The Hebrew word
saph also means “threshold.” Just as the drink
from a vessel could cause drunkenness and
stumbling, a threshold could easily cause
stumbling, because part of the threshold was
raised above ground level. The threshold consisted
of a large stone slab that featured sockets
on each end into which the door pivots
were fitted (though large gates would have
separate sockets sunk in the ground). The
door would close against the protruding
threshold. This threshold slab could also be
the immovable rock that is referred to in the
next verse.
12:3. immovable rock. If the word translated
“bowl” in the last verse is doing double duty
as a reference to the threshold, then this
would likely refer to the threshold slab. As an
integral part of the gate structure, the threshold
stone would probably be dislodged when
the gates were destroyed. This would be a
prime objective of a besieging army. Tearing
down gates is mentioned in Neo-Babylonian
texts, but the taking up of the threshold is not
specifically referred to. A Sumerian lament
over Eridu reports that the doorframe was
ripped out. Akkadian texts describe the high
grade of stone that is used and the function
these slabs serve as a foundation for both
gates and walls. When Sennacherib destroyed
Babylon, he tore out the foundations of temples
and walls and threw them into the canal.
Temple thresholds were often inscribed with
prayers for protection.
12:11. weeping of Hadad Rimmon. This name
occurs nowhere else in the Old Testament,
though each of the parts are known. Hadad
was the name of the Canaanite storm god, the
head of the Aramean pantheon, who was generally
referred to by the title “Baal.” A temple
of Rimmon is referred to by Naaman in
2 Kings 5:18. Rimmon (or Ramman, “thunderer”)
is believed to be a title of this storm god
Hadad. Though this association is confidently
ZECHARIAH 12:11—14:7 808
made, there has been no occurrence of this title
outside the Bible. Though some interpreters
have thought of mourning that took place
at a location known as Hadad Rimmon, it is
more likely that a reference is being made to a
mourning festival or ritual connected to the
deity Hadad Rimmon. When the expected
rains did not come at their proper time,
mourning for the storm god was one step taken
to bring the rains needed for planting season.
12:11. plain of Megiddo. The plain of Megiddo
is the Jezreel Valley. If mourning rites for a
storm god are indicated here, the Jezreel Valley,
the most fertile land in Israel, would be
the likely site for the ritual. If Hadad Rimmon
is a place in the Jezreel Valley, it may indicate
the location of a devastating event. It was in
the plain of Megiddo, for instance, that the
promising and godly king Josiah lost his life
attempting to stop the Egyptians from helping
the floundering Assyrian empire in 609 B.C.
(see comments on 2 Chron 35:20, 22. This loss
was felt so deeply that a customary day of
mourning was instituted 2 Chron 35:24-25.
12:12-13. historical significance of named
clans. David and Levi are recognizable as the
royal and priestly lines. Nathan and Shimei
are more difficult in that there are numerous
individuals in the Bible with those names.
Since Nathan was one of the sons of David (2
Sam 5:14), and Shimei was one of the grandsons
of Levi Num 3:21, many see in these
verses a reference to clans and subclans. Also
of interest is the possibility that all of these
clans had a relationship to Zerubbabel. He
descended from David through Nathan and
through Levi Lk 3:29, 31, and Zerubbabel’s
brother is named Shimei 1 Chron 3:19.
13:1-9
Cleansing and Refining
13:4. prophet’s garment of hair. The distinctive
prophet’s cloak was most likely made of
animal skin and was hairy in appearance,
though not all cloaks were so made. Very little
is said about prophetic garb in the ancient
Near East, so comparison is difficult. It may be
of interest that Assyrian inscriptions beginning
at this period portray a few individuals
wearing lion-headed cloaks. These individuals
seem to be involved in ritual activities
(dance) and accompany deity. It is guessed
that they may be exorcists.
13:6. wounds on prophet’s body. Self-laceration
is evident in 1 Kings 18:28 as part of a
mourning ritual performed by the prophets
of Baal. In the Ugaritic literature the gods are
portrayed as lacerating themselves when
they hear of the death of Baal. Additionally
an Akkadian wisdom text from Ugarit compares
the blood-letting of mourning rites to
that practiced by ecstatic prophets. Marks of
self-flagellation would be indicative of practicing
prophets.
ZECHARIAH 12:11—14:7
14:1-21
The Lord Reigns
14:3. divine warrior. See comment on 9:14.
The imagery of the deity standing on a mountain
is well known in the ancient Near East
(see comment on Mic 1:3, especially on cylinder
seals. In these pictures the mountain is believed
to represent the center of the earth.
14:4. Mount of Olives. The Mount of Olives is
so named only here in the Old Testament. It is
a ridge two and a half miles long running
north and south just east across the Kidron
Valley from Jerusalem.
14:4. splitting of Mount of Olives. In Akkadian
literature leveling mountains is an act of
destruction, but there is no reference to splitting
mountains to provide for escape. The ascent
up the Mount of Olives from the Kidron
Valley is quite steep, so an east-west valley
would certainly facilitate the refugees’ flight.
14:5. Azel. There is no clear consensus regarding
the location of Azel. In other verses it is
only the name of a person in the genealogy of
Saul. If the territory name is connected to the
person, it would be located northwest of
Jerusalem in the territory of Benjamin, but it is
difficult to understand what is intended by
having the valley extend there.
14:5. earthquake in Uzziah’s days. Seismic activity
in Syro-Palestine is a common occurrence.
The region lies over the Jordan Rift,
which stretches from Damascus to the Gulf of
Aqabah, and is therefore subject to periodic
shifts of the earth. There is evidence of a sizeable
earthquake in the stratum 6 excavations
at Hazor, dating to approximately 760. It is
possible that this is the one referred to here,
but additional corroborating evidence needs
to be sought at other sites, especially Bethel
and Samaria. The fact that this earthquake is
used to date both Amos’s prophetic activity
and the reign of King Uzziah suggests that it
must have been massive and therefore an
event that would have stuck in the minds of
the people.
ZACHARIAH 14:7-20 14:7. cosmic effects. The cessation of markers
of time signifies the most dramatic world-upside-
down effect imaginable (see comment on
Jer 4:23-26. It is accompanied by extensive topographical
changes (vv. 8, 10) and by sweep-
809 ZECHARIAH 14:8-20
ing political developments (vv. 12-13), as well
as by a redistribution of wealth (v. 14) and a
reorientation of worship (v. 16).
14:8. Jerusalem as watershed with stream.
“Living water” refers to flowing spring water
(in contrast to collected runoff or rain water).
In Jerusalem the source of water is the Gihon
Spring on the southeastern flank of the city by
the Kidron Valley. Although there are higher
elevations south of Jerusalem (Bethlehem to
Hebron), the land slopes away both in the
west (through the Shephelah down to the
Mediterranean coast) and in the east (down to
Jericho, the Jordan Rift Valley and the Dead
Sea). Many wadis in Israel contain water only
during the rainy season (winter), but this
verse speaks of a continuous flow. The Gihon
Spring gushes daily throughout the year (see
comment on 2 Sam 5:8.
14:10. Geba to Rimmon. Geba is located about
five miles north of Jerusalem. It guards the
Wadi Swenit near what was the northern border
of the Persian province of Yehud. Rimmon
is a little more difficult. There is a site known
elsewhere as En-Rimmon on the southern end
of the Shephelah (about ten miles north of
Beersheba), but this would not have been in
the territory of Yehud and appears too far
south to be matched with Geba.
14:10. land like the Arabah. The term “Arabah”
is capable of having both specific and
general meanings. As a specific geographical
designation it refers to the arid region around
the Dead Sea and south to the Gulf of Aqaba.
As a general topographical designation it refers
to flat steppe land. The context of this
verse demands the latter meaning.
14:10. Jerusalem topography. The Benjamin
Gate (other times called the Sheep Gate),
north of the Temple Mount, exits from the
area of the Bethesda Pool (known in this period
as the Sheep Pool) into the Kidron Valley.
It is toward the northern side of the east
wall (near the present day Lion’s Gate) and
would have led to the Jericho road. If First
Gate is the name of a gate, it should probably
be associated with the Old Gate (see
comment on Neh 3:6. The Corner Gate is
located on the northwest corner of the city’s
western expansion. It is in the vicinity of today’s
Jaffa Gate. The gates mentioned
therefore span the city from east to west
along the northern walls. The Tower of Hananel
was positioned on the northwest side
of the city near the Temple Mount. This is
about the same location as the Antonio Fortress
in Herod’s Jerusalem. Finally, the
king’s winepresses were probably in the
area of the king’s garden (see comment on
Neh 3:15 at the southern end of the city.
The winepresses combined with the Tower
of Hananel span the city from north to
south.
14:12. plague description. Among the most
common treatments of prominent enemies in
the ancient Near East were flaying the skin,
putting out the eyes and cutting out the
tongue. Here those are accomplished through
“plague.” These symptoms are unattested as
connected to any particular plague in the ancient
Near East.
zechariah 14:8-20 14:16. feast of tabernacles as enthronement
feast. Although an enthronement festival per
se is unattested in Israelite practice, it is often
assumed to have existed, and, if it did exist, it
would most logically have been connected to
the Feast of Tabernacles (see comments on
1 Kings 12:32-33 and Ezra 3:4. That would especially
be significant in this context as the nations
are expected to attend in order to
acknowledge the kingship of Yahweh.
14:18. rain in Egypt. Egypt receives very little
rain, and what it receives is not essential to its
productivity. Agriculture in Egypt is dependent
almost entirely on the annual flooding of
the Nile.
14:20. bells of horses. When something is designated
“Holy to the Lord” it is given sacred
status as part of that which is purified for service
within the sacred space of the temple precinct
where Yahweh’s presence dwelt. In
Exodus 28:38 it was engraved on the golden
plate worn by the high priest. Although
priests wore bells on their garments (Ex
28:33), this is a different Hebrew word. The
word used here may simply refer to metal
disks that tinkled together.
14:20. cooking pots and sacred bowls. Sacred
bowls would have been used for the most significant
ritual activities such as transporting
the blood of the sacrificed animals. Cooking
pots, in contrast, were the most common of
the temple vessels. Both could come in a variety
of shapes and sizes.
MALACHI 1:3—3:2 810
M A L A C H I
1:3. Esau’s mountains. “Esau’s mountains” was
most likely a designation for the hill country of
Seir Gen 36:8-9, 21, which was in the eastern
Negev. The mountains of Seir are mentioned in
Scripture (e.g., Gen 14:6, Deut 2:1. It was most
likely a designation for the southern portion of
the Edomite state, between the Wadi al-Ghuwayr
and Ras en-Naqb.
1:4-5. Edom in the fifth century. Although
Edom did not appear to join the rebellion
against Babylonian rule in the sixth century
B.C., the region appears to have been attacked
by the last Babylonian monarch, Nabonidus.
References in Obadiah, Jeremiah 49 and Ezekiel
25 refer to its destruction, but here in Malachi
it implies that the territory was not as of
yet abandoned by the Edomites. In the fifth
century B.C., however, little is known of the
fate of Edom. There appears to be some economic
activity from Edom with the Levant
and eastern Mediterranean, as well as evidence
of new population groups in the area.
The Qedarites appear to have belonged to the
Syrian desert southeast of Damascus, raiding
and migrating as far south of Moab and
Edom. It is also possible that the Nabataeans,
who conquered the area of Edom in the late
third century B.C., may have begun to migrate
north to this area from the Arabian desert.
1:8. offering defective animals. With the termination
of funding from the Persian government
(see comment on 3:10), various attempts were being
made cut costs. Apparently one of them came
in the form of relaxing the regulations concerning
the animals that could be offered for sacrifices.
1:12. Lord’s table. The phrase “the Lord’s table”
is found only here in the Old Testament.
The term translated “table” is a common one
used literally and figuratively to denote a table
(e.g., Is 65:11. Tables were used in Ezekiel
40:39-43 at the gates of the inner court to
slaughter sacrifices or for utensils. In the context
of Malachi 1:12, the Lord’s table appears to
be synonymous with the altar, which has been
defiled by the Israelites. It is figuratively described
as a table because of the imagery of sacrifices
being “food” for God. For discussion of
this imagery see the comment on Leviticus 1:2.
MALACHI 1:3—3:2 2:5-7. role of postexilic priesthood. Over four
thousand members of priestly and Levitical
families returned to Palestine after the exile under
the supervision of Zerubbabel and Joshua.
Both groups engaged in a variety of activities,
including the rebuilding of the walls of Jerusalem,
instructing in the law and leading in the
religious duties of the nation. However, the
priestly cult must have deteriorated during this
time (especially during Nehemiah’s absence),
since a foreigner (Tobiah the Ammonite) was
allowed a room in the temple. In fact, the Levites
had forsaken the temple for a time (Neh
13:10-11). Malachi 2 fits in this context, as the
contemporary priesthood had abrogated its
priestly responsibilities. The high priesthood
continued to exist as an office, continuing in
Zadok’s line. The book of Zechariah indicates
that many civil responsibilities exercised by the
king or governor had been assigned to or simply
absorbed by the priesthood so as to prevent
the governor from competing with the authority
of the Persian king.
2:11. marrying the daughter of a foreign god.
Although the meaning is not entirely certain,
the phrase “marrying the daughters of a foreign
god” probably refers to mixed Jewish
and non-Jewish marriages. The women who
were married to Jewish men remained devoted
to the service of their idols, and thus the
Jews were brought into the family of foreign
gods, making them liable to commit idolatry.
These marriages were condemned by both
Ezra and Nehemiah. For further information
on the practice of endogamy (marrying within
the group) see comment on Ezra 9:10-12.
2:14-16. marriage and divorce in fifth century.
What is known of marriage and divorce in the
Persian period comes from the Jewish documents
from Elephantine. Marriage contracts
often included stipulations concerning the
disposition of the dowry, bride price, property
and children in the event of a divorce. Divorce
appears to have been common and uncomplicated
with economic implications being of
greatest concern. At Elephantine no reason for
the divorce had to be offered.
3:1. preparatory role of the messenger. The
idea of the preparation for the way of the Lord
is also found in Isaiah 40:3. This concept probably
comes from an ancient Near Eastern custom
of sending messengers ahead of a visiting
king to inform local inhabitants of his coming
in order for them to pave the way (remove all
obstacles) for the monarch.
3:2. launderer’s soap. Launderer’s soap was
used to remove impurities and unclean elements
from clothing and other items. The
soap described here is the alkali that comes
from the iceplant, which was found in Babylo-
811 MALACH 3:3—4:4
nia but not in Syro-Palestine. The term occurs
elsewhere only in Jeremiah 2:22.
3:3. refiner and purifier of silver. In the ancient
world silver was extracted and assayed through
a process called cupellation. In the initial smelting
process silver was extracted from lead ores
(galena) containing less than 1 percent silver in a
given sample. The lead was melted in shallow
vessels made of porous substances such as bone
ash or clay. A bellows was then used to blow air
across the molten lead, producing lead oxide
(litharge). Some of the lead oxide was absorbed
by the bone ash, while some could be skimmed
off the surface. Ideally, the silver would remain.
Malachi might alternatively refer to the assaying
process. This involved heating a sample of silver
together with large amounts of lead in order to
draw off the impurities.
3:5. sorcerers. The technical term here refers to
those who were specialists in spells and incantations.
These experts would have had familiarity
with the literature for omens and
dreams. They would have practiced sympathetic
magic (based on the idea that there is an
association between an object and that which
it symbolizes; for example, that what is done
to a person’s picture will happen to the person)
and would have used their arts to command
the gods and spirits. Magic was the
thread that held creation together. and it was
used both defensively and offensively by its
practitioners, human or divine.
MALACH 3:3—4:4 3:8-10. tithes providing food. There is little
difference in the ancient Near East between
tithes and taxes. Both were exacted from villages
as payment to the government and usually
stored in temple complexes, from which
the grain, oil and wine were then redistributed
to maintain royal and religious officials. In
collecting and redistributing the tithe, the distinction
between sacred and secular is
blurred. The tithe (literally, the “tenth part”)
mentioned here was a compulsory contribution
for the maintenance of both the cult and
the government of ancient Israel. It was also
used among various other peoples in the ancient
Near East, including the Phoenicians
and Canaanites. Israel was commanded to
tithe to God and to “eat before the Lord,”
probably a communal meal. It is unlikely that
the one who is tithing is expected to eat the
entire tithe. That would frustrate its purpose
of providing for the priestly community and
serving as a reserve for the destitute. The injunction
probably has more to do with bringing
the tithe (or its value in silver) to God’s
sanctuary in Jerusalem and thereby demonstrating
devotion. See comment on Numbers
18:21-32 for further information.
3:10. shortfall in temple funds. The problem
of appropriating for private use that which
rightfully belonged to the temple was recognized
early on in the ancient Near East. In a
Sumerian prayer to Enki a worshiper denies
that he has plundered the offerings of the deity.
During the reign of Xerxes the funding of
the temple by the Persian empire came to an
end. This meant that there was a greater burden
placed on the people to provide the support
for all of the priests, the worship activities
and the temple upkeep. This additional
financial responsibility created what the people
considered a hardship and led to rationalizations
for cutting back temple spending.
3:16. scroll of remembrance. The expression
“book of remembrance” is found only here in
Scripture, although the idea of God having a
book in which he recorded entries is found
elsewhere (e.g., Ex 32:32; Ps 139:16; Is 4:3; 65:6;
Ezek 13:9. Ancient Near Eastern kings often
had a record written of the most important
events in their reign (see comment on Esther
2:23). It was believed both in Israel and in the
ancient Near East that deity kept books as well.
In Exodus 32:32-34 Moses is willing to be blotted
out of the book of life, an action that would
result in his death. Yahweh replies that the one
who sins is wiped out from the book. The metaphor
is of a ledger that contains a list of the
living. This is comparable to the book that contains
the names of those destined for death that
Enkidu sees in his dream of the netherworld.
Mesopotamian literature contains references
both to tablets recording evil deeds (in the
Shurpu texts) and to tablets recording good
deeds. See comment on Psalm 56:8.
4:2. sun of righteousness with healing in its
wings. The sun of righteousness here is bringing
justice. Throughout the ancient Near East
solar deities are connected to justice. It is not
unusual in the Old Testament for Yahweh’s
work to be depicted using this metaphor of
solar terminology. “Healing in its wings” is a
symbolic use of the wings of a bird with the
rays of the sun. The wings denote protective
care (hence the healing). An ancient Near
Eastern motif in astral religions has the sun
depicted as a winged disk. This is especially
pervasive in the Persian period.
4:4. Horeb. Horeb was another name for Mount
Sinai, the place where God revealed himself to
Moses and gave him the Ten Commandments.
Its precise location is uncertain, and there are at
least four possible locations in the southern Sinai
argued by scholars to be Mount Sinai: Jebel
Musa, Ras es-safsafeh, Jebel Serbal and a mountain
near al-Hrob. For discussion of the location
see comment on Exodus 19:1-2.
G L O S S A R Y
The IVP Bible Background Commentary: Old Testament
Glossary Many terms that arise frequently in our discussions are explained in this glossary. To aid readers we have
placed asterisks (*) throughout the text before terms that are found here. Not all terms will be found in
exactly the same form here as in the text.
Adapa: a priest of the god Ea in the Sumerian
city of Eridu. The story about him tells
how he was tricked out of the opportunity
to obtain immortality when he was advised
not to eat divine food.
Ahiqar: an advisor to the Assyrian king
Sennacherib (704-681 B.C.), who was exiled
and wrote a set of teachings on “wise” and
“foolish” men that parallels some of the
saying in Proverbs.
Akkadian: term applied to Mesopotamian
culture and language from about 2500 to
500 B.C.
Alalakh: a northern Syrian city in the
southern part of the plain of Antioch that
flourished in the early second millennium
B.C. It produced numerous records that describe
the politics and economy of the area,
and it is mentioned in texts from Mari,
Nuzi and the Hittite kingdom.
Amarna: see El-Amarna.
amulet: a carved ornament worn around
the neck designed to ward off evil, cure
disease or bring good luck to the owner.
Amorite/Amurru: a group of Semitic peoples
who lived in an area west of Mesopotamia
and including the Mediterranean
seacoast during the second millennium B.C.
anachronism: a detail or word in a story
that does not fit the time period of the story.
Often anachronisms can be understood
as clarifications or adjustments made to the
text at a later time.
Anat: goddess of fertility and warfare, and
principal consort of the god Baal in
Canaanite and Ugaritic religion.
Anatolia: roughly equivalent to the area
known in the New Testament as Asia Minor
and today as Turkey. It was the home
of the Hittites in the mid-second millennium.
annunciation: a birth announcement.
Apocrypha: books written in the Hellenistic
period between the Testaments. These
fourteen books were not part of the Jewish
canon and are not included in the Protestant
canon but are retained in the Catholic
tradition.
apodictic law: a type of legal statement in
the form of a command, without explanation.
apostasy: any action which allows or condones
false worship.
apotropaic: an action taken or a symbol
used to drive away evil.
Aqhat: the son of Danil. He is the hero of a
Ugaritic epic in which he is portrayed as a
mighty hunter and is murdered by the
goddess Anat when he refuses to give her
his bow. The story has parallels with the
ancestral narratives and the book of Judges.
Aram: the northwestern half of Mesopotamia
and the Mediterranean coast was the
home of the Arameans in the late second
and early first millennia B.C.
Asherah: Canaanite fertility goddess, consort
of Baal, often associated with sacred
groves or represented by sacred poles in
the Bible.
Assyria: northern Mesopotamian area centered
on the Tigris River. It has several periods
of prominence, the most important
being from 1000 to 612 B.C., when it conquered
all of the Near East and produced a
law code (Middle Assyrian Code) that parallels
biblical law.
Astarte: a Canaanite and Phoenician goddess,
consort of the god Baal, associated
with fertility and known as the goddess of
war.
Baal: Canaanite and Ugaritic god of storms
and fertility.
Babylon: major Mesopotamian city located
813 GLOSSARY
at the closest conjunction of the Tigris and
Euphrates Rivers, which dominated the
history of that area during several periods.
Bronze Age: the era (divided into Early,
Middle and Late periods) from approximately
3000 to 1200 B.C., characterized by
bronze technology.
bulla: a clay stamp used to seal a papyrus
document. The seal impression prevented
tampering and also provided the name or
the rank of the official who wrote the document.
casuistic law: a form of legal statement
based on an “if-then” structure.
Chalcolithic Age: the era from 4300 to 3000
B.C., characterized by use of copper technology.
Chaldean: period of Mesopotamian history
from approximately 700 to 540 B.C. and associated
with the Neo-Babylonians and
King Nebuchadnezzar.
Chemosh: Moabite national god, often associated
with war.
circumcision: the religious ritual of removing
the foreskin from the penis. It was employed
by the Israelites to mark them as
members of the covenant community.
cognate: languages that are part of the
Semitic family and share vocabulary and
numerous grammatical features with Hebrew.
The principal cognate languages are
Akkadian, Aramaic and Ugaritic. Among
several other less significant cognates are
Arabic, Moabite, Ammonite, Amorite, Ethiopic
and Syriac. The literature written in
these languages is referred to as cognate literature.
colophon: a statement or phrase placed at
the end of a document, or a literary segment
that may serve as a summary or simply
as an end marker.
concubine: a secondary wife, who may
have come to the marriage without a dowry
and whose children may not inherit
from their father unless he publicly declares
them as his heirs.
corporate identity: a group is treated as a
single unit. Reflected in a legal principle
that rewards or punishes an entire household
for the righteousness or the sins of the
head of the household.
covenant: a contractual agreement associated
in the Bible with the agreement between
Yahweh and the Israelites that
promises land and children in exchange for
exclusive worship and obedience.
cult: the organization and activities of a religious
group, including sacrifice and other
rituals.
cuneiform: the wedge-shaped syllabic script
invented by the Sumerians and used by every
subsequent civilization in Mesopotamia
until the coming of the Greeks.
demotic: a shorthand version, dating back
to 700 B.C., of the Egyptian language
known as hieratic, a more practical cursive
script than its precursor, pictographic hieroglyphics.
Dilmun: an Edenlike land in Mesopotamian
mythology. Utnapishtim, the hero of the
Gilgamesh Epic, was taken here to live eternally
after the flood.
divination: a process of determining the
will of the god(s) through the examination
of natural phenomena (cloud formations,
the entrails of sheep) or by casting lots.
Dumuzi/Tammuz: a Mesopotamian god,
consort of the goddess Ishtar, whose death
and incarceration in the underworld represented
the changes of the seasons.
Ea: Mesopotamian god of rivers and
streams who figures in the flood story of
the Gilgamesh Epic and in the Babylonian
creation story, Enuma Elish.
Early Bronze Age: the era from approximately
3300 to 2300 B.C., characterized by
the emergence of cities, the high civilization
of Early Dynastic Egypt and Sumer, as
well as bronze technology.
El: the high god in the Ugaritic pantheon
and also a generic term for a god. It would
be added to a place name (i.e., Bethel or El
Elohe-Israel) to distinguish it as a place
where a god has made his power manifest.
El Amarna: the capital of Pharaoh Akhenaten
(fourteenth century B.C.) in which archaeologists
have discovered hundreds of
royal dispatches describing rather chaotic
events in Canaan during this period.
Elam: country to the east of the Tigris River
in modern Iran.
Elohim: one of the names for the Israelite
god, generally translated as “God” in English
but occasionally used for other gods
or supernatural beings.
Emar: a Bronze Age city (Tell Meskene/Balis)
located on the northern reaches of the
Euphrates River in Syria. Texts found here
from the Late Bronze period provide insights
into daily life during the fourteenth
through the twelfth centuries B.C.
Enki and Ninhursag: a Sumerian myth
THE IVP BIBLE BACKGROUND COMMENTARY: OLD TESTAMENT 814
providing an explanation for the life-giving
properties of river water (Enki) and the
types of vegetation engendered as the water
passed through and nourished the land
(Ninhursag and her children).
Enlil: Mesopotamian storm god, the head
of the divine assembly and instigator of the
flood in the Gilgamesh Epic.
Enuma Elish: the Babylonian creation story.
Eshnunna: Mesopotamian city in the Diyala
region east of modern Baghdad that produced
a short-lived kingdom between 2100
and 2000 B.C. and a law code that contains
some parallels to Hammurabi’s Code and
biblical law.
Etana: ancient Mesopotamian king, the
subject of a legend in which he obtains a
plant from heaven that provides fertility
and thus is able to father a son to continue
his rule. His flight to heaven is on the back
of an eagle and thus he is depicted on ancient
seals.
etiology: story that attempts to explain the
origin of a name, a custom or a current reality,
such as death or painful childbirth.
execration: a method of cursing an enemy
by fashioning a doll or an incantation bowl
containing the name of the accursed party.
exorcism: a ritual, including spells and incantations,
designed to cast out or remove
demons from persons or places.
fertility worship: a dominant religious
practice in much of the ancient world. The
principal gods were paired as male and female,
and their rites were designed to insure
plentiful rain, plant growth and
bountiful harvests and herds. This worship
could include sacrifices as well as sacred
prostitution. In a society dominated by
farming and herding, fertility is of utmost
importance.
funerary: rituals and objects involved with
the internment of the dead. Funerary rites
were also part of a larger system of ancestor
worship.
Gilgamesh: Sumerian king of Uruk who is
the prototypical hero of Mesopotamian literature.
His epic contains a quest for the secret
of immortality and a flood story.
glyptic: a type of engraved art featured especially
on seals where the design is engraved
in reverse so that its impression on
clay or wax will be embossed and upright.
Habiru: a term used in Mesopotamian
texts for stateless persons.
Hammurabi: Babylonian king (1792-1750
B.C.) who compiled a law code containing a
number of parallels with biblical law.
henotheism: a religion that acknowledges
the existence of other gods but often insists
on the supremacy of one’s own god.
herem: “holy war” or the “ban” which requires
the complete destruction of all persons,
animals and property as a dedicatory
sacrifice to Yahweh.
Herodotus: a Greek historian who lived in
the fifth century B.C. He is best known for
his Histories (ca. 445 B.C.), which document
the history of the Persian Wars against the
Greeks, such as the battles at Marathon,
Thermopylae and Salamis.
Hesiod: a Greek philosopher from the
eight century B.C. His major work was the
Theogony, the earliest known Greek account
of creation and the origins of the gods.
hieroglyphic: the pictographic, syllabic
script developed by the ancient Egyptians.
Hittites: an Indo-European people who migrated
into Anatolia after 2000 B.C. and created
an empire that challenged Egypt for
control of Syro-Palestine during the midsecond
millennium. They also produced a
law code with parallels to biblical law.
Hurrian: a non-Semitic people who created
a kingdom in Mitanni, central Mesopotamia,
during the mid-second millennium.
Hyksos: an alliance of Semitic peoples,
perhaps from the resurgent cities of Middle
Bronze Canaan, who settled in Egypt and
gained control of major portions of the
country c. 1750 B.C. They eventually came
to rule most of Lower Egypt, with their
capital at Avaris, until c. 1570 B.C.
iconography: pictoral, rather than verbal,
messages inscribed on ancient artifacts.
These images include three-dimensional
objects, reliefs, paintings, seals and even
graffiti. As visuals, they are an important
source of information that complement the
textual data.
impurity: a state of being in which an individual,
a group or an object has been polluted
through an unlawful act or through
contact with an impure person or thing.
The result is ritual impurity, which prohibits
a person or group from participating in
religious activities and may (in the case of
leprosy) require expulsion. Rituals of purification
are required to remove this stigma
and restore the person or group to full participation.
815 GLOSSARY
in situ: a term applied to the resting place
or “find spot” of an artifact that has been
uncovered and recorded by archaeologists.
Iron Age: the era in ancient Near Eastern
history from 1200 to 300 B.C. characterized
by the use of iron technology.
Ishtar: Mesopotamian goddess of love, the
consort of Dumuzi, who appears in Gilgamesh’s
flood story.
Josephus: Jewish historian from the first
century A.D. His two great works, Antiquities
of the Jews and Jewish Wars, offer a detailed
look at Jewish perspectives on their
times and their history.
Kassites: a people originally from the
mountainous region in northern Mesopotamia
who conquered the Old Babylonian
kingdom about 1595 B.C. and ruled in
Babylon until 1157 B.C.
Keret: the king hero of a Ugaritic tale in
which he receives instructions from the
gods concerning how to acquire a wife and
an heir to his throne. This family crisis is
only one of a series that includes illness
and rebellion by one of his sons.
Lagash: third-millennium Sumerian citystate
(el-Hiba) containing several urban
centers, which contested for control of the
region with Ur, Uruk and Kish.
Larsa: early second-millennium Sumerian
city, ten miles east of Uruk and twenty
miles north of Ur.
Late Bronze Age: the chronological era
from 1550 to 1200 B.C., which is marked by
the Amarna age and New Kingdom in
Egypt, the Hittite empire in Anatolia and
the invasion of the Sea Peoples.
Levant: the area of the eastern Mediterranean.
Also referred to as Syro-Palestine.
Leviathan: a sea serpent associated with
the chaotic powers of the sea. The name is
found in Ugaritic mythological texts as
well as Job, Psalms and Isaiah.
Lipit-Ishtar: king of the Ur III dynasty in
Mesopotamia who produced a law code
that parallels some aspects of biblical law.
Marduk: principal god of Babylon who defeats
Tiamat in the creation story Enuma Elish
and becomes the head of the divine
assembly.
Mari: Mesopotamian city on the northern
reaches of the Euphrates River that thrived
from 2500 to 1700 B.C. and produced thousands
of cuneiform documents describing
political events, prophetic activity and the
pastoral nomadic peoples of northern Syria.
Middle Bronze Age: the chronological era
from 2300 to 1550 B.C., which includes the
period of Israel’s ancestors, the Old Babylonian
period and Egyptian control of Syro-
Palestine.
Mitanni: the kingdom of the Hurrians in
central Mesopotamia during the mid-second
millennium B.C.
monolatry: a situation where a person or
group has determined to worship only one
God regardless of whether other gods exist
or not.
Nazirite: an Israelite (either male or female)
who takes an oath to refrain from
consuming any product of the grape, from
coming in contact with the dead and from
cutting his or her hair.
Nineveh: the capital of the Assyrian empire
on the upper reaches of the Tigris River.
Nuzi: a Hurrian city of the sixteenth and
fifteenth centuries B.C. that has provided
family and business documents documenting
marriage and inheritance customs similar
to those in the ancestral stories.
Old Babylonian: a period of Mesopotamian
history from 2025 to 1595 B.C. highlighted
by the reign of Hammurabi (1792-1750
B.C.), who produced a law code and united
all of the city-states under his rule.
oracle: a prophetic speech or a reading of
divine will through the use of divination.
Osiris: the Egyptian god of the underworld.
pollution (uncleanness): ritual impurity is
caused by contact with or consumption of
polluted items, such as blood, and can only
be removed through ritual acts designed to
take away the person’s impurity and transform
him or her from an unclean to a clean
state.
pseudepigraphic: literature produced under
the persona of a respected and wellknown
individual. Old Testament pseudepigraphal
works are attributed to people
such as Enoch and Ezra, and date to the intertestamental
period or later.
purity: to be in compliance with the law
and free to participate in religious and social
activities. This state may be achieved
through proper action, ritual purification
or sacrifices.
ritual acts: a prescribed set of actions taken
for religious purposes, such as a sacrifice.
ritual prostitution: the practice of sexual
THE IVP BIBLE BACKGROUND COMMENTARY: OLD TESTAMENT 816
acts as part of a religious ceremony, to promote
fertility or to enrich a sanctuary.
Sea Peoples: a mixed group of peoples
from throughout the Mediterranean area
who served as mercenaries in the Egyptian
and Hittite armies until about 1200 B.C.
when they made a collective attack on the
major civilizations of the Near East and
disrupted them enough to allow for the
emergence of new peoples in Canaan.
Sinuhe: an official of Pharaoh Amenemhat
I (1991-1962 B.C.) who was exiled in
Canaan for many years before being pardoned
and allowed to return to Egypt. His
story contains some parallels to that of the
ancestors in Genesis as well as the story of
Moses.
Sumer: the southernmost area of ancient
Mesopotamia. It produced the first true
civilization in that region about 3500 B.C.,
invented cuneiform script and created
many of the myths that sustained religion
for the next several millennia.
sympathetic magic: the ritualistic representation
of reality in an object. A person’s
name, hair or blood may be used, or images
may be made of the person or thing to be
affected. The idea is for the person’s essence
to be linked or transferred to the representative
object.
syncretism: the borrowing of cultural
ideas, practices, and beliefs and combining
them with one’s own.
tell: an artificial hill that has been created
by the successive layers of settlements on
that site.
theophany: the appearance of God to a human
being, as in the “burning bush.”
theophoric: personal names that contain a
reference to a named deity. Theophoric
names such as Isaiah, Ezekiel, Jerubbaal
and Nebuchadnezzar often make statements
about the deity.
Thoth: the Egyptian moon god.
Tiamat: primordial Mesopotamian goddess
of salt water, the consort of Apsu, god
of fresh water. She is Marduk’s opponent in
the creation story Enuma Elish.
Ugarit: northern Syrian seaport city that
controlled the Mediterranean carrying
trade from approximately 1600 to 1200 B.C.,
when it was destroyed by the Sea Peoples.
Several Ugaritic epic stories have been discovered
that help illumine biblical stories
from the ancestral and settlement periods.
Ugaritic culture is thought to have approximated
Canaanite culture.
Ur III: the period of Mesopotamian history
from 2120 to 1800 B.C. founded by Ur-Nammu,
centered in the city of Ur and characterized
by a brief revival of Sumerian
culture.
Ur-Nammu: Ur III king, father of Shulgi,
who produced a law code that has some
parallels with biblical law.
Uruk: third- and early second-millennium
Sumerian city ruled by Gilgamesh.
Utnapishtim: hero of the flood story in the
Gilgamesh Epic.
Wenamon: a priest of the Egyptian god
Amon (c. 1100 B.C.), sent as an envoy to obtain
logs for the royal barge from the rulers
of Syria and the Phoenician coast. His mission
was delayed by the weak stature of
Egypt at that time and the chaotic political
conditions following the invasion of the
Sea Peoples.
Xenophon: Greek historian writing early in
the fourth century B.C. His most famous
historical work, Anabasis, focuses on the
battle between Cyrus the Younger and Artaxerxes
II.
Yahweh: one of the names for the Israelite
God, sometimes anglicized as Jehovah and
translated in English as “LORD.”
817 CHARTS AND MAPS
THE IVP BIBLE BACKGROUND COMMENTARY: OLD TESTAMENT 818
819 CHARTS AND MAPS
THE IVP BIBLE BACKGROUND COMMENTARY: OLD TESTAMENT 820
821 CHARTS AND MAPS
Comparative Ancient Near Eastern Chronology 10,000-2100 B.C.
Anatolia/Syria Mesopotamia Palestine Egypt
10000
Mesolithic:
Natufian
8000
Neolithic
Pre-pottery
Jarmo 5000
Hassuna Neolithic
Samarra Pottery
Halaf Period
4300
Ubaid Chalcolithic:
(4300-3500) Ghassulian
South: North: 3300
Uruk Tepe
(3500-3100) Gawra
(3500-2900)
Pro-literate
Jemdet 3000 Early
Nasr Bronze
(3100-2900) I
2900
Early
Dynastic I
2800
Early
Bronze
II
2700
Early
Dynastic
II
2600
Early 2530 Early
Dynastic Bronze
III III
2400
Akkadian 2300
Period
Early
Gutian Period: 2200 Bronze
Dynasty IV
of Lagash
2100
Predynastic
Preiod:
Fayyum A, Deir
Tasa Badarian,
Amratian
Gerzean
Protodynastic
Period:
Dynasties I and II
(3000-2700)
Old Kingdom
Pyramid Age
Dynasties III-V
(2700-2350)
Dynasty VI
(2350-2160)
First Intermediate
Period
(2160-2010)
A
N
C
I
E
N
T
H
A
T
T
I
THE IVP BIBLE BACKGROUND COMMENTARY: OLD TESTAMENT 822
Comparative Ancient Near Eastern Chronology 2100-332 B.C.
Anatolia/Syria Mesopotamia Palestine Egypt
2100
Ur III
Dynasty Middle
2000 Bronze I
Isin-Larsa Patriarchs
1900
Elam-Amorite
Invasions Middle Bronze
1800 IIA sojourn
Old Hittite
Empire Old Babylonian
(1800-1600) Period: 1700
Age of Middle Bronze
Hammurabi IIB & C
Sojourn
1600
1500 Late Bronze I
Mitanni-Hurrian Exodus and
Empire Conquest
(1500-1350) Kassite 1400
Period Late Bronze II
Neo-Hittite 1300 Judges to
Empire Deborah
(1460-1200)
1200
Neo-Hittites Iron I
of North Syria Assyrian 1100 Judges and
Through rise to United
Eighth Century power 1000 Monarchy
900
Syrian Assyrian 800 Iron II
Strength till Empire Divided
Fall of Damascus Monarchy
(732) 700
Neo-Babylonian
Empire 600
PERSIAN CONTROL (539-332)
Middle
Kingdom:
Dynasties XI-XII
(2106-1786)
Second
Intermediate
Period:
Hyksos
(1786-1550)
New Kingdom
(1550-1069):
Dynasty XVIII
(1550-1295)
Dynasty XIX
Empire Age
(1295-1186)
Dynasty XX
(1186-1069)
Dynasty XXI
(1069-945)
Late Period:
Dynasties
XXII-XXVI
(945-525)
823 CHARTS AND MAPS
The Ancient Near East
THE IVP BIBLE BACKGROUND COMMENTARY: OLD TESTAMENT 824
Mediterranean Sea
Nile
Persian Gulf
Red Sea
Tigris
Arvad
Asshur
Babylon
Calah
Carchemish
Cuthah
Damascus
Dedan
Duma
Ecbatana
Elath
Hamath
Haran
Joppa Jerusalem
Larsa
Memphis
Nineveh
Nippur
Qarqar
Samaria
Sidon
Susa
Tarsus
Tema
Thebes
Tyre
Ur
Euphrates
Abydos
Assyrian Empire c. 640 B.C.
Assyrian Empire c. 824 B.C.
Assyrian Empire
825 CHARTS AND MAPS
Mediterranean Sea
Nile
Persian Gulf
Red Sea
Tigris
Arvad
Asshur
Calah
Carchemish
Damascus Opis
Dedan
Duma
Elath
Hamath
Haran
Joppa Jerusalem
Erech
Memphis
Nineveh
Qarqar
Samaria
Sidon
Susa
Tarsus
Tema
Thebes
Tyre
Ur
Euphrates
Cuthah
Babylon Nippur
New Babylonian Empire 625-529 B.C.
THE IVP BIBLE BACKGROUND COMMENTARY: OLD TESTAMENT 826
Mediterranean Sea
Nile
Persian Gulf
Red Sea
Tigris
Arvad
Asshur
Calah
Carchemish
Damascus Opis
Dedan
Duma
Elath
Hamath
Haran
Joppa Jerusalem
Erech
Memphis
Nineveh
Qarqar
Samaria
Sidon
Susa
Tarsus
Tema
Thebes
Tyre
Ur
Euphrates
Kingdom of
Egypt
(663-525 B.C.)
New
Babylonian
Empire
(625-529 B.C.)
Median Empire (612-550 B.C.)
Persian Empire 500 B.C.
Boundaries of major powers c. 560 B.C.
Babylon
Cuthah
Nippur
Persian Empire and Major Empires of the 6th Century B.C.
827 CHARTS AND MAPS
Sea
Galilee
Beth-
Shemesh
Beth-Shan
Heshbon
Kir-Hareseth
Mahanaim
Punan
Tirzah
Dead
Sea
Jordan River
Mediterranean Sea of
Acco
Adam
Aphek
Arad
Ashdod
Ashkelon
Ashtaroth
Beersheba
Bethel
Bozrah
Damascus
Dan
Dibon
Dor
En-Gedi
Ezion-Geber
Gaza
Gerar
Gilgal
Hazor
Hebron
Ibleam
Jerusalem
Joppa
Kadesh-Barnea
Lachish
Lod
Megiddo
Oboth
Petra
Rabbah
Ramoth-Gilead
Samaria
Shechem
Shiloh
Sidon
Soco
Succoth
Tyre
Zoar
The King’s Highway
Main Routes
Secondary Routes
The King’s Highway
Great Trunk Road
Great TrunkRoad
Roads of Palestine
THE IVP BIBLE BACKGROUND COMMENTARY: OLD TESTAMENT 828
Dead Sea
Sea
of Galilee
Kishon
Harod
Yarmuk
Wadi Iron
Yabis
Jordan River
Wadi Faria
Jabbok
Wadi Shueib
Wadi Khefrein
Zerqa
Wadi E l Mohib
(Arn on)
Wadi El Hasa (Ze r ed )
Wadi Marra
Arabah
Besor
Wadi El ‘Ain
Guvr in
Elah
S o rek
Ai jal o n
Yarqon
Wadi Nablus
Wadi Nu‘eima
Wadi
Qilt
Wadi
Swenit
Wadi
Eth-Themed
Ras en-Naqb
•
Rivers and Wadis of Palestine
829 CHARTS AND MAPS
Wadi
El Hesa
Wadi
Gharandal
Wadi
Tumilat
Bitter
Lakes
DEAD SEA
GULF OF SUEZ
GULF OF AQABA
MEDITERRANEAN SEA
Lake
Timsah
Lake
Balah
Ain
El-Khadra
Bir Marah
Elath
Elim (Ayun Musa)
Er-Raha Plain
El Markha Plain
Jebel
Musa
Jebel
Serbal
Kadesh Barnea
Serabit El Khadim
(Dophka)
SINAI WILDERNESS
OF PARAN
WILDERNESS
OF SIN
WILDERNESS
OF ZIN
Wadi Feiran
Wadi Refayid
WadiBa’ba
Rivers and Wadis of Egypt and Sinai
Topical Index
Topical Index
1. . . . in the Ancient Near East
2. Material Culture
3. People Groups
4. Places
5. Religion
6. Society and Institutions
7. Stages of Life
8. Miscellaneous
9. Alphabetical Listing of Topics
1. . . . in the Ancient Near East
afterlife beliefs, Is 14
arbitrator, Job 9:33
astral worship, Deut 4:19
blessings, Num 6:24-26
boundary lists, Josh 13:1
conquest narratives, Josh
10:16-43
consulting the dead, 1 Sam
28:8-11
cosmic control, Job 9:5-9
council of the gods, Is 40:13-14
creation of people, Gen 1:26-31
death, preference for, Job 7:15-16
dietary restrictions, Lev 11:2
divorce, Deut 22:29
drunkenness, Is 28:7
eclipses, Joel 2:31
election before birth, Jer 1:5
endowed with divine spirit,
Is 11:2
festivals and holy days, Num
28:1-30
financial systems, Deut 15:1-11
firstfruit offering, Deut 26:1-15
foretelling by dreams, Deut
13:1-5
idols, Jer 10:5
incubation dreams, 1 Sam 3:3
individual responsibility, Ezek
18:20
judges bribed, Is 5:23
judicial structures, Deut 1:16
king chosen by deity, Deut
17:14-20
kingship, 1 Sam 8:6
laments, Lamentations sidebar;
Ezek 19:1
life expectancy, Deut 31:2;
Ps 90:10; Is 40:6-7
mining, Job 28:11
monotheism, Deut 6:4
omnipresence, divine, Ps
139:8-12
omniscience, divine, Ps 139:2-4
oppressive laws, Is 10:1
parables and allegories, Is 5:1-2
pathology, Deut 28:22
persuasive oration, 1 Sam
25:23-31
physicians’ methods, Job 13:4
prophecy, Deut 18:14-22; Jonah
3:4
punishment, divine, Deut
32:23-25
refuge, cities of, Deut 19:2-3
refugees, Jer 40:11-12
resurrection, Is 26:19; Dan 12:2
road building, Is 40:3-4
sabbath, Is 58:13
sages, Prov 1:1
shepherd king, Ezek 34:7-16
slave laws, Ex 21:2-6
slave trade, Deut 24:7
spies, Josh 2:2
substitutionary rites, Is 53:4-10
temple ideology, 2 Chron 7:16
temple restoration, 2 Chron 24:4
tithing, Num 18:21-32
traditional instruction, Job 8:8-10
treaty curses and blessings, Deut
28:2-11
trial by ordeal, Num 5:23-24
usury, Ezek 18:8
verdict by omen, Deut 17:8-13
winged guardians, Ezek 1:5
wisdom, source of, Job 28:20-27
2. Material Culture
amulets, Deut 6:8
chariots, 2 Sam 8:4
fortifications, Is 2:15
gates and bars, Deut 3:5; Judg
16:3
grinding mill, Judg 16:21
house architecture, Josh 2:6; 6:1
iron, 1 Sam 13:19-20
loom weaving, Judg 16:13-14
metallurgy, Is 1:22
musical instruments, Gen 4:21;
1 Sam 10:5; 2 Sam 6:5; 2 Chron
20:28; Ps 150; Dan 3:5
seals, Neh 9:38; Jer 32
shofar, Ex 19:13
siege ramps, Jer 6:6; 32:24
temple architecture, Judg 16:29
trumpets for signaling, Num
31:6; Josh 6:4-5
writing, Ex 24:4
3. People Groups
Amalekites, Gen 36:12; Num
24:20
Ammonites, Deut 2:19
Amorites, Num 21:21; Deut 1:19
Arabians, Is 21:13
Aramaeans, Gen 28:5; 2 Sam 8:5
Assyrians, Is 7:17
Cushites, Is 18:1
Edomites, Is 21:11
Egyptians, Is 19:1
Hittites, Gen 23:2-20
Hivites, Gen 34:2; Josh 9:7
Jebusites, Judg 1:21
Kenites, Judg 1:16
Midianites, Judg 6:1
Moabites, Is 15:1
Philistines, Judg 13:1; Is 14:29
Rephaim, Deut 2:11; Josh 12:4
4. Places
Ai, Josh 7:2
Arad, Num 21:1-3; Josh 12:14;
Judg 1:16
Arpad, Is 10:9
Ashdod, 1 Sam 5:1
Ashkelon, Judg 1:18; 14:19
Beersheba, Gen 22:19
Beth Shemesh, Josh 21:16; 1 Sam
6:9
Bethel, Josh 8:9; Judg 1:22-23
Bethshean, Josh 17:16; Judg 1:27;
1 Sam 31:10-12
Calno, Is 10:9
Carchemish, Is 10:9
Damascus, 2 Sam 8:5; Is 17:1
Dan, Judg 18:29
Ekron, Judg 1:18; 1 Sam 5:10
Gath, 1 Sam 5:8
Gaza, Judg 1:18
Gezer, Josh 10:33; 21:21
Gibeon, Josh 9:3
Hamath, Is 10:9
Hazor, Josh 11:1; Judg 4:2
Hebron, Gen 13:18; Num 13;
Josh 10:3
Heshbon, Deut 2:26
Jericho, Josh 2:1
Jerusalem, Josh 10:1; 2 Sam 5:6
Kiriath-jearim, 1 Sam 6:21
Lachish, Josh 10:3; 2 Chron 32;
Mic 1:13
Libnah, 2 Chron 21:10
Mahanaim, 2 Sam 2:8
Megiddo, Josh 12:21
Michmash, 1 Sam 13:2
Nineveh, Jon 1
Ramah, 2 Chron 16:1
Ramoth Gilead, 2 Chron 18:2
Samaria, 1 Kings 16:24
Shechem, Gen 12:6; 33:18-19;
Josh 24:1; Judg 9:1
Shiloh, 1 Sam 1:3
Susa, Esther 1:2
Tirzah, 1 Kings 16:6
Tyre, 2 Sam 5:11; Is 23:1, 3
Ziklag, 1 Sam 27:6
5. Religion
afterlife, Psalms: Common
Concepts sidebar; Is 14:9
ancestor cult, Num 3:1; Deut
18:11; 1 Sam 28:8-11
angry deities, Deut 9:28
ark, Ex 25:10-22
Asherah poles, Ex 34:13; Deut
7:5; 12:3; Judg 6:25
Ashtoreths, Judg 2:13
astral worship, Deut 4:19; 17:3;
2 Kings 23:4; 2 Chron 33:5
Baal, Judg 2:11-13
burnt offering, Lev 1:3-4
Chemosh, Judg 11:24
cherubim, Ex 25:18-20
consulting the dead, 1 Sam
28:8-11
corpse contamination, Num 19:11
cultic prostitution, Deut 23:17-18
Dagon, Judg 16:23
divination, Lev 19:26; Deut
18:10-13; Gen 30:27
divine assembly, Is 40:13-14
divine destruction, Is 10:22-23
divine kingship, Ex 15:3; 1 Sam
8:7
divine punishment, Deut
32:23-25
divine warrior, 1 Sam 4:3-7;
Psalms: Common Concepts
sidebar
dreams, Gen 37:5-11; 40:5-18;
Deut 13:1-5; 1 Sam 3:3; Dan 2:4
earthquake, 1 Sam 14:15
El Shaddai, Gen 17:1-2
fasting, 1 Sam 7:6
fat/suet, Lev 3:1-5
high places, 1 Sam 9:12
idols, Lev 26:1; Deut 4:15-18;
Is 2:8; 40:19; 44:17-18
831 TOPICAL INDEX
incense, Ex 30:7-8; Jer 44:18
magicians/wise men, Gen
41:8-16
Marduk (Bel), Is 46:1
mediums/spiritists, Lev 19:31;
Deut 18:11
Milcom, 1 Kings 11:5, 7
Molech, Lev 18:21; Deut 18:10
monotheism, Deut 6:4
Nebo, Is 46:1
New Moon Festival, 1 Sam 20:5
omens, Deut 18:10
outdoor shrines, Deut 12:2
prayer, 1 Sam 1:13
priests, Ex 28:1; Num 3:7-10;
18:1-7
prophet, Deut 18:14-22
sacred compass, Lev 10:10; 16:2;
Num 18:1-7
sacred pillars, Gen 28:18-19
sorcery, Deut 18:10
teraphim, Gen 31:19
theophanies, 1 Kings 19:11-13
thunder, 1 Sam 7:10
uncleanness, Lev 12:1
visions, Gen 15:1
whirlwind, Nahum 1:3
worship, Psalms: Common Concepts
sidebar
6. Society and Institutions
bowing to honor, Gen 43:26
census, Ex 30:11-16
city gate, Gen 34:20
debt slavery, Ex 21:2-6
eunuchs, Is 56:4-5; Esther 1:10
exogamy, Ezra 9:10-12
interest and moneylending,
Ex 22:25; Lev 25:38; Deut 15
judiciary system, Ex 18:13-27;
Deut 1:9-18; 16:18-20; 17
kingship, 1 Sam 8:6
mercenaries, 2 Chron 25:6
political marriages, Deut 17:17;
Judg 12:8; 1 Sam 25:39-44;
1 Kings 11:1
primogeniture, 1 Kings 1:5-6
queen mother, 1 Kings 2:19
scribes, 1 Chron 24:6; Neh 8:1
scrolls, Jer 30:2
siege warfare, 2 Chron 32:9;
Jer 32:24
slavery, Lev 25:39-55; Deut
23:15-16; Eccles 2:7
taxation, 2 Chron 24:5
trial by ordeal, Num 5:23-24
vulnerable classes, Ex 22:22-24
warfare, Deut 20:10-15
7. Stages of Life
barrenness, Gen 11:30
bride price/dowry, Gen 29:18-20
burial practices, Gen 23:4-5
concubines, Gen 16:2; 25:1-4
corpse exposure, Josh 8:29;
1 Kings 16:4; 21:19; 2 Kings
9:36; Is 14:19
disease, Gen 12:17
divorce, Deut 22:29
firstborn right, Deut 21:15-17
genealogies, Gen 5:1-32
life expectancy, Deut 31:1
marriage customs, Gen 29:21-24;
Deut 22:23, 25; Judg 14:10; 15:1
marriages, arranged, Judg 14:2
mourning practices, Gen
37:34-35; Lev 10:6-7; 19:28;
Deut 14:1-2; Esther 4:1
pathology, Deut 28:15-68
polygamy, Gen 4:19; 1 Sam 1:2
Sheol, Is 14:9
widows, Gen 38:11; Ex 22:22-24
women, role of, Num 30:3-15
8. Miscellaneous
angel of the Lord, Num 22:22-35;
Judg 6:11
anointing/oil, Lev 8:1-9; 1 Sam
16:1
blessings, Num 6:22
camels, Gen 24:10-11
Canaanite perversions,
Lev 18:24-28
cannibalism, Is 9:20
cavalry, Jer 6:23
constellations, Is 13:10; Amos 5:8
creation, Psalms: Common Concepts
sidebar
Day of the Lord, Joel 2:1
gems, 2 Chron 9:9
God’s Land, Lev 25:23
gold amounts, 1 Chron 22:14
marble, 1 Chron 29:2
numbers, Josh 8:3; Judg 20:2;
2 Chron 11:1; 13:2-20; Ex 12:37
religious calendar, Lev 23:1-44;
Num 28:1-30
retribution principle, Psalms:
Common Concepts sidebar
seasons, Deut 11:11-15
soul, Ps 42:2
spirit of the Lord, Judg 6:34-35;
1 Sam 10:6; 11:6; 16:13-14
temple restoration, 2 Chron 24:4
tithing, Num 18:21-32; Deut
14:22-29
victory songs, Judg 5:1-3
vineyards, Is 5:1-6
vows, Lev 27:2-13; 1 Sam 1:11
world upside-down, Jer 4:23-26
yoke imagery, Nahum 1:13
9. Alphabetical Listing of Topics
afterlife, Psalms: Common Concepts
sidebar; Is 14:9
afterlife beliefs, Is 14
Ai, Josh 7:2
Amalekites, Gen 36:12; Num
24:20
Ammonites, Deut 2:19
Amorites, Num 21:21; Deut 1:19
amulets, Deut 6:8
ancestor cult, Num 3:1; Deut
18:11; 1 Sam 28:8-11
angel of the Lord, Num 22:22-35;
Judg 6:11
angry deities, Deut 9:28
anointing/oil, Lev 8:1-9; 1 Sam
16:1
Arabians, Is 21:13
Arad, Num 21:1-3; Josh 12:14;
Judg 1:16
Aramaeans, Gen 28:5; 2 Sam 8:5
arbitrator, Job 9:33
ark, Ex 25:10-22
Arpad, Is 10:9
Ashdod, 1 Sam 5:1
Asherah poles, Ex 34:13; Deut
7:5; 12:3; Judg 6:25
Ashkelon, Judg 1:18; 14:19
Ashtoreths, Judg 2:13
Assyrians, Is 7:17
astral worship, Deut 4:19; 17:3;
2 Kings 23:4; 2 Chron 33:5
Baal, Judg 2:11-13
barrenness, Gen 11:30
Beersheba, Gen 22:19
Beth Shemesh, Josh 21:16; 1 Sam
6:9
Bethel, Josh 8:9; Judg 1:22-23
Bethshean, Josh 17:16; Judg 1:27;
1 Sam 31:10-12
blessings, Num 6:22, 24-26
boundary lists, Josh 13:1
bowing to honor, Gen 43:26
bride price/dowry, Gen 29:18-20
burial practices, Gen 23:4-5
burnt offering, Lev 1:3-4
Calno, Is 10:9
camels, Gen 24:10-11
Canaanite perversions, Lev
18:24-28
cannibalism, Is 9:20
Carchemish, Is 10:9
cavalry, Jer 6:23
census, Ex 30:11-16
chariots, 2 Sam 8:4
Chemosh, Judg 11:24
cherubim, Ex 25:18-20
city gate, Gen 34:20
concubines, Gen 16:2; 25:1-4
conquest narratives, Josh 10:16-
43
constellations, Is 13:10; Amos 5:8
consulting the dead, 1 Sam 28:8-
11
corpse contamination, Num 19:11
corpse exposure, Josh 8:29;
1 Kings 16:4; 21:19; 2 Kings
9:36; Is 14:19
cosmic control, Job 9:5-9
council of the gods, Is 40:13-14
creation, Psalms: Common Concepts
sidebar
creation of people, Gen 1:26-31
cultic prostitution, Deut 23:17-18
Cushites, Is 18:1
Dagon, Judg 16:23
Damascus, 2 Sam 8:5; Is 17:1
Dan, Judg 18:29
Day of the Lord, Joel 2:1
death, preference for, Job 7:15-16
debt slavery, Ex 21:2-6
dietary restrictions, Lev 11:2
disease, Gen 12:17
divination, Lev 19:26; Deut 18:10-
13; Gen 30:27
divine assembly, Is 40:13-14
divine destruction, Is 10:22-23
divine kingship, Ex 15:3; 1 Sam
8:7
divine warrior, 1 Sam 4:3-7;
Psalms: Common Concepts
sidebar
divorce, Deut 22:29
dreams, Gen 37:5-11; 40:5-18;
Deut 13:1-5; 1 Sam 3:3; Dan 2:4
drunkenness, Is 28:7
earthquake, 1 Sam 14:15
eclipses, Joel 2:31
Edomites, Is 21:11
Egyptians, Is 19:1
THE IVP BIBLE BACKGROUND COMMENTARY: OLD TESTAMENT 832
Ekron, Judg 1:18; 1 Sam 5:10
El Shaddai, Gen 17:1-2
election before birth, Jer 1:5
endowed with divine spirit,
Is 11:2
eunuchs, Esther 1:10; Is 56:4-5
exogamy, Ezra 9:10-12
fasting, 1 Sam 7:6
fat/suet, Lev 3:1-5
festivals and holy days, Num
28:1-30
financial systems, Deut 15:1-11
firstborn right, Deut 21:15-17
firstfruit offering, Deut 26:1-15
foretelling by dreams, Deut 13:1-
5
fortifications, Is 2:15
gates and bars, Deut 3:5; Judg
16:3
Gath, 1 Sam 5:8
Gaza, Judg 1:18
gems, 2 Chron 9:9
genealogies, Gen 5:1-32
Gezer, Josh 10:33; 21:21
Gibeon, Josh 9:3
God’s Land, Lev 25:23
gold amounts, 1 Chron 22:14
grinding mill, Judg 16:21
Hamath, Is 10:9
Hazor, Josh 11:1; Judg 4:2
Hebron, Gen 13:18; Num 13;
Josh 10:3
Heshbon, Deut 2:26
high places, 1 Sam 9:12
Hittites, Gen 23:2-20
Hivites, Gen 34:2; Josh 9:7
house architecture, Josh 2:6; 6:1
idols, Lev 26:1; Deut 4:15-18; Is
2:8; 40:19; 44:17-18; Jer 10:5
incense, Ex 30:7-8; Jer 44:18
incubation dreams, 1 Sam 3:3
individual responsibility, Ezek
18:20
interest and moneylending,
Ex 22:25; Lev 25:38; Deut 15
iron, 1 Sam 13:19-20
Jebusites, Judg 1:21
Jericho, Josh 2:1
Jerusalem, Josh 10:1; 2 Sam 5:6
judges bribed, Is 5:23
judicial structures, Deut 1:16
judiciary system, Ex 18:13-27;
Deut 1:9-18; 16:18-20; 17
Kenites, Judg 1:16
king chosen by deity, Deut 17:14-
20
kingship, 1 Sam 8:6
Kiriath-jearim, 1 Sam 6:21
Lachish, Josh 10:3; 2 Chron 32;
Mic 1:13
laments, Lamentations sidebar;
Ezek 19:1
Libnah, 2 Chron 21:10
life expectancy, Deut 31:1, 2;
Ps 90:10; Is 40:6-7
loom weaving, Judg 16:13-14
magicians/wise men, Gen 41:8-
16
Mahanaim, 2 Sam 2:8
marble, 1 Chron 29:2
Marduk (Bel), Is 46:1
marriage customs, Gen 29:21-24;
Deut 22:23, 25; Judg 14:10; 15:1
marriages, arranged, Judg 14:2
mediums/spiritists, Lev 19:31;
Deut 18:11
Megiddo, Josh 12:21
mercenaries, 2 Chron 25:6
metallurgy, Is 1:22
Michmash, 1 Sam 13:2
Midianites, Judg 6:1
Milcom, 1 Kings 11:5, 7
mining, Job 28:11
Moabites, Is 15:1
Molech, Lev 18:21; Deut 18:10
monotheism, Deut 6:4
mourning practices, Gen 37:34-
35; Lev 10:6-7; 19:28; Deut 14:1-
2; Esther 4:1
musical instruments, Gen 4:21;
1 Sam 10:5; 2 Sam 6:5; 2 Chron
20:28; Ps 150; Dan 3:5
Nebo, Is 46:1
New Moon Festival, 1 Sam 20:5
Nineveh, Jon 1
numbers, Josh 8:3; Judg 20:2;
2 Chron 11:1; 13:2-20; Ex 12:37
omens, Deut 18:10
omnipresence, divine, Ps 139:8-
12
omniscience, divine, Ps 139:2-4
oppressive laws, Is 10:1
outdoor shrines, Deut 12:2
parables and allegories, Is 5:1-2
pathology, Deut 28:15-68
persuasive oration, 1 Sam 25:23-
31
Philistines, Judg 13:1; Is 14:29
physicians’ methods, Job 13:4
political marriages, Deut 17:17;
Judg 12:8; 1 Sam 25:39-44;
1 Kings 11:1
polygamy, Gen 4:19; 1 Sam 1:2
prayer, 1 Sam 1:13
priests, Ex 28:1; Num 3:7-10; 18:1-
7
primogeniture, 1 Kings 1:5-6
prophecy, Deut 18:14-22; Jonah
3:4
punishment, divine, Deut 32:23-
25
queen mother, 1 Kings 2:19
Ramah, 2 Chron 16:1
Ramoth Gilead, 2 Chron 18:2
refuge, cities of, Deut 19:2-3
refugees, Jer 40:11-12
religious calendar, Lev 23:1-44;
Num 28:1-30
Rephaim, Deut 2:11; Josh 12:4
resurrection, Is 26:19; Dan 12:2
retribution principle, Psalms:
Common Concepts sidebar
road building, Is 40:3-4
sabbath, Is 58:13
sacred compass, Lev 10:10; 16:2;
Num 18:1-7
sacred pillars, Gen 28:18-19
sages, Prov 1:1
Samaria, 1 Kings 16:24
scribes, 1 Chron 24:6; Neh 8:1
scrolls, Jer 30:2
seals, Neh 9:38; Jer 32
seasons, Deut 11:11-15
Shechem, Gen 12:6; 33:18-19; Josh
24:1; Judg 9:1
Sheol, Is 14:9
shepherd king, Ezek 34:7-16
Shiloh, 1 Sam 1:3
shofar, Ex 19:13
siege ramps, Jer 6:6; 32:24
siege warfare, 2 Chron 32:9; Jer
32:24
slave laws, Ex 21:2-6
slave trade, Deut 24:7
slavery, Lev 25:39-55; Deut 23:15-
16; Eccles 2:7
sorcery, Deut 18:10
soul, Ps 42:2
spies, Josh 2:2
spirit of the Lord, Judg 6:34-35;
1 Sam 10:6; 11:6; 16:13-14
substitutionary rites, Is 53:4-10
Susa, Esther 1:2
taxation, 2 Chron 24:5
temple architecture, Judg 16:29
temple ideology, 2 Chron 7:16
temple restoration, 2 Chron 24:4
teraphim, Gen 31:19
theophanies, 1 Kings 19:11-13
thunder, 1 Sam 7:10
Tirzah, 1 Kings 16:6
tithing, Num 18:21-32; Deut
14:22-29
traditional instruction, Job 8:8-10
treaty curses and blessings, Deut
28:2-11
trial by ordeal, Num 5:23-24
trumpets for signaling, Num
31:6; Josh 6:4-5
Tyre, 2 Sam 5:11; Is 23:1, 3
uncleanness, Lev 12:1
usury, Ezek 18:8
verdict by omen, Deut 17:8-13
victory songs, Judg 5:1-3
vineyards, Is 5:1-6
visions, Gen 15:1
vows, Lev 27:2-13; 1 Sam 1:11
vulnerable classes, Ex 22:22-24
warfare, Deut 20:10-15
whirlwind, Nahum 1:3
widows, Gen 38:11; Ex 22:22-24
winged guardians, Ezek 1:5
wisdom, source of, Job 28:20-27
women, role of, Num 30:3-15
world upside-down, Jer 4:23-26
worship, Psalms: Common Concepts
sidebar
writing, Ex 24:4
yoke imagery, Nahum 1:13
Ziklag, 1 Sam 27:6
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